Jean Bodin

Jean Bodin (French: [ʒɑ̃ bɔdɛ̃]; c. 1530 – 1596) was a French

Jean Bodin
jurist and political philosopher, member of the Parlement of Paris
and professor of law in Toulouse. He is known for his theory of
sovereignty. He was also an influential writer on demonology.[2]

Bodin lived during the aftermath of the Protestant Reformation and

wrote against the background of religious conflict in France. He
seemed to be a nominal Catholic throughout his life but was
critical of papal authority over governments and there was
evidence he may have converted to Protestantism during his time
in Geneva.[3][4][5] He favoured the strong central control of a
national monarchy as an antidote to factional strife. Towards the
end of his life he wrote a dialogue among different religions,
including representatives of Judaism, Islam and natural theology in
which all agreed to coexist in concord, but was not published.

Born c. 1530
Contents Angers, Maine-et-Loire,
France
Life
Early life Died 1596
Paris and Toulouse Laon, Aisne, France
The Wars of Religion and the politiques Era Renaissance philosophy
Under Henry III
Region Western philosophy
Last years
School Mercantilism
Books
Main Legal philosophy,
Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem interests political philosophy,
Economic thought: the Reply to Malestroit
economy
The Theatrum
Notable Quantity theory of
Les Six livres de la République (The Six Books of the
ideas money, absolute
Republic)
De la démonomanie des sorciers (Of the Demon- sovereignty
mania of the Sorcerers) Influences
Views Modrevius · Petrus Ramus
Law and politics Influenced
On change and progress
Giovanni Botero · Hugo Grotius[1] ·
Religious tolerance Montesquieu · Eric Voegelin
Public position
Private position in the Colloquium
Personal religious convictions
Cultural and universal history and geography
Reception
 In France
In Germany
In England
In Italy
The Papacy
In Spain
Notes
References
External links

Life
Bodin was successively a friar, academic, professional lawyer, and political adviser. An excursion as a
politician having proved a failure, he lived out his life as a provincial magistrate.

Early life

Bodin was born near Angers, possibly the son of a master tailor, into a modestly prosperous middle-class
background. He received a decent education, apparently in the Carmelite monastery of Angers, where he
became a novice friar. Some claims made about his early life remain obscure. There is some evidence of a
visit to Geneva in 1547–48 in which he became involved in a heresy trial. The records of this episode,
however, are murky and may refer to another person.

Paris and Toulouse

He obtained release from his vows in 1549 and went to Paris. He studied at the university, but also at the
humanist-oriented Collège des Quatre Langues (now the Collège de France); he was for two years a
student under Guillaume Prévost, a little-known magister in philosophy.[6] His education was not only
influenced by an orthodox Scholastic approach but was also apparently in contact with Ramist philosophy
(the thought of Petrus Ramus).

Later in the 1550s he studied Roman law at the University of Toulouse, under Arnaud du Ferrier, and
taught there. His special subject at that time seems to have been comparative jurisprudence. Subsequently,
he worked on a Latin translation of Oppian of Apamea, under the continuing patronage of Gabriel
Bouvery, Bishop of Angers. Bodin had a plan for a school on humanist principles in Toulouse, but failed to
raise local support. He left in 1560.[7][8]

The Wars of Religion and the politiques

From 1561 he was licensed as an attorney of the Parlement of Paris. His religious convictions on the
outbreak of the Wars of Religion in 1562 cannot be determined, but he affirmed formally his Catholic faith,
taking an oath that year along with other members of the Parlement.[9] He continued to pursue his interests
in legal and political theory in Paris, publishing significant works on historiography and economics.
Bodin became a member of the discussion circles around the Prince François d'Alençon (or d'Anjou from
1576). He was the intelligent and ambitious youngest son of Henry II, and was in line for the throne in
1574, with the death of his brother Charles IX. He withdrew his claim, however, in favor of his older
brother Henry III who had recently returned from his abortive effort to reign as the King of Poland.
Alençon was a leader of the politiques faction of political pragmatists.[10]

Under Henry III

After the failure of Prince François' hopes to ascend the throne, Bodin transferred his allegiance to the new
king Henry III. In practical politics, however, he lost the king's favor in 1576–7, as delegate of the Third
Estate at the Estates-General at Blois, and leader in his Estate of the February 1577 moves to prevent a new
war against the Huguenots.[11] He attempted to exert a moderating influence on the Catholic party, and also
tried restrict the passage of supplemental taxation for the king. Bodin then retired from political life; he had
married in February 1576. His wife, Françoise Trouillart, was the widow of Claude Bayard, and sister of
Nicolas Trouillart who died in 1587; both were royal attorneys in the Provost of Laon and attorneys in the
Bailiwick of Vermandois, and Bodin took over the charges.[12]

Bodin was in touch with William Wade in Paris, Lord Burghley's contact, at the time (1576) of publication
of the Six livres.[13] He later accompanied Prince François, by then Duke of Anjou, to England in 1581, in
his second attempt to woo Elizabeth I of England. On this visit Bodin saw the English Parliament.[14] He
brushed off a request to secure better treatment for English Catholics,[15] to the dismay of Robert Persons,
given that Edmund Campion was in prison at the time.[16] Bodin saw some of Campion's trial,[14] he is
said also to have witnessed Campion's execution in December 1581,[17] making the hanging the occasion
for a public letter against the use of force in matters of religion.[18] Bodin became a correspondent of
Francis Walsingham; and Michel de Castelnau passed on to Mary, Queen of Scots a prophecy supposed to
be Bodin's, on the death of Elizabeth, at the time of the Babington Plot.[19]

Prince François became Duke of Brabant in 1582, however, and embarked on an adventurer's campaign to
expand his territory. The disapproving Bodin accompanied him, and was trapped in the Prince's disastrous
raid on Antwerp that ended the attempt, followed shortly by the Prince's death in 1584.[20]

Last years

In the wars that followed the death of Henry III (1589), the Catholic League attempted to prevent the
succession of the Protestant Henry of Navarre by placing another king on the throne. Bodin initially gave
support to the powerful League; he felt it inevitable that they would score a quick victory.

He died, in Laon, during one of the many plague epidemics of the time.[7]

Books
Bodin generally wrote in French, with later Latin translations.[21] Several of the works have been seen as
influenced by Ramism, at least in terms of structure.

Bodin wrote in turn books on history, economics, politics, demonology, and natural philosophy;[22] and
also left a (later notorious) work in manuscript on religion (see under "Religious tolerance"). A modern
edition of Bodin's works was begun in 1951 as Oeuvres philosophiques de Jean Bodin by Pierre Mesnard,
but only one volume appeared.
Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem

In France, Bodin was noted as a historian for his Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (1566)
(Method for the easy knowledge of history). He wrote, "Of history, that is, the true narration of things, there
are three kinds: human, natural and divine". This book was one of the most significant contributions to the
ars historica of the period, and distinctively put an emphasis on the role of political knowledge in
interpreting historical writings.[7] He pointed out that the knowledge of historical legal systems could be
useful for contemporary legislation.

The Methodus was a successful and influential manual on the writing of technical history.[23] It answered
by means of detailed historiographical advice the skeptical line on the possibility of historical knowledge
advanced by Francesco Patrizzi.[24] It also expanded the view of historical "data" found in earlier
humanists, with the immediacy of its concerns for the social side of human life.[25]

Bodin rejected the biblical Four Monarchies model, taking an unpopular position at the time,[26] as well as
the classical theory of a Golden Age for its naiveté.[27] He also dropped much of the rhetorical apparatus of
the humanists.

Economic thought: the Reply to Malestroit

The Réponse de J. Bodin aux paradoxes de M. de Malestroit (1568) was a tract, provoked by theories of
Jean de Malestroit, in which Bodin offered one of the earliest scholarly analyses of the phenomenon of
inflation, unknown prior to the 16th century. The background to discussion in the 1560s was that by 1550
an increase in the money supply in Western Europe had brought general benefits.[28] But there had also
been appreciable inflation. Silver arriving via Spain from the South American mine of Potosí, together with
other sources of silver and gold, from other new sources, was causing monetary change.

Bodin was after Martín de Azpilicueta, who had alluded to the issue in 1556 (something noticed also by
Gómara in his unpublished Annals),[29][30] an early observer that the rise in prices was due in large part to
the influx of precious metals.[31] Analysing the phenomenon, amongst other factors he pointed to the
relationship between the amount of goods and the amount of money in circulation. The debates of the time
laid the foundation for the "quantity theory of money".[32] Bodin mentioned other factors: population
increase, trade, the possibility of economic migration, and consumption that he saw as profligate.[33]

The Theatrum

The Theatrum Universae Naturae is Bodin's statement of natural philosophy. It contains many particular
and even idiosyncratic personal views, for instance that eclipses are related to political events.[34] It argued
against the certainty of the astronomical theory of stellar parallax, and the terrestrial origin of the "comet of
1573" (i.e. the supernova SN 1572).[35] This work shows major Ramist influences. Consideration of the
orderly majesty of God leads to encyclopedism about the universe and an analogue of a memory
system.[36]

Problems of Bodin became attached to some Renaissance editions of Aristotelian problemata in natural
philosophy. Further, Damian Siffert compiled a Problemata Bodini, which was based on the Theatrum.[37]

Les Six livres de la République (The Six Books of the Republic)

Bodin's best-known work was written in 1576.[38] The discussion regarding the best form of government
which took place in those years around the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre (1572) gave the inspiration;
Bodin attempted to embark on a middle path. Machiavelli would have granted the sovereign the right to act
for the benefit of his state without moral consideration, and Protestant theorists advocated a popular
government, or at least an elective monarchy. Bodin's classical definition of sovereignty is: "la puissance
absolue et perpetuelle d'une République" (the absolute and perpetual power of a Republic). His main ideas
about sovereignty are found in chapter VIII and X of Book I, including his statement "The sovereign
Prince is accountable only to God".

The Six livres were an immediate success and were frequently reprinted. A revised and expanded Latin
translation by the author appeared in 1586. With this work, Bodin became one of the founders of the
pragmatic inter-confessional group known as the politiques, who ultimately succeeded in ending the Wars
of Religion under King Henry IV, with the Edict of Nantes (1598). Against the monarchomachs who were
assailing kingship in his time, such as Theodore Beza and François Hotman Bodin succeeded in writing a
fundamental and influential treatise of social and political theory. In its reasoning against all types of mixed
constitution and resistance theory, it was an effective counter-attack against the monarchomach position
invoking "popular sovereignty".[39]

The structure of the earlier books has been described as Ramist in structure. Book VI contains astrological
and numerological reasoning.[40] Bodin invoked Pythagoras in discussing justice and in Book IV used
ideas related to the Utopia of Thomas More[41] The use of language derived from or replacing Niccolò
Machiavelli's città (Latin civitas) as political unit (French cité or ville) is thoughtful; Bodin introduced
republic (French république, Latin respublica) as a term for matters of public law (the contemporary
English rendering was commonweal(th)).[42] Bodin, although he referred to Tacitus, was not writing here
in the tradition of classical republicanism. The Ottoman Empire is analysed as a "seigneurial
monarchy".[43] The Republic of Venice is not accepted in the terms of Gasparo Contarini: it is called an
aristocratic constitution, not a mixed one, with a concentric structure, and its apparent stability was not
attributable to the form of government.[44]

The ideas in the Six livres on the importance of climate in the shaping of a people's character were also
influential, finding a prominent place in the work of Giovanni Botero (1544–1617) and later in Baron de
Montesquieu's (1689–1755) climatic determinism. Based on the assumption that a country's climate shapes
the character of its population, and hence to a large extent the most suitable form of government, Bodin
postulated that a hereditary monarchy would be the ideal regime for a temperate nation such as France. This
power should be "sovereign", i.e., not be subject to any other branch, though to some extent limited by
institutions like the high courts (Parlement) and representative assemblies (États). Above all, the monarch is
"responsible only to God", that is, must stand above confessional factions.

The work soon became widely known. Gaspar de Anastro made a Spanish translation in 1590.[45] Richard
Knolles put together an English translation (1606); this was based on the 1586 Latin version, but in places
follows other versions. It appeared under the title The Six Bookes of a Common-weale.[46][47][48]

De la démonomanie des sorciers (Of the Demon-mania of the Sorcerers)

Bodin's major work on sorcery and the witchcraft persecutions was first issued in 1580, ten editions being
published by 1604.[49] In it he elaborates the influential concept of "pact witchcraft" based on a deal with
the Devil[50] and the belief that the evil spirit would use a strategy to impose doubt on judges to look upon
magicians as madmen and hypochondriacs deserving of compassion rather than chastisement.[51]
The book relates histories of sorcerers,[52] but does not mention Faust
and his pact.[53] It gave a report of a 1552 public exorcism in Paris,[54]
and of the case of Magdalena de la Cruz of Cordova, an abbess who
had confessed to sexual relations with the Devil over three
decades.[55] Bodin cited Pierre Marner on werewolf accounts from
Savoie.[56] He denounced the works of Cornelius Agrippa, and the
perceived traffic in "sorceries" carried out along the Spanish Road,
running along eastern France for much of its length.[57]

He wrote in extreme terms about procedures in sorcery trials, opposing

the normal safeguards of justice.[58] This advocacy of relaxation was
aimed directly at the existing standards laid down by the Parlement of
Paris (physical or written evidence, confessions not obtained by
torture, unimpeachable witnesses).[59] He asserted that not even one
witch could be erroneously condemned if the correct procedures were
followed, because rumours concerning sorcerers were almost always
Title page of De la démonomanie
true. Bodin's attitude has been called a populationist strategy typical of
des sorciers (1580)
mercantilism.[60][61]

The book was influential in the debate over witchcraft; it was

translated into German by Johann Fischart (1581),[62][63] and in the same year into Latin by François Du
Jon as De magorum dæmonomania libri IV.[64] It was quoted by Jean de Léry, writing about the
Tupinamba people of what is now Brazil.[65]

One surviving copy of the text, located in the University of Southern California's Special Collections
Library, is a rare presentation copy signed by Bodin himself, and is one of only two known surviving texts
that feature such an inscription by the author.[66] The USC Démonomanie dedication is to a C.L. Varroni,
thought to be a legal colleague of Bodin's.

Views

Law and politics

Bodin became well known for his analysis of sovereignty, which he took to be indivisible, and to involve
full legislative powers (though with qualifications and caveats). With François Hotman (1524–1590) and
François Baudouin (1520–1573), on the other hand, Bodin also supported the force of customary law,
seeing Roman law alone as inadequate.[67][68]

He hedged the absolutist nature of his theory of sovereignty, which was an analytical concept; if later his
ideas were used in a different, normative fashion, that was not overtly the reason in Bodin.[69] Sovereignty
could be looked at as a "bundle of attributes";[70] in that light the legislative role took centre stage, and
other "marks of sovereignty" could be discussed further, as separate issues. He was a politique in theory,
which was the moderate position of the period in French politics; but drew the conclusion that only passive
resistance to authority was justified.[71]

Bodin's work on political theory saw the introduction of the modern concept of "state" but was in the fact
on the cusp of usage (with that of Corasius), with the older meaning of a monarch "maintaining his state"
not having dropped away.[72] Public office belonged to the commonwealth, and its holders had a personal
responsibility for their actions.[73] Politics is autonomous, and the sovereign is subject to divine and natural
law, but not to any church; the obligation is to secure justice and religious worship in the state.[74]
Bodin studied the balance of liberty and authority.[75] He had no doctrine of separation of powers and
argued in a traditional way about royal prerogative and its proper, limited sphere. His doctrine was one of
balance as harmony, with numerous qualifications; as such it could be used in different manners, and was.
The key was that the central point of power should be above faction.[76] Rose sees Bodin's politics as
ultimately theocratic,[77] and misunderstood by the absolutists who followed him.[40]

Where Aristotle argued for six types of state, Bodin allowed only monarchy, aristocracy and democracy.
He advocated, however, distinguishing the form of state (constitution) from the form of government
(administration).[78] Bodin had a low opinion of democracy.[79]

Families were the basic unit and model for the state;[80] on the other hand John Milton found in Bodin an
ally on the topic of divorce.[81] Respect for individual liberty and possessions were the hallmark of the
orderly state, a view Bodin shared with Hotman and George Buchanan.[82] He argued against slavery.[83]

In matters of law and politics, Bodin saw religion as a social prop, encouraging respect for law and
governance.[84]

On change and progress

He praised printing as outshining any achievement of the ancients.[85] The idea that the Protestant
Reformation was driven by economic and political forces is attributed to him.[86] He is identified as the first
person to realize the rapid rate of change of early modern Europe.[87]

In physics, he is credited as the first modern writer to use the concept of physical laws to define change,[88]
but his idea of nature included the action of spirits. In politics, he adhered to the ideas of his time in
considering a political revolution in the nature of an astronomical cycle: a changement (French) or simply a
change (as translated 1606) in English;[89] from Polybius Bodin took the idea of anacyclosis, or cyclic
change of constitution.[90] Bodin's theory was that governments had begun as monarchical, had then been
democratic, before becoming aristocratic.[91]

Religious tolerance

Public position

In 1576 Bodin was engaged in French politics, and then argued against the use of compulsion in matters of
religion, if unsuccessfully. Wars, he considered, should be subject to statecraft, and matters of religion did
not touch the state.

Bodin argued that a state might contain several religions; this was a very unusual position for his time, if
shared by Michel de l'Hôpital and William the Silent. It was attacked by Pedro de Rivadeneira and Juan de
Mariana, from the conventional opposing position of a state obligation to root out religious dissent.[92] He
argued in the Six livres that the Trial of the Knights Templar was an example of unjustified persecution,
similar to that of the Jews and medieval fraternities.[93]

Private position in the Colloquium

In 1588 Bodin completed in manuscript a Latin work Colloquium heptaplomeres de rerum sublimium
arcanis abditis (Colloquium of the Seven about Secrets of the Sublime). It is a conversation about the
nature of truth between seven educated men, each with a distinct religious or philosophical orientation - a
natural philosopher, a Calvinist, a Muslim, a Roman Catholic, a Lutheran, a Jew, and a skeptic.[94] Because
of this work, Bodin is often identified as one of the first proponents of religious tolerance in the western
world. Truth, in Bodin's view, commanded universal agreement; and the Abrahamic religions agreed on the
Old Testament (Tanakh).[95] Vera religio (true religion) would command loyalty to the point of death; his
conception of it was influenced by Philo and Maimonides.[96] His views on free will are also bound up
with his studies in Jewish philosophy.[97] Some modern scholars have contested his authorship of the text.
The "Colloquium of the Seven regarding the hidden secrets of the sublime things" offers a peaceful
discussion with seven representatives of various religions and worldviews, who in the end agree on the
fundamental underlying similarity of their beliefs.

Bodin's theory, as based in considerations of harmony, resembles that of Sebastian Castellio.[98] He has
been seen as a scriptural relativist, and deist, with Montaigne and Pierre Charron;[99] also in the group of
learned Christian Hebraists with John Selden, Carlo Giuseppe Imbonati, and Gerhard Vossius.[100] By
reputation, at least, Bodin was cited as an unbeliever, deist or atheist by Christian writers who associated
him with perceived free-thinking and sceptical tradition of Machiavelli and Pietro Pomponazzi, Lucilio
Vanini, Thomas Hobbes and Baruch Spinoza: Pierre-Daniel Huet,[101] Nathaniel Falck,[102] Claude-
François Houtteville.[103] Pierre Bayle attributed to Bodin a maxim about the intellectual consequences of
the non-existence of God (a precursor of Voltaire's, but based on a traditional commonplace of French
thinkers).[104] Wilhelm Dilthey later wrote that the protagonists in the Colloquium anticipate those of
Gotthold Ephraim Lessing's Nathan der Weise.[105]

The Colloquium was one of the major and most popular manuscripts in clandestine circulation in the early
modern period, with more than 100 copies catalogued.[106] it had an extensive covert circulation, after
coming into intellectual fashion. The 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica states "It is curious that Leibniz, who
originally regarded the Colloquium as the work of a professed enemy of Christianity, subsequently
described it as a most valuable production".[107] Its dissemination increased after 1700, even if its content
was by then dated.[108] It was interpreted in the 18th century as containing arguments for natural religion,
as if the views expressed by Toralba (the proponent of natural religion) were Bodin's; wrongly, according
to Rose, whose reconstruction of Bodin's religious views is a long way from belief in a detached deity.[109]
Grotius had a manuscript. Gottfried Leibniz, who criticized the Colloquium to Jacob Thomasius and
Hermann Conring, some years later did editorial work on the manuscript. Henry Oldenburg wanted to copy
it, for transmission to John Milton and possibly John Dury,[110] or for some other connection in 1659.[111]
In 1662 Conring was seeking a copy for a princely library.[112] It was not to be published in full until 1857,
by Ludwig Noack, from manuscripts collected by Heinrich Christian von Seckenberg.[113]

Personal religious convictions

Bodin was influenced by philosophic Judaism to believe in the annihilation of the wicked 'post exacta
supplicia'.[114]

19th-century author Eliphas Levi esteemed Bodin as a student of Jewish esoterism: "The Kabalist Bodin
who has been considered erroneously of a feeble and superstitious mind, had no other motive in writing his
Demonomania than that of warning people against dangerous incredulity. Initiated by the study of the
Kabalah into the true secrets of Magic, he trembled at the danger to which society was exposed by the
abandonment of this power to the wickedness of men."[115]

Cultural and universal history and geography

Bodin was a polymath, concerned with universal history which he approached as a jurist. He belonged to
an identifiable French school of antiquarian and cultural history, with Lancelot Voisin de La Popelinière,
Louis Le Caron, Louis Le Roy, Étienne Pasquier and Nicolas Vignier.[116]

Historical disciples included Jacques Auguste de Thou and William Camden. The genre thus founded,
drawing social conclusions, identified itself as "civil history", and was influenced particularly by
Polybius.[117] The Methodus has been called the first book to advance "a theory of universal history based
on a purely secular study of the growth of civilisation".[118] Bodin's secular attitude to history therefore
goes some way to explain his perceived relationship to Machiavelli. While Bodin's common ground with
Machiavelli is not so large, and indeed Bodin opposed the Godless vision of the world in Machiavelli,[119]
they are often enough paired, for example by A. C. Crombie as philosophical historians with contemporary
concerns; Crombie also links Bodin with Francis Bacon, as rational and critical historians.[120] Both Bodin
and Machiavelli treat religion as situated historically.[121]

Bodin drew largely on Johann Boemus, and also classical authors, as well as accounts from Leo Africanus
and Francisco Álvares. He showed little interest, however, in the New World.[122] In terms of theories of
cultural diffusion he influenced Nathanael Carpenter, and many subsequently, with his "south-eastern
origin" theory of the transmission from peoples of the Middle East to Greece and Rome (and hence to
Northern Europe).[123] Another follower was Peter Heylyn in his Microcosmus (1621).[124] In
anthropology Bodin showed indications of polygenism as theory of human origins.[125] In clearer terms, on
the other hand, he believed that mankind was unifying, the drivers being trade, and the indications of the
respublica mundana (world commonwealth) and international law as developing. This was within a
scheme of Vaticinium Eliae or three periods of 2000 years for universal history, to which he had little
commitment, though indicating its connection with the three climate regions and their predominance.[126]

The "south-eastern" theory depended for its explanation on Bodin's climate theory and astrology: it was
given in the Methodus, and developed in Book VI of the Six Livres. He made an identification of peoples
and geographical sectors with planetary influences, in Book V of the Six Livres.[127] His astrological theory
is combined with the Hippocratic tradition; but not in the conventional way of Ptolemy. It has been
suggested that he took them from a follower of Cardano, Auger Ferrier.[128]

Reception
Bodin's conception of sovereignty was widely adopted in Europe. In a form simplified and adapted by
others, such as the French jurists Charles Loyseau (1564–1627) and Cardin Le Bret (1558–1655), it played
an important role in the development of absolutism.[129]

In France

Influentially, Bodin defended an orderly Gallican monarchy against Huguenots, and any external
interference.[130][131] These general ideas became political orthodoxy, in the reign of Henry IV of France,
tending to the beginnings of absolutism. Bodin had numerous followers as political theorist, including
Pierre Grégoire, in whom with François Grimaudet legislative authority starts to become closer to the divine
right of kings, and William Barclay.[132][133] Pierre Charron in La Sagesse of 1601 uses the idea of state
from Bodin but with fewer limitations on royal power;[134] Charron in this work argued for a secular neo-
stoicism, putting together ideas of Montaigne and Lipsius with those of Bodin.[135] Charles Loyseau in the
years 1608-10 published absolutist works with the emphasis on orderliness in society, going much beyond
Bodin's writing of thirty years earlier, a trend that continued into the 17th century.[136]
As a demonologist, his work was taken to be authoritative and based on experience as witch-hunting
practitioner. As historian, he was prominently cited by Nicolas Lenglet Du Fresnoy in his 1713 Methode
pour etudier l'Histoire.[137] Montesquieu read Bodin closely; the modern sociology hinted at in Bodin,
arising from the relationship between the state apparatus on the one hand, and society on the other, is
developed in Montesquieu.[138]

In Germany

Bodin's rejection of the Four Monarchies model was unpopular, given the German investment in the Holy
Roman Emperor as fourth monarch,[139] the attitude of Johannes Sleidanus. The need to accommodate the
existing structure of the Empire with Bodin as theorist of sovereignty led to a controversy running over
nearly half a century; starting with Henning Arnisaeus, it continued unresolved to 1626 and the time of
Christopher Besoldus. He drew a line under it, by adopting the concept of composite polyarchy, which
held sway subsequently.[140] Leibniz rejected Bodin's view of sovereignty, stating that it might amount
only to territorial control, and the consequence drawn by writers in Bodin's tradition that federalism was
chimeric.[141]

In England

Generally the English took great interest in the French Wars of Religion; their literature came into
commonplace use in English political debate,[142] and Amyas Paulet made immediate efforts to find the Six
livres for Edward Dyer.[143] Shortly Bodin's works were known in England: to Philip Sidney, Walter
Ralegh, and to Gabriel Harvey who reported they were fashionable in Oxford. His ideas on inflation were
familiar by 1581.[144] Somerville makes the point that not all those who discussed sovereignty in England
at this period necessarily took their views from Bodin: the ideas were in the air at the time, and some such
as Hadrian à Saravia and Christopher Lever had their own reasoning to similar conclusions.[145] Richard
Hooker had access to the works, but doesn't reference them.[146] John Donne cited Bodin in his
Biathanatos.[147]

Bodin's view of parallelism of French and English monarchies was accepted by Ralegh.[148] Roger
Twysden dissented: in his view, the English monarchy had never fitted Bodin's definition of
sovereignty.[149] Richard Beacon in Solon His Follie (1594), directed towards English colonisation in
Ireland, used text derived from the Six livres, as well as much theory from Machiavelli; he also argued,
against Bodin, that France was a mixed monarchy.[150] Bodin influenced the controversial definitions of
John Cowell, in his 1607 book The Interpreter, that caused a furore in Parliament during 1610.[151]
Edward Coke took from Bodin on sovereignty; and like him opposed the concept of mixed monarchy.[152]

While Bodin's ideas on authority fitted with the theory of divine right of kings, his main concern was not
with the choice of the sovereign. But that meant they could cut both ways, being cited by parliamentarians
as well as royalists. Henry Parker in 1642 asserted the sovereignty of Parliament by Bodinian
reasoning.[153] James Whitelocke used Bodin's thought in discussing the King-in-Parliament.[152] The
royalist Robert Filmer borrowed largely from Bodin for the argument of his Patriarcha. John Locke in
arguing decades later against Filmer in Two Treatises of Government didn't go behind his work to attack
Bodin; but his ally James Tyrrell did, as did Algernon Sidney.[154] Another royalist user of Bodin was
Michael Hudson. John Milton used Bodin's theory in defending his anti-democratic plan for a Grand
Council, after Oliver Cromwell's death.[155]

Sir John Eliot summarized work of Arnisaeus as critic of Bodin,[148] and wrote in the Tower of London
following Bodin that a lawful king, as opposed to a tyrant, "will not do what he may do", in his De iure
majestatis.[156] Robert Bruce Cotton quoted Bodin on the value of money;[157] Robert Burton on politics
in the Anatomy of Melancholy.[158]

Richard Knolles in the introduction to his 1606 translation commended the book as written by a man
experienced in public affairs.[159] William Loe complained, in preaching to Parliament in 1621, that Bodin
with Lipsius and Machiavelli was too much studied, to the neglect of Scripture.[160] Richard Baxter on the
other hand regarded the reading of Bodin, Hugo Grotius and Francisco Suárez as a suitable training in
politics, for lawyers.[161]

Bodin's views on witchcraft were taken up in England by the witch-hunter Brian Darcy in the early 1580s,
who argued for burning rather than hanging as a method of execution, and followed some of Bodin's
suggestions in interrogating Ursula Kemp.[162][163] They were also radically opposed by Reginald Scott in
his sceptical work Discoverie of Witchcraft (1584).[164] Later Francis Hutchinson was his detractor,
criticising his methodology.

In Italy

In Italy Bodin was seen as a secular historian like Machiavelli. At

the time of the Venetian Interdict, Venetians agreed with the
legislative definition of sovereignty. In particular Paolo Sarpi
argued that Venice's limited size in territorial terms was not the
relevant point for the actions it could undertake on its own
authority.[166]

Later Giambattista Vico was to take Bodin's cultural history

approach noticeably further.[167]

The Papacy

Works of Bodin were soon placed on the Index Librorum

Prohibitorum for various reasons, including discussion of Fortune
(against free will), and reason of state. The Methodus went on the
Index in 1590;[168] Robert Bellarmine as censor found it of some
merit in its learning, but the author to be a heretic or atheist, critical Bodin mentioned on the title page of
of the papacy and much too sympathetic to Charles Du Moulin in Fabio Albergati's Discorsi politici, in
particular.[169] Other works followed in 1593.[170] All his work 1602. Albergati wrote against Bodin
was placed on the Index in 1628; the prohibition on the Theatrum from 1595, comparing his political
continued into the 20th century.[171] Venetian theologians were theories unfavourably with those of
described as followers of Machiavelli and Bodin by Giovanni Aristotle.[165]
Amato.[172]

Bellarmine's Tractatus de potestate summi pontificis in temporalibus reiterated, against Bodin's sovereignty
theory, an indirect form of the traditional papal deposing power to release subjects from the duty of
obedience to tyrants.[173] Jakob Keller, in an apologetical work on behalf of limited justifications for
tyrannicide, treated Bodin as a serious opponent on the argument that subjects can only resist a tyrant
passively, with views on the Empire that were offensive.[174]

In Spain
On 1583 Bodin was placed on the Quiroga Index.[175] Against tyrannicide, Bodin's thought was out of
step of conventional thinking in Spain at the time.[176] It was recognized, in an unpublished dialogue
imagined between Bodin and a jurist of Castile, that the government of Spain was harder than that of
France, the other major European power, because of the more complex structure of the kingdom.[177]

Bodin's view of witchcraft was hardly known in Spain until the 18th century.[178]

Notes
1. Howell A. Lloyd, Jean Bodin, Oxford University Press, 2017, p. 36.
2. James I,Daamonologie,London,1603, see "Bodinus Daemonomanie" in the unpaginated
preface here (https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=gmxjAAAAcAAJ&pg=GBS.PP16).
3. Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History (htt
ps://www.google.com/books/edition/Jean_Bodin_and_the_Sixteenth_century_Rev/Fl6GAA
AAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=%22conversion%22). Columbia University Press. 1963.
4. The Theater of Nature: Jean Bodin and Renaissance Science (https://www.google.com/boo
ks/edition/The_Theater_of_Nature/Y58rDgAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22jean+bodin%
22+%22protestant%22&pg=PA237&printsec=frontcover). Princeton University Press. 14
March 2017. ISBN 9781400887507.
5. Ways of Lying: Dissimulation, Persecution, and Conformity in Early Modern Europe (https://
www.google.com/books/edition/Ways_of_Lying/rJ0NAQAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=%22
geneva%22+%22jean+bodin%22+%22protestant%22&dq=%22geneva%22+%22jean+bodi
n%22+%22protestant%22&printsec=frontcover). Harvard University Press. 1990.
ISBN 9780674948341.
6. (in French) Jacobsen, p. 55 (https://books.google.com/books?id=NPlesawx63AC&pg=PAPA
55), p. PA55, at Google Books
7. Turchetti, Mario (2006-12-12). "Jean Bodin" (https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/bodin/). In
Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
8. Robert Alan Schneider, Public life in Toulouse, 1463-1789: from municipal republic to
cosmopolitan city (1989), pp. 56–7; Google Books (https://books.google.com/books?id=mSz
9euEaX-oC&pg=PA56).
9. Kuntz, p. xxi; Google Books. (https://books.google.com/books?id=fpkvrr-qyoMC&pg=PR21)
10. Kuntz, Introduction p. xxii. Google Books (https://books.google.com/books?id=fpkvrr-qyoMC
&pg=PR22).
11. Mack P. Holt, The Duke of Anjou and the Politique Struggle During the Wars of Religion
(2005), p. 85; Google Books (https://books.google.com/books?id=Mt5sraGYbWcC&q=Bodin
#v=snippet&q=Bodin&f=false).
12. (in French) Jacobsen, p. 47 (https://books.google.com/books?id=NPlesawx63AC&pg=PAPA
47), p. PA47, at Google Books
13. "Waad, William" (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography,_1885-19
00/Waad,_William). Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1885–
1900.
14. Purkiss, p. 196 note 14; Google Books (https://books.google.com/books?id=18c4MQO5MyI
C&pg=PA196)
15. Thomas M. McCoog, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England 1541-1588:
"our way of proceeding?" (1996), p. 156; Google Books (https://books.google.com/books?id
=BB4u8Lg9-lwC&pg=PA156).
16. Richard Dutton, Alison Findlay, Richard Wilson, Theatre and Religion: Lancastrian
Shakespeare (2003), p. 120; Google Books (https://books.google.com/books?id=IDHZmFC
FqXwC&pg=PA120).
17. Leonard F. Dean, Bodin's "Methodus" in England before 1625, Studies in Philology Vol. 39,
No. 2 (Apr., 1942), pp. 160-166; note on p. 160.
18. Kuntz, pp.xxiii–xxiv; Google Books (https://books.google.com/books?id=fpkvrr-qyoMC&pg=
PR23)
19. John Bossy, Under the Molehill: An Elizabethan Spy Story (2001), p. 110 and note.
20. (in French) Jacobsen, p. 49 (https://books.google.com/books?id=NPlesawx63AC&pg=PAPA
49), p. PA49, at Google Books
21. Trevor-Roper, p. 114.
22. http://dash.harvard.edu/bitstream/handle/1/3403055/blair_natural.pdf?sequence=2
23. Denys Hay, Annalists and Historians, pp. 129-31.
24. Hay, p. 170.
25. Lawrence Manley, Convention, 1500-1750 (1980), p. 214; Internet Archive (https://archive.or
g/details/convention1500170000manl/page/214).
26. Trevor-Roper, p. 137.
27. Breisach, p. 182.
28. Holt, p. 194.
29. Davies.
30. Elliott, p. 62.
31. Bodin J., La Response de Joan Bodin a M. De Malestroit, 1568. Cited in European
Economic History: Documents and Reading, p. 22. (1965). Editors: Clough SB, Moiide CG.
32. Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean, p. 521.
33. Elliott, pp. 65-6.
34. Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 386 note.
35. Rose, p. 274.
36. Paolo Rossi, Logic and the Art of Memory: The Quest for a Universal Language, (English
translation, 2000), p. 79–80.
37. Ann Blair, The Problemata as a Natural Philosophical Genre, in Grafton and Siraisi (ed.)
Natural Particulars (1999).
38. Les six liures de la republique de I. Bodin (https://archive.org/details/lessixliuresdela00bodi).
Paris: Chez Iacques du Puys, libraire iuré, à la Samaritaine. 1577. Retrieved February 10,
2018 – via Internet Archive.
39. Kelley, p. 309.
40. Rose, p. 277.
41. Mazzotta, p. 177-8.
42. Bock, Skinner and Viroli eds, Machiavelli and Republicanism, p. 71.
43. Peter Burke, European Renaissance p 214.
44. Edward Muir, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (1986), p. 50; Google Books (https://books.
google.com/books?id=bM-ky1XgGWcC&pg=PA50).
45. J. H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares (1986), p. 182.
46. The Six Bookes of a Commonweale Written by I. Bodin, a Famous Lawyer and a man of
great Experience in matters of State, Out of French and Latine Coplet done into English by
Richard Knolles (https://archive.org/details/sixbookesofcommo00bodi). London: Impensis G.
Bishop. 1606. Retrieved February 10, 2018 – via Internet Archive.
47. Woodhead, Christine. "Knolles, Richard". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
(online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/15752 (https://doi.org/10.1093%2
Fref%3Aodnb%2F15752). (Subscription or UK public library membership (https://www.oxforddnb.co
m/help/subscribe#public) required.)
48. Rose, p. 288 note 26.
49. 1580 ed. of De la Demonomanie des Sorciers (http://www.bvh.univ-tours.fr/Consult/index.as
p?numfiche=221)
50. Purkiss, p. 64.
51. Calmet, Augustine (1751). Treatise on the Apparitions of Spirits and on Vampires or
Revenants: of Hungary, Moravia, et al. Translated by Rev Henry Christmas & Brett R
Warren. 2016 (1 ed.). p. 45. ISBN 1-5331-4568-7.
52. E. M. Butler, The Fortunes of Faust (1998), p. 7.
53. E. M. Butler, Myth of the Magus, p. 129.
54. Sarah Ferber, Demonic Possession and Exorcism in Early Modern France (2004), p. 30.
55. Ferber, p.118.
56. s:The Book of Were-Wolves/Chapter V
57. Owen Davies, Grimoires: A History of Magic Books (2009), p. 68 and p. 78.
58. Pennethorne Hughes, Witchcraft (1969), p. 181.
59. Barbara L. Bernier, The Praxis of Church and State in the (Under)Development of Women's
Religion from France to the New World (PDF) (http://scholarship.law.wm.edu/cgi/viewconten
t.cgi?article=1207&context=wmjowl&sei-redir=1#search=%22Jean%20Bodin%20%2BParle
ment%22) p. 676–7 of article.
60. Heinsohn, Gunnar; Steiger, Otto (1999). "Birth Control: The Political-Economic Rationale
behind Jean Bodin's Démonomanie" (http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals/history_of_polit
ical_economy/v031/31.3heinsohn.html). History of Political Economy. 31 (3): 423–448.
doi:10.1215/00182702-31-3-423 (https://doi.org/10.1215%2F00182702-31-3-423).
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61. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/246957308_Inflation_and_witchcraft_The_case_of_J
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62. Peter Burke, European Renaissance, p. 137.
63. (in German) online text (http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/resolve/display/bsb10192455.
html).
64. (in French) BVH page (http://www.bvh.univ-tours.fr/Consult/index.asp?numfiche=201)
65. Purkiss, p. 252.
66. Bodin, Jean; Du Puys, Jacques (2000-01-01). De La Démonomanie Des Sorciers: a
Monseignevr M. Chrestofle de Thou Cheualier Seigneur de Coeli, premier President en la
Cour de Parlement, & Conseiller du Roy en son priué Conseil (http://uscp.sirsi.net/uhtbin/cgi
sirsi/x/0/0/5?searchdata1=4297316%7BCKEY%7D). A Paris: Chez Iacques du Puys
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67. General Crisis, p. 124
68. Elliott, p. 92.
69. Glenn Burgess, Ancient Constitution p. 123.
70. Holt, p. 160.
71. Elliott, p. 224.
72. Ball etc Political Innovation, p. 120.
73. Wernham, p. 502.
 74. Wernham, p. 490.
75. Isaiah Berlin, Freedom and Betrayal, p. 29.
76. Nicholas Henshall, The Myth of Absolutism (1992), pp. 126-127, p. 204.
77. Rose, p. 276.
78. Wernham, p. 503-4.
79. Sheldon Wolin (2003), Tocqueville, Between Two Worlds, pp. 59-60.
80. Kelley, p. 72.
81. Hill, Milton and the English Revolution, p. 123.
82. Wernham, p. 506.
83. Peter Gay, The Enlightenment 2: The Science of Freedom (1996), p. 408.
84. Holmes, Stephen (1988). "Jean Bodin: The Paradox of Sovereignty and the Privatization of
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Law (https://books.google.com/books?id=qvpyt5ykHmwC). Nomos Series. Vol. 30. NYU
Press. p. 28. ISBN 9780814766064. Retrieved 2015-09-04. "In the Republique, at least,
religion captures Bodin's attention because of its influence on the sovereign's capacity to
keep the peace. A false religion is nevertheless useful because it 'doth yet hold men in fear
and awe, both of the laws and of the magistrates [...]' (IV, 7, 539). If fear of hellfire lends
credibility to the law, then religion is a welcome ally [...] In other words, Bodin advances a
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85. Kelley, p. 232.
86. Hill, Economic Problems of the Church, p. ix.
87. Glacken 446.
88. Rose, p. 273, citing d'Entrèves.
89. Perez Zagorin, Court & Country, p. 14.
90. Kelley, p. 64.
91. Mazzotta, p. 168.
92. Davies, p. 134 note and p. 278.
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pg=PA212).
94. Kuntz.
95. Wernham, p. 486.
96. Rose, p. 281-2.
97. Rose, p. 269.
98. Rose, p. 270.
99. Bedford, p. 244.
100. Mazzotta, p. 102.
101. Israel, p. 454 .
102. Israel, p. 632.
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External links
Everdell, William R., "From State to Free-State The Meaning of the Word Republic from
Jean Bodin to John Adams (http://dhm.pdp6.org/archives/wre-republics.html)"
"Jean Bodin" (http://www.iep.utm.edu/bodin). Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
The Bodin Project (http://projects.iq.harvard.edu/bodinproject)
Six Books of the Commonwealth (http://www.constitution.org/bodin/bodin_.htm) - abridged
English translation of Les Six livres de la République
Works by Jean Bodin (https://www.gutenberg.org/author/Bodin,+Jean) at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Jean Bodin (https://archive.org/search.php?query=%28%28subject%3A%
22Bodin%2C%20Jean%22%20OR%20subject%3A%22Jean%20Bodin%22%20OR%20cre
ator%3A%22Bodin%2C%20Jean%22%20OR%20creator%3A%22Jean%20Bodin%22%20
OR%20creator%3A%22Bodin%2C%20J%2E%22%20OR%20title%3A%22Jean%20Bodi
n%22%20OR%20description%3A%22Bodin%2C%20Jean%22%20OR%20description%3
A%22Jean%20Bodin%22%29%20OR%20%28%221530-1596%22%20AND%20Bodin%2
9%29%20AND%20%28-mediatype:software%29) at Internet Archive
Lexikon zur Geschichte der Hexenverfolgung (German) (http://www.historicum.net/themen/h
exenforschung/lexikon/personen/art/Bodin_Jean/html/artikel/1584/ca/3072cb6848/)
Sovereignty (http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b07hhvxx) from the BBC series In Our Time,
broadcast 30 June 2016.
"Jean Bodin". Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL) (http://www.bbkl.de/b/
bodin_j.shtml) (in German).
Literature by and about Jean Bodin (https://portal.dnb.de/opac.htm?method=simpleSearch&
cqlMode=true&query=idn%3D118512307) in the German National Library catalogue

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