MIRJANA MOROKVASIC / TRANSNATIONAL MOBILITIES AND GENDER IN EUROPE

Mirjana Morokvasic

Transnational mobilities and gender in Europe

Keywords: transnational migrations and mobility, Europe, gender

Introduction: migrant transnationalism

Freedom of circulation within the EU has made the borders inside the EU space
less important for citizens, for those who have a legal status or come from visa-free
countries. For others, the controls have tightened and most have to rely on different
economic, cultural and other networks capable of circumventing the restrictive
border-management regimes.

In this text I will highlight the experiences of migrants who use borders and mobility
as a resource in order to improve their social, political and economic condition.

The transnational perspective in migration research identified the phenomena of

double and multiple belonging and creation of social spaces linking migrants (Glick
Schiller et al., 1992; Portes 1996, 1999, 2001; Faist, 2000; Vertovec 2009). It challenged
the static view of migration as a one-way movement from one location to another
and helped rediscover and reappraise multiple historical examples of transnational
practices among migrants which remained invisible, incompatible with the dominant
integrationist/assimilationist wisdom in migration research, with little understanding
for double and multiple allegiances.

European scholars have both adopted and adapted the transnational perspective,
while producing a myriad of related conceptualisations (diasporas, mobilities,
circulations, circulatory territories), trying to capture the changing realities of the
re-composed migration landscape of the continent (Baubck, 1991; Clifford, 1994;
Faist, 2000; Faist et al., 2013, Ma Mung, 1999; Kastoryano, 2000; Morokvasic, 1992,
1999, 2004; Peraldi, 2001; Potot, 2005; Wallace, Stola, 2001; Weber, 2007; Riccio, 2001;
Morawska, 2003; Nedelcu, 2009; Ambrosini, 2008). The pioneering research by Alain
Tarrius (1992, 2013) on transmigrants and circulatory territories mobilized and
inspired researchers mainly in southern Europe and the francophone world.

Criticisms notwithstanding (Vertovec, 2009), one has to recognize the heuristic

value of the transnationalist perspective. It captures the complexity of phenomena

45
 ARS & HUMANITAS / TUDIJE

related to migration and the post-migratory experience in the world characterised

by the expansion of low cost transport, increased interdependencies, and global
interconnectedness. For a long time, for instance, maintaining contacts with and
orientation towards the country of origin was believed to have a negative impact on
immigrants' opportunities and to jeopardize their upward mobility. The transnationalist
approach suggests the opposite: that the cultivation of networks with the country of
origin can be a valuable resource.

There is a vast variety of transnational migration experiences and many typologies

provide useful lenses for understanding them (Portes, 1999; Faist, 2000; Ambrosini,
2008; Vertovec, 2009). The overwhelming focus on the nation-state as a frame, on
durability and sustainability of transnational links over time leaves however little
room to capture transnational practices which are not a strategy of already settled
immigrants, but of mobile individuals who migrate in order to remain in their place of
residence (Morokvasic, 1999) or to examine the lasting mobilities of those for whom
the options of immigration and settlement are neither accessible nor desirable goals.

In this paper I look beyond the frame of the nation state at trajectories of migrants
whose focal point remains their place of origin and who are on the move for purposes
of work and trade, in order to improve their condition at home (Kuzma, 2012;
Morokvasic, 1999; Wallace, Stola, 2001).

Using examples from some of my previous work and other studies I will focus
on mobility whereby migrants shift the various boundaries of belonging, transgress
national boundaries but also gender norms as well as blurring the lines of occupational
boundaries. They all to a different degree develop a transnational habitus and their
transnational practices are gendered.

Shifting the boundaries of ethnicity

The way people practice border-crossing depends on the social and political
context and their positioning in it relative to class, gender, migrancy. Some can ignore
borders, for others they represent challenging obstacles.

Legal status and the state of origin are essential in discriminating between those
who can and others who cannot cross a border, those who can have free access to the
labour market and others who need a work permit, or have no other option but to
remain undocumented. Therefore, state policies remain important for the formation
of migrants' transnational circuits, but migrants' own networking and market forces
also regulate and shape their practices. States cannot eradicate transnational migration
phenomena, but they can make coming and going unattractive by raising taxes and

46
 MIRJANA MOROKVASIC / TRANSNATIONAL MOBILITIES AND GENDER IN EUROPE

increasing transport prices. They can make it more or less difficult by tightening or
loosening their visa regimes or access to citizenship, or by imposing a restrictive
definition of a family (excluding children above certain age or accepting only
biological, nuclear family) or by extending waiting periods for family reunification
or residency.

Social knowledge about border-crossing is unevenly distributed, and reliance on

gatekeepers and migration brokers, either among the previously established personal
networks or among professional smugglers or traffickers, becomes unavoidable for
many border crossers, especially as border-management regimes tighten up.

Therefore, transnational relations between different social places in different

countries are often initiated, shaped and sustained by those in possession of a legal
and stable status. Shifting boundaries of group membership and identity markers of
belonging, rendering them negotiable according to a situation, may facilitate trans-
border objectives and functioning.

The modification of borders (as with the German reunification in 1990 or

with each EU enlargement) has both unified and fractured the spaces of regional
cooperation in South, East and Central Europe and the Balkans, encouraging the
practice of ethnic preference, whereby those who can claim a common origin with
their target EU country obtain preferential treatment. Considered as repatriation
or return to the homeland, the migration of ethnic Germans to Germany was
strongly supported by the FRG during the Cold War: from 1950 to 1990 the FRG
received close to 2.5 million ethnic Germans, more than half of them originating
from Poland. So when Poland liberalized its passport legislation in 1988, more than
one million German Poles already residing in the FRG constituted an important base
for the newcomers. As settled residents with a stable status and often as German
citizens, they served as intermediaries between the newcomers and German society
as employers, landlords and interpreters. Dual citizenship opened up opportunities
on both sides of the border for their businesses: for instance, as Germans they had
access to the EU enterprise creation schemes for the unemployed, and as Poles they
could rely on production facilities and cheap labour thanks to their Polish networks
across the border in Poland.

Germans from Transylvania (Saxons) who left Romania permanently before

1989 (which under the Ceausescu regime was the only option) initiated circulation
from Germany to Rumania in the 1990s, but also created opportunities for non-
ethnic German Romanian migrants seeking work. Bndicte Michalon (2003)
demonstrates how the Saxons, mobilizing ethnicity and relying on pre-existing
networks engaged in migration conceptualized as a permanent return to the home

47
 ARS & HUMANITAS / TUDIJE

country, actually produced diverse migration dynamics, including circulation.

Their networking structures expanded to incorporate non-Saxon Romanians for the
purpose of work in Germany or elsewhere in the Schengen area. Many Romanian
Gypsies also migrated in this way, first heading to Germany before moving on to
other European countries, developing cross-border networks and knowledge of
institutions (Reyniers, 1996).

In contrast, in a situation where restrictions to mobility persisted after 1990 as

in the case of Albanians heading to Greece, the border and the activities related to
border-crossing became a resource that only certain groups of people could use (De
Rapper, Sints, 2006). In a situation where doors selectively open, when speaking
Greek and being Christian orthodox increases migration opportunities, ethnic
markers and religious belonging become a matter of negotiation. People find various
means to claim Greek ancestry and religion, such as changing names, adding a second,
Christian name to the Muslim one or marrying a Greek as some women did enabling
the rest of their Albanian family to move into the border region.

Migratory capital: gendered settling in mobility

Mobility has a specific significance for women. In many societies obstacles and
restrictions to women's mobility still persist. Historically they have been associated
with immobility and passivity, for a long time invisible or regarded as dependents
rather than migrants in their own right, their migration tied to that of men. And yet
the capacity to be mobile is sometimes more easily available to women than to men
because of specific demand (especially in the domestic and care sectors). They may
become primo-migrants, pioneering migration chains.

Women are therefore exposed to contradictory pressures, relating to their role

as breadwinners (requiring emigration and absence) and as family carers (habitually
iplying a physical presence near those they care for). They are typically blamed for the
social costs of migration and disruption of a gender order, and can be targets of moral
stigmatization (Ogaya, 2004; Keough, 2006; Morokvasic, 2007)

While for both men and women the crossing of borders can lead to more autonomy
and the challenging of established gender norms and intergenerational hierarchies,
it can also lead to new dependencies and reinforce existing gender boundaries and
hierarchies.

In the following examples of cross border mobility in three different occupations,

it will be shown how gender norms are challenged, apparently preserved, but also
renegotiated.

48
 MIRJANA MOROKVASIC / TRANSNATIONAL MOBILITIES AND GENDER IN EUROPE

Incessant mobility can last over a long period of migrants' lives. Rather than trying
to immigrate and settle in the target country, some tend to settle in mobility, staying
mobile as long as they can in order to improve or maintain the quality of life at home
(Cyrus, 2008; Morokvasic, 1999; Potot, 2005). Migration thus becomes their lifestyle,
a career. Paradoxically, their leaving home and going away becomes a strategy for
staying at home and an alternative to emigration.

Their resource is their know-how-to-move (Tarrius, 1992) and their capacity to

stay mobile (Irek, 1998; Morokvasic, 2004). It is an important dimension of their social
capital (Bourdieu, Wacquant, 1992) if and when they can mobilize it. Access to a stable
status (residence, citizenship, regularisation) can be just one aspect of it, rather than
a search for permanent settlement (Razy, Baby-Collin, 2011). It provides for easier
mobility including other members of the network: for example, Zahra's regularisation
in France through marriage creates a further link to her home country enabling her to
travel and to bring over her sister (Tarrius et al., 2013, 169).

The people on the move from Central and Eastern Europe capitalize either on
their own previous experience of shuttle migration in the socialist period when they
acquired a know-how-to-travel, a migratory capital (Irek, 1998; Morawska, 2003),
or they join the existing networks, learn from and rapidly emulate the experience of
others (Michalon, 2003). Polish guest workers in the German Democratic Republic
and Russian military personnel were among the precursors in suitcase trading
because they could move during a period when others could not.

Commuting to improve the level of living at home belongs to a way of life among
families in an agricultural region in Romania. One or more members leave at regular
intervals for Andalusia, Spain, where there is a demand for cheap, flexible, Eastern
European labourers, welcomed by the local employers as adaptable, undemanding,
and non-visible (Potot, 2005). Like Poles, Romanians acquired a certain kind of a
mobility know-how participating in various labour export schemes concluded under
the Ceausescu regime with the FRG, Libya, Egypt and Iraq.

During their itineraries, migrants rely on transnational networks of friends built

on the common experiences and interests of those who have worked in the target
country, who travel the same distances, invest in the same spaces and deal with the same
intermediaries (travel agents, guides, recruiters, lodgers, train attendants, border guards,
customs officers, shop owners). The strength of these ties lies in their functionality and the
effectiveness of the activities that migrants engage in rather than in a community-related
frame (Morokvasic, 1999; Peraldi, 2001). They are instrumental acquaintanceships based
on trust and reciprocity rather than on kin, connecting members of different groups
beyond ethnicity boundaries into networks of information and assistance.

49
 ARS & HUMANITAS / TUDIJE

Self-managed rotation in domestic sector and care

First I worked three years in order to be able to finish building our house.
Now, I have been working for three further years to maintain that house,
because the heating and the rest are enormously costly and my husband is
unemployed. One could never pay that without my Belgian salary. That is
my life: six years of cleaning jobs in exchange for a beautiful house in which
I live only for one or two months a year. (Polish migrant, BrusselsPodlasie,
Kuzma, 2012).
This is an example of people for whom incessant mobility is their career over a
long period of their lives. The issues of integration, segmented assimilation or return
do not capture their experience and projects: they do not integrate in a specific
national context and return has no significance for those who think of themselves as
having never left.

Polish women I observed in Germany and Poland create a transnational migratory

space in which they try to optimise the opportunities and minimise the obstacles
relative to their reproductive and productive work. They set up a system of rotation
so that they can go home at regular intervals, while their female substitutes take up
their cleaning or other jobs in Germany during that time. They are usually a group of
four to five women sharing both employers and housing (thus reducing reduces the
cost incurred by double residence). The regularity of their commuting seems to be
determined by their care for the family remaining in Poland.

As for their own families, they rely on a network of family members or paid
caregivers (Cyrus, 2008; Kuzma, 2012). They improvise new caring arrangements
different from the typical joint, simultaneous arrangements functioning on a daily
basis, closely bound spatially and temporarily, which are constructed as a norm and
which transnational mothers and carers contribute to maintain in the households
of their employers (Morokvasic, 2004). In the case of the men who work mainly in
construction or in agriculture, commuting takes place at less regular intervals and is
determined by the seasonal nature of their jobs.

In addition to enabling women to have a transnational, double presence that

combines their caring lives here and there, the rotation system yields other
opportunities for agency. Firstly, women avoid being trapped in an institutionalized
form of dependency on a single employer (Morokvasic, 1999; Hess, 2005). Secondly,
the constant mobility enables women to avoid the drawbacks of illegal status, or to
avoid being illegal altogether as long as their sojourn takes place within the three-
month visa-free period for tourists. Thirdly, in a sector where upward mobility is

50
 MIRJANA MOROKVASIC / TRANSNATIONAL MOBILITIES AND GENDER IN EUROPE

almost impossible and where most of the Central and Eastern European women are de-
classed and de-skilled, some of them draw on their accumulated social knowledge and
their experience in a rotation system and eventually develop into a small migration-
management business as brokers: the contact addresses and job offers are marketable
because without an address, a telephone and a recommendation of a trustworthy
person, it is impossible for a newcomer to get a job (Kuzma, 2012).

The leading broker may be a German-Polish connection a woman who has a

stable status as a German citizen or as a long-term resident (Mnst, 2008). She starts
using her own rotation group, her established local connections, and builds up a new
network.

Gender order seems resistant to change in migration, even in situations of

apparent reversal, when women become main breadwinners. While circulatory
migration brings to both men and women more autonomy and opportunities in using
the acquired social capital within a broader migratory space, back in the home country
the gender order reasserts itself and women have fewer opportunities to make use of
their success, confronted with moral stigmatization (Potot, 2005).

Whereas the presence of migrant women in personal services contributes to

increasing equal opportunities in the labour market between local middle class women
and men, it enhances inequalities among women and in the same time the gender
division of labour in the household remains unquestioned (Oso, 2003; Lutz, 2008).
Especially when employment is considered as a family obligation for women, it is not
likely to bring about changes in malefemale relationships (Kalwa, 2008).

Mobile entrepreneurs: a comparison

Trading is another occupation of the people on the move. Among Eastern
Europeans it involves mixed groups: gender and intergenerational role attribution
during trips provide a family-like profile to the group, an inconspicuous one because it
appears more private than professional. Trading further relies on unquestioned gender
relationships and hierarchies which assign to women and men different positions
and related expectations. Men act as group leaders and protectors, while women are
assigned the task of negotiators. They are in charge of the transport of more sensitive
goods and may be expected to make use of their charms to attract customers or deal
with customs officers (Irek, 1998; Karamustafa, 2001; Peraldi, 2001).

The circulation in the Euro-Mediterranean region involves other groups of people

beside Eastern Europeans, mostly from North Africa. Increasingly feminised, present-
day flows from that region do not correspond any more to former male-dominated

51
 ARS & HUMANITAS / TUDIJE

patterns where women stay behind or later follow as part of a family reunion process.
With the exception of female traders from West Africa, female traders are a rather
new development in North Africa. Now in the majority, they have not only invaded
an originally completely male sphere, but they also go out into a public space to do the
trading. Gaining autonomy for themselves and the social promotion of their family
are the main incentives of such moves (Peraldi, 2001). Besides the changing patterns
of migration and trading, the feminisation of the cross-border trading circuits also
reflects the power that the newly performed mobility confers to women in societies
which traditionally limited their mobility.

Being a woman becomes an advantage: crossing borders, confronting obstacles

(visas, customs officers) can be easier for women. Feminine attributes and dress are
(like with women from the Eastern Europe) used as a tactic to cross borders and to
smuggle some articles. North African women, for example, instrumentalise the veil
which, as the instrument of the weak confers a feeling of security enabling women to
cross the boundaries into public space (Schmoll, 2005).

Their know-how to circulate differs between the rotation of Polish domestic

workers and traders. The Polish function as a group, but travel individually and
substitute each other at weekly or monthly intervals. The North Africans travel in
groups: by having a socializing function for the newcomers as a social control, the
group minimizes the risk of transgression of the gender code implied in geographic
mobility.

Women in the world of men often have a male protector: whereas among the
Eastern Europeans the male protector regulates and manages the services including
sexual services which some women of the group would provide as a part of trade
negotiations (Irek, 1998), the protector of Tunisian women observes that their moral
code is preserved and that they are not sexually assaulted (Schmoll, 2005).

Sex work and entertainment

Sex workers are primarily economic migrants, they tend to consider their work
as a transitory gate opener to the EU labour markets, as swiftly remunerative activity,
practiced because of the lack of alternatives or as an extension to other activities.

Sex work often implies mobility and circulation, either required by the work, by
entry regulations or by family and other commitments at home (Thivent, 2010). Post-
communist trading trips also involved occasional prostitution. Housewives, badly paid
civil servants, school-girls and students resorted to it in order to increase their own
travel gains or the likelihood of a successful trade transaction. Some women travelled

52
 MIRJANA MOROKVASIC / TRANSNATIONAL MOBILITIES AND GENDER IN EUROPE

across the border exclusively as weekend prostitutes, which enabled them to keep their
jobs at home and double or triple their salaries in just one trip (Morawska, 2003).
Engaging in prostitution is considered as a quick way to make ends meet for single
mothers without job or to get a starting capital for a project at home (Karamustafa,
2001), whether under pressure from or in agreement with the family.

Our trans-European study of migrant women in the labour market shows that
women also move into or reenter prostitution from other low paid and undesirable
jobs, performed in degrading and humiliating conditions for low pay, like domestic
work or agriculture. Carmen, from Columbia, earns well and can afford to shuttle
between Germany, where she works for periods of two months, and Spain, where she
is meanwhile a citizen, and where she spends time with her family. Masza and Viola
commute between Krakow and their home towns in Ukraine, whereas Lilia, also a
Ukrainian, worked as a dancer in the Middle East and Italy before coming to Slovenia
(Catarino, Morokvasic-Mller, 2013).

Sex workers, who remain independent and in control of their mobility, use the
accumulated capital to improve their condition by setting up businesses at home.

Others are obliged to rely on a protector or a smuggler in order to cross borders

(Lazaroiou, Ulrich, 2003). The risk is being trapped in the circuit of forced sexual
nomadism, being rotated by pimps from one European city to another within a system
in which gender power hierarchies are exacerbated. Women are usually aware of the
limits of promises of a decent and well-paid work, but are also aware that this is their
only way into the European labour market.

Concluding remarks

Resistance to the nation state-based logic of exclusion

and segregation
In this presentation the focus has been on those who can build on their spatial
mobility and know-how and successfully use the opportunity structures made available
to them in the process of changing border management regimes. Mobility as a strategy
can be empowering, a resource, a tool for social innovation and agency, if it is under
the migrants' own control. Women and men rely on spatial mobility as a resource to
mitigate risks by transnationalizing them. Individual strategies can become a collective
resource, social knowledge about border crossing being shared by the members of
the network, beyond its ethnic boundaries (as in the case of Saxons or numerous
mobility managers during the trading trips). When the Greek state closes the borders,

53
 ARS & HUMANITAS / TUDIJE

the reinforced ethnic heterogeneity becomes a resource, a useful migratory capital for
some of the potential border crossers or their clients on the Albanian side.

Migrants are acting in the context of globalization which tends to eliminate

barriers to the circulation of capital and goods while selectively maintaining or even
erecting new barriers to the circulation of people. They are not abolishing borders,
but trying to circumvent them and even use them as a resource. They contribute to
democratizing borders as Etienne Balibar (2003, 170) would call such resistance to
the state logic of exclusion and segregation.

Gender orders unbound?

Women from Eastern Europe innovate transnationally in the organization of their
work and private life: the rotation system enables them a transnational dual presence
that combines life here and there. In the domestic and caretaking sectors, where
women are predominant and where upward mobility is practically impossible, they
also find niches for business creation.

Being a woman may sometimes be advantageous when engaging in migration.

Tunisian women go out into the public space and enter a previously male-dominated
sector (Schmoll, 2005). By acquiring material prosperity, women also become
empowered to abandon unsatisfactory relationships at home or to impose more
tolerant and egalitarian relationships with their partners. Those with families often
mention that they find themselves able to renegotiate the division of labour in the
household. They feel they have more respect and authority in decision making (Irek,
1998).

In a stigmatized activity as sex work, leading a transnational life, relying on

mobility and crossing borders in order to maintain a balance between home and the
workspace, is one of the ways of gaining autonomy, resisting exclusion and illegality
and coming to terms with the stigma. Commuting between Ukraine-home and
Poland-work or Spain-home and Germany-work enables women to keep their two
lives separate making sure that their earnings as sex workers in the country of work
contribute to their respectable social position as breadwinners in their families and in
their home milieu (Catarino, Morokvasic-Mller, 2013).

And yet, the deep-rooted gender order is not, at least not openly challenged. Gender
norms and expectations often remain unquestioned in migration, even in situations of
apparent reversal, when women become main breadwinners. The cultural ideals about
men as economic providers often prevail, shaping both behaviours and outcomes.

54
 MIRJANA MOROKVASIC / TRANSNATIONAL MOBILITIES AND GENDER IN EUROPE

References
Ambrosini, M., Spares et runies: familles migrantes et liens transnationaux, Revue
europenne des migrations internationales 24 (3), 2008, p. 79-106
Balibar, E., L'Europe, l'Amrique, la guerre. Rflexions sur la mdiation europenne,
Paris 2003.
Baubck, R., Transnational citizenship. Membership and rights in international
migration, Aldershot 1994.
Bourdieu, P., Wacquant, L. J. D., Rponses, Paris 1992.
Catarino, C., Morokvasic-Muller, M., Blurred lines: Policies and experience of migrant
women in prostitution and entertainment, in: Paradoxes of Integration. Female
Migrants in Europe (eds. Anthias F. et al.), Dordrecht, Heidelberg, New York,
London 2013, p. 153-172.
Clifford, J., Diasporas, Cultural Anthropology 9 (3), 1994, p. 302-338.
Cyrus, N., Managing a mobile life: changing attitudes among illegally employed Polish
household workers, in: Migration and mobility in an enlarged Europe. A gender
Perspective (eds. Metz-Gckel, S. et al.), Opladen 2008, p. 179-202.
De Rapper, G., Sints, P., Composer avec le risque: la frontire sud de l'Albanie entre
politique des Etats et solidarits locales, Revue d'tudes comparatives est-ouest
37 (4), 2006, p. 243-271.
Faist, T., The volume and dynamics of international migration and transnational spaces,
Oxford 2000.
Faist, T. et al., Transnational migration, Cambridge 2013.
Glick Schiller, N. et al., Towards a transnational perspectives on migration, New York
1992.
Hess, S., Au Pair als transnationale Migrationstrategie von Frauen aus Osteuropa,
Wiesbaden 2005.
Irek, M., Der Schmugglerzug. Warschau-Berlin-Warschau. Materialien einer
Feldforschung, Berlin 1998, p. 122.
Kalwa, D., Commuting between private lives, in: Migration and mobility in an enlarged
Europe. A gender Perspective (eds. Metz-Gckel, S. et al.), Opladen 2008, p. 121-140.
Karamustafa, G., Objects of desire A suitcase trade (100 Dollars limit), in: Geschlecht
und Globalisierung. Ein kulturwissenschaftlicher Streifzug durch transnationale
Rume (eds. Hess, S. et al.), Konigstein/Taunus 2001, p. 166-180.
Kastoryano, R., Immigration, transnational community and citizenship, International
Journal of Social Sciences 165, 2000, p. 353-361.

55
 ARS & HUMANITAS / TUDIJE

Keough, L. J., Globalizing Postsocialism: mobile mothers and neoliberalism on the

margins of Europe, Anthropological Quarterly 79 (3), 2006, p. 431-461.
Kuzma, E., Emergence d'une communaut transnationale dans l'espace migratoire
europen. Analyse de la migration polonaise Bruxelles (2002-2009). Doctoral
thesis, Universit Libre de Bruxelles 2012, p. 456.
Lazaroiu, S., Ulrich, L., Le trafic des femmes: une perspective sociologique, in: Visibles
mais peu nombreux. Les circulations migratoires roumaines (ed. Diminescu, D.),
Paris 2003, p. 265-300.
Lutz, H., Migration and Domestic Work. A European perspective on a Global Theme,
Aldershot 2008, p. 215.
Ma Mung E., La dispersion comme ressource, Cultures & Conflits, 33-34, 1999, http://
conflits.revues.org/46 [10. 10. 2013].
Michalon, B., Circuler entre Roumanie et Allemagne. Les Saxons de Transylvanie, de
l'migration ethnique au va-et-vient, Balkanologie VII (1), 2003, p. 19-42.
Morawska, E., Immigrant transnationalism and assimilation : a variety of combinations
and the analytic strategy it suggests, in: Toward Assimilation and Citizenship:
Immigrants in Liberal nation-states (eds. Joppke, C., Morawska, E.), Basingstoke
2003, p. 133-176.
Morokvasic, M., La mobilit transnationale comme ressource: le cas des migrants de l'Europe
de l'Est, Cultures & Conflits 33-34, 1999, http://conflits.revues.org/46 [10. 10. 2013].
Morokvasic, M., Settled in Mobility: Engendering Post-wall Migration in Europe,
Feminist Review 77 (1), 2004, p. 7-25.
Morokvasic, M., Une migration pendulaire: les Polonais en Allemagne, Hommes et
Migrations 1155, 1992, p. 31-37
Morokvasic, M., Yougoslaves, in: L'Argent des immigrs (eds. Tapinos, G., Garson, J. P.),
Paris 1981, p. 267-299.
Mnst, A. S., Social capital in migration processes of Polish undocumented care- and
household workers, in: Migration and mobility in an enlarged Europe. A gender
Perspective (eds. Metz-Gockel, S., Morokvasic, M., Senganata Munst, A.), Opladen
2008, p. 203-224.
Nedelcu, M., Le migrant online, Paris 2009, p. 187.
Ogaya, C., Social Discourses on Filipino women Migrants, Feminist Review 77, 2004,
p. 180-182.
Oso, L., The new migratory space in southern europe: the case of sex workers in Spain,
in: Crossing Borders and Shifting Boundaries. Gender on the Move (eds. Morokvasic,
M. et al.), Opladen 2003, p. 207227.

56
 MIRJANA MOROKVASIC / TRANSNATIONAL MOBILITIES AND GENDER IN EUROPE

Peraldi, M., L'esprit de bazar. Mobilits transnationales maghrebines et socits

mtropolitaines. Les routes d'Istanboul, in: Cabas et contenaires. Activits
marchandes informelles et rseaux migrants transfrontaliers (eds. Peraldi, M. et al.),
Paris 2001, p. 329-361.
Portes, A., Conclusion: Toward a new world the origins and effects of transnational
activities, Ethnic and Racial Studies 22 (2), 1999, p. 217-237.
Portes, A., Global villagers: The rise of transnational communities, American Prospect
25, 1996, p. 74-77.
Portes, A., Introduction: The debates and significance of immigrant transnationalism,
Global Networks 1 (3), 2001, p. 181-193.
Potot, S., La place des femmes dans les rseaux migrants roumains, Revue europenne
des migrations internationales 21 (1), 2005, p. 243-58.
Razy, E., Baby-Collin V., La famille transntionale dans tous ses tats, Autrepart 57-58
(1), 2011, p. 7-22.
Reyniers, A., Migrations tsiganes de Roumanie, in: Visibles mais peu nombreux. Les
circulations migratoires roumaines (ed. Diminescu, D.), Paris 2003, p. 51-63.
Riccio, B., From ethnic group to transnational community? Senegalese migrants'
ambivalent experiences and multiple trajectories, Journal of Ethnic and Migration
Studies 27 (4), 2001, p. 583-599.
Schmoll, C., Pratiques spatiales transnationales et stratgies de mobilit des
commerantes tunisiennes, Revue europenne des migrations internationales 21
(1), 2005, p. 131154.
Tarrius, A. et al. Transmigrants et nouveaux trangers, Toulouse 2013, p. 200.
Tarrius, A., Les fourmis d'Europe. Migrants riches, migrants pauvres et nouvelles villes
internationales, Paris 1992, p. 207.
Thivent, R., Temporal dimensions of cabaret dancers' circular migration to Switzerland,
in: New sociologies of sex work (eds. Kingston, S., Hardy, K.), Aldershot 2010, p.
149-165.
Vertovec, S. Transnationalism, London 2009.
Wallace, C. and Stola, D., Introduction: Patterns of migration in Central Europe, in:
Patterns of migration in Central Europe (eds. Wallace, C., Stola, D.), Houndmills
2001, p. 3-44.
Weber, S., Nouvelle Europe, nouvelles migrations. Frontires, intgration, mondialisation,
Paris 2007.

57
 ARS & HUMANITAS / TUDIJE

Mirjana Morokvasic

Transnacionalnamobilnost in spol

Kljune besede: transnacionalne migracije in mobilnost, Evropa, spol

Prispevek osvetljuje izkunje migrantov kot socialnih inovatorjev, ki izumijo

razline naine transnacionalnega ivljenja, izkoristijo meje in mobilnost kot vire za
izboljanje svojih socialnih, politinih in ekonomskih pogojev ivljenja ter tako od
spodaj navzgor prispevajo k integrativnim procesom po vsej Evropi. Avtorica se prek
empirinih primerov iz lastnega raziskovalnega dela in primerov iz tudij drugih
osredotoi na mobilnost, pri kateri migranti premikajo meje razlinih zamejevanj
pripadanja, ne upotevajo nacionalnih meja, krijo spolne norme in briejo meje
poklicev.

58