Positive aspects of migration: Roma women as

agents of change

Authors:

Emanuela Ignăţoiu-Sora
Expertise in human rights and European policies. She published
„Equality and non-discrimination in the case-law of the European
Court of Justice”, at C.H. Beck. PhD in law from European University
Institute.

Liviu Iancu

BA and MA in History at the University of Bucharest, with

specialisation in rhetoric, political and military relations in Ancient
Greece. Currently, he is conducting a PhD research on migration and
international relations in antiquity. Columnist at EuroPunkt, writing
on migration and the foreign policy of the EU.

1
Contents

Introduction .................................................................................................. 3
Scope, Objective and Methodology .............................................................. 4
Desk research................................................................................................ 8
Historical factors explaining the current status of Roma women ............... 24
Field research .............................................................................................. 29
Results......................................................................................................... 36
Interpretation of the results ....................................................................... 53
Dimensions and characteristics of migration ......................................... 53
Countries preferred ................................................................................ 54
Causes for migration............................................................................... 55
Roma’s occupations in Norway .............................................................. 55
General effects of migration................................................................... 56
Particular effects on the status of Roma women ................................... 59
Conclusions and recommendations ............................................................ 60
Bibliography: ............................................................................................... 63

2
Introduction

This research paper was written based on a study conducted within the
project: “Positive aspects of migration: Roma women and Roma
craftspersons as agents of change”, which was implemented by
Eurocentrica, as part of the program PA17/RO13 - the promotion of
diversity in arts and culture, within the European cultural heritage.

The general objective of the project was to enhance cultural dialogue and
to preserve European identity through the understanding of cultural
diversity by promoting positive aspects of Roma migration (Roma women
and craftspersons as agents of change).

Within this context, the specific objectives of the project were:

 To document the cultural history of Roma and to determine a

better understanding of cultural diversity by conducting a
research study on the positive impact of migration for the
emancipation of Roma women;

 To determine a better understanding of cultural diversity and to

consolidate the intercultural dialogue by promoting the
traditional Roma crafts through two events organized in Norway;

 To consolidate the access of a larger audience to Roma culture by

disseminating the research study and by organizing two events in
Norway focused on traditional Roma crafts;

3
Scope, Objective and Methodology

The scope of the research was to identify the positive effects of migration
on Roma women.

Its main objectives were:

 To identify which Roma women from the communities envisaged

by the study have travelled abroad
 To map the main countries and destinations considered by Roma
migration
 To identify the frequency of travelling abroad
 To identify the main effects of migration, with focus on positive
effects
 To validate the hypothesis according to which migration
generates a certain emancipation of Roma women within their
own families and communities
 To identify the main modalities through which Roma improve
their financial situation while abroad
 To correlate the data on socio-economic situation and education
of Roma women with data on migration
 To identify Roma’s perceptions on the effects of migration on
their situation
 To invalidate generalized human trafficking
 To make recommendations based on the general conclusions of
the study
In order to realize these objectives, we conducted a bi-dimensional
research: quantitative and qualitative research.

4
Data collection techniques and methods:

 Desk research which focused on the relevant literature in the area.

The goal was to include this research within the larger body of
literature on migration, Roma and gender.

 Quantitative research by elaborating and applying a questionnaire.

 Qualitative research by realizing 15 semi-structured interviews,

containing predetermined questions. The method was used in
order to explore the way in which respondents perceive migration,
but also to identify persons whose opinions demand a detailed
investigation.

 5 in-depth interviews, following the identification within the semi-

structured interviews. The method was chosen in order to focus on
the life stories of Roma women in communities, told by
themselves, and on their personal life experiences. Moreover, the
method was chosen in order to counteract the weak aspects of
semi-structured interviews (researchers would have difficulties in
examining complex opinions and questions). Also, this method
enables Roma women to share their experience in a format of their
choice, in opposition to the semi-structured interviews, where the
researcher had already established which are the important issues.

 Direct observation. However, it is important to highlight that this is

not an anthropological research. Due to time limitation, we could
5
 not realize an in-depth, long-term research in the communities
envisaged.

We based our research on previous studies in the areas of sociology and

anthropology1, on the national census2 and on the term country reports
drafted for the National Agency for Roma3. We gave special importance
to the phrases and the elements used by Roma women in order to
describe their own experiences regarding migration4.

The pre-determined questions focused on:

 Frequency of migration
 Routes of migration
 Support network (family etc.)
 Subjective experience of migration
 Reasons for migrating
 Impact of migration
 Possible cases of human trafficking

1 Glick Schiller, N 2009, “A Global Perspective on Transnational Migration: Theorizing

Migration without Methodological Nationalism”, Working Paper, No. 67. Glick Schiller, N
2003, “The centrality of ethnography in the study of transnational migration: seeing the
wetland instead of the swamp”, in Foner, N (ed.) 2003, American Arrivals: Anthropology
Engages the New Immigration, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, pp. 99-128.
2 Romanian National Census, 2011.
3 National Agency for Roma, term reports.
4 Grill, J 2012, “Going up to England: Exploring Mobilities among Roma from Eastern
Europe”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 38, no. 8, pp. 1269-1287.
6
Representative sample:
Probabilistic

Research method:
Face-to-face interviews and questionnaires.

Instruments:
 Questionnaire.
 Interview, questions.

7
Desk research

This report is situated in the broader, complex context of contemporary

Roma mobilities5. Referring to this problematic Jan Grill, for instance,
talks of “various forms of mobility”6. However, when writing this report,
researchers were faced with the dilemma of using the term
“mobility(ies)” versus “migration(s)”. Whilst, “mobility(ies)” is more
suitable to describe the constant, complex movements, both physical and
existential7 of Roma persons, the term “migration” was preferred in the
end.

This choice is justified by the legal status of Norway - our main focus for
this research paper - within the European Union: indeed, given that
Norway is not a Member State of the European Union, the term
“migration”, and the larger international migration law seemed the most
adequate choice.

Furthermore, it is important to clarify the concept of “Roma” as well, and

the way it is used within this research paper. The term “Roma” has been
introduced into the international discourse in the 1970s by Roma

5Sigona, N, Vermeersch, P 2012,

“Introduction. The Roma in the New EU: Policies, Frames
and Everyday Experiences”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 38, no. 8, p.
1189.
6 Grill, op.cit, p. 1190.
7 Grill, ibidem.

8
representatives, in order to replace the term “Gypsies”, deemed to be
discriminatory8.

According to linguistics, Roma comes from the Romani word “rom”,

which means “man, husband”9. It is important to retain that Roma is
currently used as an umbrella-term, denominating various sub-groups:
Sinti, Manouches, Kalderash etc.

The general usage of the term ‘Roma’ does not intent to

minimize or to ignore the great diversity within the
various Roma groups and communities. This term does
not intend either to promote stereotypes (EU webpage)
As for the purpose of this report, by Roma we refer to the so-called
Eastern European Roma/Gypsies, and in particular to the Roma from the
communities in the southern part of Romania, considered in by the field
research.

Eastern European Roma/Gypsies “were of particular concern for many

political actors and were seen as a litmus test in the accession process by
human-rights groups, EU institutions and the member-states
politicians”10. This correlation between the accession to EU and the
situation of Roma in their respective Member States, as well as the

8 Klimova-Alexander, I 2005, The Romani Voice in World Politics, The United Nations and
Non-State Actors, Ashgate, Hants.
9 Hancock, I 2002, We are the Romani People, University of Hertfordshire Press,

Hertfordshire.
10 Vermeersch, P 2012, “Reframing the Roma: EU Initiatives and the Politics of

Reinterpretation”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 38, no. 8, pp. 1195-1212.
9
potential increase of Roma migration, partially explain the explosion of
academic research in relation to Roma over the past decades. Several
directions of research in relation to Roma studies are to be identified:

 Linguistic studies11
 Historical studies12
 Anthropological studies13
 Sociological studies14
 Legal studies15
However, the vast majority of research in relation to Roma studies, is
interdisciplinary, given the complexity of the topics. Roma migration is
illustrative in this regard. Usually, Roma migration is described as being
family-oriented. Gamella16, for instance, characterizes Roma migration as
a “family journey”, making it uncommon to find men and women who
migrate by themselves. This family migration is mostly dependent on

11 Matras, Y 2005, Romani: A Linguistic Introduction, Cambridge University Press,

Cambridge.
12 Hancock, Y 1989, The Pariah Syndrome, An Account of Gypsy Slavery and Persecution,

Karoma Publishers, Ann Arbor. Achim, V 2004, The Roma in Romanian History, Central
European University Press, Budapest.
13 Stewart, M 1997, Time of the Gypsies, Westview Press, Boulder. Lucassen, L 1991, “The

power of definition. Stigmatization, Minoritisation and Ethnicity Illustrated by the History

of Gypsies in the Netherlands”, Journal of Social Sciences, vol. 27, no.2, pp. 80-91.
14 Zamfir, C, Zamfir, E 1993, Țiganii între ignorare și îngrijorare, Alternative, București.

Fleck G, Rughiniș, C 2008, Come Closer-Inclusion and Exclusion of Roma in Present-Day

Romanian Society, Human Dynamics, Bucharest.
15 Ignăţoiu-Sora, E 2011, “The discrimination discourse in relation to the Roma: its limits

and benefits”, Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 34, no. 10, pp. 1697-1714. Goodwin, M
2006, The romani claim to non-territorial nationhood: taking legitimacy-based claims
seriously in international law, PhD thesis, European University Institute.
16 Gamella, J 2007, “La immigracio Ignorada: Roma/Gitanos de Europa Oriental en

Espana, 1991-2006”, Available at:

http://www.ugr.es/_pwlac/G23_08JuanF_Gamella.html
10
previous networks (kin and acquaintances), despite of some worries
expressed in relation to human trafficking17. It is being characterized by
great and constant mobility: not only Roma would migrate from Romania
to Norway, for instance, but inside Norway, and inside Romania as well18.

It is rather insignificant in terms of numbers19, but highly important in

terms of the reactions it triggers. It is usually considered to be driven by
socio-economic rationales, because of racism and exclusion from the
labour market. Most Roma who are active in the process of migration are
in pursuit of a better life - symbolically and socially, and in this context,
their migration is equated with carving a better future for themselves.

Roma migration is not a recent phenomenon, and the first laws targeted
at preventing and controlling it date back to the 15th century. One
common trait is that Roma migration has always been under scrutiny and
control in one way or the other. Although recent measures to prevent
and to control Roma migration are not new, they have, undoubtedly,
acquired new dimensions, especially with the involvement of the EU
institutions and the powerful reverberations in the media and in the

17 Helms, E 2013, Invisible victims: an analysis of human trafficking vulnerability and

prevention in Bulgarian Romani Communities, PhD Thesis, University of Denver.
18 Sordé Martí, T, Munté, A, Contreras A, Prieto-Flores, O 2012, “Immigrant and Native

Romani Women in Spain: Building Alliances and Developing Shared Strategies”, Journal
of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 38, no. 8, pp. 1233-1249, p. 1234.
19 Nacu, A 2012, “From Silent Marginality to Spotlight Scapegoating? A Brief Case Study

of France’s Policy Towards the Roma”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 38,
no. 8, pp. 1323-1328.
11
society as such. The heated debates in the media and in society at large,
following or at times even triggering swift legal, repressive measures are
illustrative: in Norway, France, Italy, Denmark20. It is curious how a small
number of migrants have provoked such vast reactions21, the French case
being particularly telling. Alexandra Nacu, for instance, documents how
over a matter of few weeks, in the summer of 2010, there were massive
reactions to the presence of only a few hundred of Roma on the French
territory22.

In relation to this, one line of recent academic research actually takes

these issues one step forward, by looking at methods of framing and of
interpreting Roma migration, mainly for political reasons. Peter
Vermeersch discusses, for instance, in an article from 2012 on the
ongoing reframing of Roma and on different politics of reinterpretation23.
He uses the shifts in the EU policies towards Roma as a way to discuss the
way their migration has been reframed by different actors: nation states,
EU, European institutions and NGOs.

20 See media coverage.

21 Sordé Martí, op.cit., p. 1234: “The LUNGO DROM observation project (2004-07)
estimated the size of the Roma migrant population living around the Mediterranean coast
to be between 5,900 and 7,100 people. More-recent data suggest that 600 to 700 Romani
immigrants from Eastern Europe are living in the Barcelona area (FSGG 2009), another
estimate, of 600, was made in 2005 (Generalitat de Catalunya 2006)”
22 Nacu, op.cit.
23 Vermeersch, op.cit.

12
The danger in highlighting the European dimension of Roma is: “(...) to
provide new discursive material for nationalist politicians with an anti-
Romani agenda who try to minimise or evade their countries’ domestic
responsibility by highlighting the role and responsibility of the EU. They
also latch onto the alleged ‚Europeanness’ of the Roma in order to exclude
them symbolically from their own national space and frame them not only
as ‚Europeans’ but also as ‚outsiders’ and cultural ‚deviants’24.

Vermeersch concludes: “The Roma are a unique case

because their experiences of mobility are strongly
affected by policy developments and debates”.
A major part of the contemporary literature regarding Roma takes place
within intra-EU mobility25, which adds a whole new dimension to the
academic discussion, given the EU citizenship and the entitlements
associated to it. The social benefits, in particular, have triggered some
research on Roma allegedly abuse of welfare systems, or otherwise
known as “welfare tourism”. This line of research, still under
development, considers the link between welfare benefits and durational
residence and resource requirements, especially in relation to Directive

24 However, Vermeersch underlines that over the past years there is a dual approach in
relation to Roma: on the one hand there is the effort to frame Roma as a group in need
for special attention and care, and on the other end there is the intention to make them
look like scape-goats. Vermeersch, ibidem, p. 1195
25 Sigona, Vermeersch, op.cit., p. 1190.

13
38/2004, and in line of the interpretation adopted by the European Court
of Justice, with its delicate and complex “balancing of interests”26.

The Dano case is of particular interest27. These discussions are very much
related to the larger debate on social inclusion of Roma promoted at the
EU level28, and they are complementary to a growing body of literature
on the EU legal framework on social inclusion29.

Along with discourse tendencies and social inclusion, the academic

literature regarding Roma migration takes into account as well the calls
for security as a reason to control their mobilities.

Nando Sigona and Peter Vermeersch synthesize very well the

embedment of Roma migration into a complex array of topics: “policy
debates about Romani mobilities at the EU level, as well as in member-
states, are polarised between calls for security and control of mobility and
migration on the one hand, and appeals to fight discrimination, increase
the Roma’s chances for social inclusion and defend their minority rights

26 Mather, JD 2005, “The Court of Justice and the Union Citizen”, European Law Journal,
2005, vol. 11, no. 6, pp. 722-743.
27 Case C-333/13 Elisabeta Dano, Florin Dano v Jobcenter Leipzig.
28 To name only a few: Common Basic Principles on Roma Inclusion; various financial

instruments, such as the European Social Fund or the European Regional Development
Fund. For more, see
http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/file/improving-the-tools-for-the-social-inclusion-and-
non-discrimination-of-roma-in-the-eu-2010.pdf
29 Dawson, M 2011, New Governance and the Transformation of European Law:

Coordinating EU Social Law and Policy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Cantillon, B,Verschueren, H, Ploscar, P 2012, Social Inclusion and Social Protection in the
EU: Interactions between Law and Policy, Intersentia, Antwerp.
14
on the other. These attempts at governing these various forms of Romani
mobility have also produced changes in the way in which such mobilities
have been experienced by the Roma themselves and on how the Roma
have been framed in public discussions”30.

Another important line of research connects discrimination with

migration: reasons behind Roma’s decisions to leave behind their home
countries, and, as the same time, negative reception in host countries.
Portes and Rumbaut had written on this perspective31, and in strict
relation to Roma there are the studies conducted by Bancroft or Crowe
(2003)32.

Another line of research analyses the impact of Roma migration on the

demographics of Member States, in terms of values and Roma identity,
as well as on policy behaviour of various actors and institutions. Sigona
and Trehan analyse how following accession of Eastern European
countries to the EU made it more difficult for the EU not to include Roma

30 Sigona, Vermeersch op.cit, p. 1190. Sasse, G 2005, “Securitisation or securing rights?

Exploring the conceptual foundations of policies towards minorities and migrants in
Europe”, Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 43, no.4, pp. 673-693: “throughout the
last decade the EU has increasingly linked its security interests with the promotion of
rights in the field if minority protection and anti-discrimination”.
31 Portes, A, Rumbaut, R 2006, Immigrant America: a Portrait, University of California

Press, Los Angeles and Berkeley. Portes, A & MacLeod, D 1996 “What shall I call myself?
Hispanic identity formation in the second generation”, Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 19,
no. 3, pp. 523-547.
32 Bancroft, A 2005, Roma and Gypsy Travellers in Europe, Modernity, Race, Space and

Exclusion, Ashgate, Hants. Crowe, DM 1996, A History of the Gypsies of Eastern Europe
and Russia, I.B. Tauris, London.
15
migration in its policies33. In this context, Roma migration is presented as
a factor for “the EU to pressure for change in the candidate states in order
to allay fears of large-scale migration to the West”34.

The impact of migration on Roma is documented in articles such as the

one written by Jan Grill, where he describes the experiences, especially
at the existential level, of a Roma community involved in migration from
Slovakia to the UK35. He makes the distinction between “physical” and
“existential” migration to describe the imaginative and symbolic
dimension associated with migration. Following the experience of a
particular Roma man (Thulo) who decided to return from the UK, Grill
manages to show that the decisions of Roma to engage or disengage from
migration pathways are not necessarily linked to financial circumstances.
Thulo decided to return to Slovakia not only because he could not find a
job in UK, but because he felt disempowered and “compromising his own
sense of masculinity and location in the Roma social universe”36.

33 See also Vermeersch, P, ibidem, p. 1196: “the increase of Romani migration to Western
Europe has made it more difficult for the EU to narrow down to merely a problem of
Eastern Europe. It has also forced the old EU members in the West to take the situation
of their own native Romani citizens, which they so far had more of less ignored, more
seriously”.
34 Vermeersch, op.cit., p. 1199.
35 This article is placed in the larger research conducted especially in anthropology. See

Berger J, Mohr, J 1975, A Seventh Man, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, pp. 58: “a
migrant will leave his home because it held no future for him”.
36 Grill, op.cit., p. 1275.

16
Grill’s paper, in particular, is illustrative for the complexity of Roma
migration, and the present report is very keen as well on showing the
diversity of the situation of Roma. In fact, such diversity should be taken
into account by decision-makers and policy-makers.

In the recent years, Roma’s migration is being researched as a “significant

movement”, which empowers Roma and equips them with the hope for
a better future. This empowerment feature is recent to migration studies,
and especially to research focusing on women migration, as it is the case
with this present research. In fact, there has been a growing tendency to
incorporate gender in migration studies over the last three decades, the
main lines of inquiry being on: why women migrate, the way migration
affects on the host societies, the societies back home and their own
families. This is however new and until the 1980s research on women
migration was relatively scarce37.

Furthermore, when research was conducted, it pointed at the

victimization of women in the context of migration, and it is only recently
that there has been a shift towards migrant women’s agency and
empowerment. The present research is in line with this new tendency of
research, embedded in the new approaches of the larger field of feminist
studies - which have evolved from denouncing oppressive conditions and

37Pessar, P, Mahler, S 2003, “Transnational migration: bringing gender in”, International

Migration Review, vol. 37, no. 3, pp. 812-846. Wright, C 1995, “Gender awareness in
migration theory: synthetizing actor and structure in Southern Africa”, Development and
Change, vol. 26, no. 4, pp. 771-791.
17
relationships, to depicting women as significant agents in the process of
migration.

In more recent years, there has been growing recognition that

perhaps too much emphasis has been placed on the victimization
of migrant women, and a consequent shift has occurred towards
focusing on migrant women’s agency and empowerment
Several studies written in the context of migration from the Philippines
or from Mexico to the US, or from Germany to the EU are key to this new
approach38. The research of Roma migration from Romania is currently
under developed and it can only be partially situated into the existent
literature on migration, and gender migration, given its specific features
- the most important one being the legal status of Roma from Romania
of EU citizens.

When discussing the agency of women migration, we should, however,

indicate that research evidence is highly contradictory. Whilst some
authors equate migrant women with an increased economic autonomy39,
with more participation to civic life and better awareness of their rights40,
there is also a growing body of literature on the disempowerment of
women because of migration.

38 Hochschild, AR 2000, “Global care chains and emotional surplus value”, in Hutton, W,
Giddens, A, Cape, J 2000, Living on the edge: Living with global capitalism, Vintage,
London, pp. 130-146.
39 Pessar, P Mahler, SJ 2003, op. cit.
40 Hirsch, JS 1999, “El norte la mujer manda: gender, generation and geography in a

Mexican transnational community”, American Behavioral Scientist, vol. 42, no. 9, pp.
1332- 1349.
18
Authors, such as Hirsch,41 evidentiate powerful, structural aspects, like
global economic disparities, inequalities in payment among countries and
human trafficking, which would disempower migrant women. There are
authors going as far as to say that migration has an insignificant impact
on gender inequalities42.

Nevertheless, there are some important key studies underlining the

agency impact on migrant women

Leah Briones43, for instance, illustrates the manifestations and the effects
of the globalization of migration. Based on 12 interviews with Filipino
migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong and Paris, focused on their
employment and work experiences, Briones concludes that, at times, the
lives of women are positively affected by migration. Her main aim is to
reconcile victimization with agency in the case of migrant women, and to
bring a multifold dimension to women migration, especially by
highlighting how, despite oppressive situations, migrant women are still
able to “carve out spaces of control”.

According to this study, migrant women achieve some empowerment, by

becoming the main economic contributors for their families. The central

41 Idem.
42 Parrado, EA, Flippen, C 2005, “Migration and gender among Mexican women”,
American Sociological Review, vol. 70, no. 4, pp. 606-632.
43 Briones, L 2009, Empowering Migrant Women: Why Agency and Rights are not Enough,

Ashgate, Hants.
19
element in her approach is on the “livelihood” of these women, and on
their daily experiences.

Another key book for this new tendency in gender migration studies,
focusing on agency, rather than on victimization, is the one written by
Umut Erel44 on the life stories of ten highly skilled Turkish women living
in Germany and Britain. The key concepts are, similar to Leah Briones
book, their daily experiences, their life stories, and how these women
managed to build alternative identity definitions of themselves as Turkish
women. The narratives of experiences of education are highly important
for these women in negotiating their new roles within their families and
at the workplace.

In the larger context of gender migration studies, studies on Roma

women migration are, however, rather scarce and relatively new. This is
no surprise given that, traditionally, the ethnic dimension has been
marginalized even within gender studies. Gender studies, and gender
migration studies are currently under growing criticism: some studies
were criticized for being biased as they were conducted mostly by white,
middle-class women. Because of these, the “other women”45, term under
which many Roma women could be included, did not fit in research
studies.

44 Erel, U 2009, Migrant women Transforming Citizenship, Life-stories from Britain and
Germany, Ashgate, Hants.
45 Puidgert, L 2001, Las otras mujeres, El Roure, Barcelona.

20
However, the tendency to ignore the situation of Roma women is not
exclusive to migration. In fact, it can be observed in all other areas as well.
Nevertheless, there is a growing tendency to encompass the gender
dimension in policy and research related to Roma. For instance, the
European Parliament emphasized, in its 2006 Resolution on Roma women
within the European Union46, several worrying indicators in relation to
Roma women: lower life expectancy, higher unemployment rate,
structural discrimination, a lower school enrollment for girls, wide-spread
practices in traditional, patriarchal communities to force young girls into
marriages. It is commonly accepted that Roma women face a greater risk
of social exclusion, and different national as well as international
documents have constantly underlined the need to take into account the
gender dimension47.

Among the few studies focusing on Roma migrants, we mention the

paper written by Teresa Sordé Martí48 on the strategies adopted by Roma
women immigrants and Gitano women in Barcelona. The paper is based
on 20 daily-life stories of immigrant Romani women, 10 native Gitano
women, and 10 interviews with representatives of NGOs and social
workers in the Barcelona region.

46 EU PA_TA (2006) 0244A6-0148/2006, European Parliament resolution on the situation

of Roma women in the European Union (2005/2164 (INI)
47 The Ten Common Basic Principles on Roma Inclusion.
48 Sordé Martí, op.cit.

21
By encounters in informal settings (parks, church), these women built
alliances which then enable them to find and to share common strategies
for improving their lives. The authors concludes that: “common
identification is promoted not only by political institutions and civil
society, or by Romani transnational civic and political organizations, but
also by grassroots everyday-life interactions in neighborhoods where they
live together”49.

A strong tendency in Roma gender migration studies is to situate such

research within families, in the domestic, familiar context, in order to
unveil what is beneath curtains of silence. In a recent article, Maria-
Carmen Pantea50, for instance, conducted qualitative interviews with 54
women in six Roma communities in Romania (in the western part of the
country - Transylvania), with the intention to explore gender norms and
the way they are affected by migration. The question was, in a similar
manner to the one proposed by our own research, whether, following
migration, Roma women are gaining more power within their families
and communities.

The conclusion of her study is that “Roma women’s migration is highly

dependent on the ‘gender regime in their home communities’, and, that,
in this context, “women’s mobility tends to be seen as a moral statement

49Sordé Martí, ibidem, p. 1234

50 Pantea, MC 2012, “From Making a Living to Getting Ahead: Roma Women’s
Experiences of Migration”, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 38, no. 8, pp.
1251-1268.
22
that either enhances or relegates the image of a family or community”.
The author argues that “complexities involved in Roma migration cannot
be properly analyzed if migration is only considered as a cultural practice
or a group process”, and thus she finally recommends for “more refined
policy interventions that consider the various ‘subgroups’ of women
within Roma communities”.

The types of research we have mentioned are indicative of this recent

shift of perspective, which underlines the agency of Roma women, in all
aspects of their lives. The present research is situated within the same
theoretical perspective.

“Today, Romani women are considered to be the key

agents of social and cultural change among the Roma
people” Teresa Sordé Martí

23
Historical factors explaining the current status of Roma
women

The current situation of Roma communities in Romania, including the

Roma women inferior status, could be explained for the most part by the
historical evolution of Roma population in the territories inhabited mostly
by Romanians. The main characteristic of this situation is the permanent
marginalization of Roma communities both by the state authorities and
by society at large51.

Due to marginalization, Roma preserved many traits of their archaic,

patriarchal familial and social organization. On the other hand,
marginalization amplified the negative influence that modernisation
exerted over the professional and economic dimension of Roma
traditional way of life, phenomenon that further contributed to an even
deeper isolation of Roma from the rest of the society.

Roma’s presence on the current territory of Romania is documented

starting with the second half of 14th century52. The cause of Roma
migration north of the Danube seems to be the disruption of social
structures and institutions in the Balkan states in the context of Ottoman
conquests.

51 Achim V, 2004, The Roma in Romanian History, Central European University Press,
Budapest, New York. p. 5-6 and p. 207-209.
52 Ibidem, p. 15-20.
24
From the very beginning the status of Roma in the Romanian
principalities was that of robi (slaves)53, which was probably their former
condition also in the south of the river. This meant that in exchange for
some relatively high yearly paid taxes to their owners (central state
authority, boyars and monasteries), Roma communities enjoyed a
significant autonomy.

Thus, Roma were allowed to live as nomads and to practice crafts such as
blacksmithing and carving wood54 that differentiated them from the
majority of the population, sedentary and occupied in agriculture. This
situation was highly profitable to owners of Roma slaves and, as a
consequence, it was preserved until the beginning of the 19th century
south and east of the Carpathians. Although the situation contributed to
the isolation of Roma from the rest of the society, the slaves were not
more heavily impoverished, economically and socially, than the
Romanian serfs.

53 Ibidem, p. 29-30. Based on the historical sources, we rather follow this reconstruction
than the hypothesis that Roma were enslaved in the Romanian principalities at a later
date. See Panaitescu, PN 1939, “Le Rôle économique et social des Tziganes au Moyen
Age en Valachie et en Moldavie”, XVII-e Congrès International d’Antropologie et
d’Archéologie Préhistorique. VII-e Session de l’Institut International d’Antropologie.
Bucarest, 1–8 Septembre 1937, Bucureşti, pp. 933–942; and Gheorghe, N 1983, “Origin
of Roma’s Slavery in the Romanian Principalities”, Roma, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 12-27.
54 Depending on their owners and the crafts they practiced, Roma were divided into
different categories, with different ways of life: aurari (goldsmiths), ursari (leaders of
dancing tamed bears), lingurari (makers of spoons and other wooden objects), lăieşi
(mostly blacksmiths), vătraşi (sedentary Roma). Kogălniceanu, M 1837, Esquisse sur
l’histoire, les moeurs et la langue des Cigains, Behr, Berlin, apud Achim, op. cit., p. 33-34.

25
The modernisation of the Romanian principalities brought forth the
interest of the state in turning Roma into ordinary tax-payers, firstly in
Transylvania, secondly in Wallachia and Moldavia. Several laws
concerning Roma sedentarisation and emancipation were enacted
between 1830 and 1860.

These measures were not accompanied by the allocation of resources

needed to facilitate Roma's adaptation to their new status, which led to
serious side effects. Although some of the emancipated Roma, mainly
those who were compelled to leave their traditional communities, were
quickly assimilated by the majority population, either Romanian,
Hungarian, or German55, many others chose to migrate to Western
Europe, which generated the greatest migratory wave of Roma since the
14th century56.

Nevertheless, most of them could not adapt to the new conditions and
whilst industrialisation affected their traditional occupations, they were
stricken by poverty and became peripheral social elements, gathered in
the outskirts of villages or in city slums and often earning their living by
seasonal migration57.

55 Achim, op. cit., pp. 119-120.

56 Ibidem, p. 120-127.
57 Oprean, O 2011, The Roma of Romania, College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences
Theses and Dissertations, Paper 96, p. 16-17.
26
None of the political regimes in modern and contemporary Romania
adopted and implemented a coherent strategy which would be based on
the real problems of Roma communities, coming mainly from the
discrepancy between their traditional way of life and the modern
economic system and their historical isolation from the majority of the
population. Roma have always been tolerated, but ignored at the same
time. The Romanian society and the state have never been aware of and
have never focused on solving the profound problems of the minority: in
Romania, there have never been „a Roma issue” to arouse the interest of
the majority.

As a consequence, the objectives of the authorities to turn Roma into

“productive” citizens and to eradicate crime were only met partially
and/or temporarily. In fact, the situation of Roma has worsened
constantly, despite some progress registered during 1960-197058: the
marked absence of professional skills and the rise of unemployment
among Roma bear testimony to this negative evolution.

In conclusion, in a time span of approximately a century and a half, Roma

in Romania changed their status from a distinct social category specific to
medieval organisation to a poor social class, unable to meet the new
requirements on the market and consequently prone to anomy and
criminality. They are, thus, caught in a vicious circle: marginalization

58 Achim, op. cit., p. 190-193; Oprean, op. cit., p. 44.

27
brings poverty, lack of development and increasing social inequalities
between Roma and Romanians, which generate further marginalization.

The cultural effects of Roma marginalization and pauperity are the

preservation of practices and traditions specific to patriarchal societies,
like early marriages, bride-selling and bride-buying, uncontrolled natality
etc.59 Traditional practices, combined with the lack of adaptation to
modernity, have a negative impact on the status of Roma women.

Since 2000, as it was the case in the second half of the 19th century, one
of the solutions adopted by Roma is to migrate towards West, in the
favourable context provided by the association to and the joining of the
EU by Romania. While in the 19th century migration to western countries
was permanent, nowadays it is more and more accompanied and even
totally replaced by its seasonal instance, the object of the current study.

59 Synthetic observations on the status of Roma women in Chelcea, I 1944, Ţiganii din
România. Monografie etnografică, Editura Institutului Central de Statistică, Bucureşti, p.
194-198. The most comprehensive research on the Roma family and natality remains
Zamfir, Zamfir, op.cit., p. 66-90.
28
Field research

Between the 15th and the 17th of May 2015, the research team, comprised
of Emanuela Ignățoiu-Sora and Liviu Iancu, went to Scoarța, Târgu
Cărbunești and Novaci (Gorj county), accompanied by the project
manager, Eugen Stancu and the logistics assistant, Mihai Delea. The team
was also accompanied by the medical doctor of Scoarța, Tudoroiu Patega
Elena, who is also the health mediator in Scoarța. Thanks to her both
roles, she facilitated the access of the research team in the community.

Questionnaires & Interviews

The filling in of most of the questionnaires lasted around 10 minutes

each. The shortest lasted for 5 minutes, whilst the longest lasted for 21
minutes. Researchers had to fill in the questionnaires in various
circumstances: in the presence of other persons (children, relatives),
noisy environment etc.

At times, outsiders intervened and suggested and/or gave themselves the

answers. This is why the team did not manage to register some of the
answers. Researchers were not invited into the house, with a single
exception, when the respondent was paralysed.

We held the field-research in four stages:

1. Filling in the questionnaires

2. Semi-structured interviews

29
 3. Free interviews (audio and video)
4. Interview with the doctor and with the Roma expert in Scoarța

Questionaires

There were a total of 62 respondents. The questionnaire comprised of 26

questions which focused on three categories:

a. Socio-demographic data (gender, age, education, income)

b. Aspects of migration (frequency of travels abroad, reasons for
migration, modalities of generating income abroad, personal
experience and perception of the respondents on the impact of
migration on their personal lives).
c. Relation with the authorities

Semi-structured Interviews

We interviewed 15 persons, and the questions focused on several

aspects:

a. Their experience abroad

b. The way in which the respondents perceive their families,
communities and Romania.
c. Future plans (in Romania and in Norway/abroad)
d. What the respondents would change if they were
decision-makers (mayor, Member of Parliament or
prime-minister).

30
In-depth Interviews

We interviewed 5 persons, which were selected out of the 15 persons

interviewed previously, through semi-structured interviews.

The interviews varied in length (between 10-30 minutes). We held the

interviews in the yard, on the road, at the Novaci fair, at a shop in Scoarța.
The interviews took place in the presence of other members of the family
(spouse, in-laws, and children). Researchers were keen on maintaining
the direction of the interviews in line with the objectives of the research,
but, at times, there were unpredicted, disturbing elements. For instance,
one man in Scoarța asked for money in exchange for answering the
questions (which the team refused to do). Another man became
aggressive when the team expressed its intention to take a photo of his
house.

Presentation of communities

Roma community in Scoarța was comprised of 900 persons (out of a total

of 5100 inhabitants).

The persons interviewed are part of a community of brickmakers. Before

1989, they used to make bricks in several parts of Romania. After 1989,
many of them went abroad, especially in Portugal, but since with 2005-
2006, they began to prefer Scandinavian countries (especially Norway
and Sweden). One of the causes is the economic crisis and its rough
impact on the economic situation in Portugal.
31
According to the answers given in the interviews, while in Portugal, most
Roma travelled in nuclear family (mother-father-children), in the
Scandinavian countries, Roma take turns when travelling (husband with
wife/husband alone/parents). In general, they leave their children back
home, in Romania, when they travel to Scandinavian countries. In
Portugal they paid rent and utilities and had work contracts. In the
Scandinavian countries instead, Roma usually live in precarious
conditions (in cars) and they do not have access to facilities where they
could take care of their personal hygiene. The main problems
encountered by Roma, as indicated by the respondents:

 Lack of jobs (in Romania)

 Lack of jobs (in Scandinavian countries)
 Lack of knowledge of foreign languages (in Scandinavian
countries)

The community met at the Novaci fair was comprised of coppersmiths,

living in several villages in Gorj county. They have recently changed their
traditional activity, and they now focus on producing plaster objects for
gardens. Few of them have travelled abroad and even fewer expressed
such intentions for the future. Although they make proof of
entrepreneurial skills, most of them cannot imagine any future plans. As
one interviewed women in Novaci said, in relation to what she wishes for
her children: “(…) what wishes? Our children have not graduated from
colleges like Romanians do”.
32
In opposition to Roma in Scoarța community, the coppersmiths in Novaci
did not mention the lack of social benefits or the need to receive help;
yet, they also do not seem to find economic solutions on the long term.

Tȃrgu Cǎrbunești community - Tȃrgu Cărbunești is a small town, of

approximately 8000 inhabitants, where Roma represent 6.95% of the
population. The community visited by the research team lives at the
outskirts of the town, next to the railway. Roma belong to several
subgroups “neamuri” and their economic situation is very diverse: from
extreme poverty to opulence.

Although in the preliminary phase of the research, the team of

researchers considered Budieni village (which is part of Scoarța
commune), afterwards it was decided to collect data from Pișteștii din
Deal (which is also part of Scoarța commune). The decision was taken by
the research team, on the spot, at the recommendation of the medical
doctor Tudoroiu Patega Elena who is familiarized with the situation of the
community. The main arguments were: Roma in Pișteștii din Deal form a
homogenous community, they travel frequently to Scandinavian
countries, and they had previous experience in migration (in Portugal).

Unpredicted aspects

During the questionnaires and the interviews, several Roma brought into
discussion some aspects that were not considered initially by researchers
as elements of interest. We have decided to include them in the report,

33
in order to have a complex and complete image of the situation of the
Roma in those communities. Also, these aspects are telling for Roma’s
own perceptions and points of interest.

Health problems were brought in discussion by respondents at multiple

times. One factor could be the presence of the doctor, who accompanied
the research team, but it also shows the degree of concern expressed and
felt by Roma in relation to their health. In fact, the discussion with the
doctor revealed an increase in the prevalence of cancer among Roma in
those communities over the last years. Also, the doctor expressed
concern on their poor nutrition. It is important to underline that Roma in
Scoarța are registered with the family doctor and they benefit of health
insurance. Also, Scoarța has a permanent medical unit.

Respondents brought into discussion the issue of running water. There is

only one functional public fountain for the entire community in Pișteștii
din Deal and because of this, members of communities have difficulties
in managing their daily life (washing clothes/showering).

The lack of jobs in the region was invoked in all interviews as the main
cause for their problems, and, at the same time, the solution for a better
life (if new jobs were created). Indeed, most of the factories which
operated during communism were closed (the glass factory, the brick
factory Unirea, the pig farm Suinprod, the chicken farm Avicola). At
present, the only remaining jobs are in mines (Peșteana, Roșiuța, Motru).

34
Shortly before the research team have visited these communities, there
was another team of journalists from an Italian TV who visited Scoarța.
Roma expressed their conviction that it is because of this Italian TV why
foreigners (and Norwegians in particular) would want to “close their
country” and to deny their entrance in the respective countries. This is
one of the reasons why most respondents were reluctant in being
photographed and/or having their houses photographed.

According to Roma in Scoarța, with no exception, Romanians lead a better

life than themselves. There is no perception of poverty among the
majority of the population. Because of this there is a strong feeling of
social injustice.

35
Results
Number and gender
We questioned 62 persons, out of which 51 women and 11 men.

Age
Most of the persons are aged between 40-49 (16 persons). The
youngest person is 18 years old; the oldest is 75 years old (both
are women).

36
Marital status
Most of the persons interviewed are married – legal marriage
(37).
16 persons are in consensual union
4 persons are single/not married
1 person is separated
4 persons are widows

Employment
Most persons are not employed (54). There is one retired person
and 6 housewives.
Only one woman is self-employed, she owns a shop together with
her husband. It is important to retain that the same woman has
graduated highschool. She worked as health mediator and she
declared the highest income in the community (between 1500
and 2000 lei, approximately 350-450 euros).

37
Education
44 out of the respondents have studies (22 finished primary
school and 22 the elementary school). 2 persons finished 3 years
of studies, one person finished 6 years of studies, one person
graduated highschool (a man), one person has post-highschool
studies (a woman); one woman finished one year of studies.
12 persons did not attend school at all (most of them are of ages
20-29 and 30-39). This kind of result, although it needs to be
confirmed by further studies, could lead to a conclusion regarding
the failure of the educational policies which were implemented
by Romanian authorities in relation to Roma over the last 25
years.

38
Income
Most of the respondents have an income lower than 500 lei
(approx. 130 euros), representing social benefits. One
respondent has an income between 500-850 lei (approx. 130-200
euros) and another person has an income between 1501 and
2000 lei (350-450 euros). 3 persons declined to reply.
It is important to underline that once a person migrates, she is no
longer entitled to social benefits.

Frequency of trips abroad

Most persons travel once a year (30). 25 travel several times a
year (2-3 times a year). 4 persons have never travelled abroad
(the person with the highest income and most years of study has
never travelled abroad). One person travelled once (for 2 weeks
only, in Germany, where she could not adapt).
In the case of persons who travel twice or three times a year, they
take turns (either the wife and the husband, or their parents;
sometimes, the husband and the wife travel separately). One

39
 reason is that they cannot bring their children along for fear of
Social Services who might take their children away, but also
because of poor living conditions in the Scandinavian countries.

Destinations:
Most of the respondents travelled to Norway, mainly in Oslo (48),
Trondheim (10), Lillehammer (2). Seven of them went to Sweden
(two of them went to Malmo). Two persons went to France, and
four persons went to Germany. One person went to Belgium and
several persons went to Portugal.

40
When did you travel for the first time in Norway/abroad?
Immediately after the Revolution, three persons went to Italy and
Germany. In 2000, Roma in the communities envisaged by the
study went to Portugal, where they worked in agriculture (one
person went to Portugal in 1996). 6 of the respondents went in
Portugal for the first time between 2003-2006. In Norway, most
persons travelled for the first time in 2010-2011 (18 persons), or
2012-2013 (10 persons).

Do you have relatives who work in Norway/ abroad?

14 persons do not have relatives working abroad. The 48 other
respondents have relatives working abroad:

The reason for going abroad?

59 persons indicated the lack of money as the main reason for
migrating. Two persons indicated family reasons.
“Because of poverty. We have no jobs, no money. We cannot
live”

41
 “Nobody wants to hire me”.
“I am old. Who would come to give me a job? Who would want
to hire me at this age?”
“If it weren’t for this countries (Norway…), we would have died. I
thank Jesus for their kindness. Our country (Romania) does not
do anything for us.”
“If it weren’t for Norway, what would have become of us? We
cannot thank enough the Norwegians.”
“Romanian politicians steal. If it weren’t for other countries, we,
Gypsies, we would have been in a horrible situation”

Did someone help you when you left for the first time?
25 persons did not receive any help or assistance (“I heard about
it”; “People told me”)
25 persons were helped by relatives (“they gave me money for
the road”)
9 were helped by acquaintances
42
 1 person was helped by somebody who is neither a relative, nor
an acquaintance

When you go to Norway/abroad, are you accompanied by someone?

35 persons travelled alone.
21 persons did not travel alone.

43
Who accompanies you?
31 were accompanied by relatives (especially husband/wife)
4 were accompanied by acquaintances.

How do you spend time in Norway/ abroad?

Most persons declared that they make money (58 persons).
7 persons (all women) answered that they tidy the house.

How do you make your money?

Most of the persons working in Portugal made money by working
in agriculture.
Most of the persons going to Norway beg (47 persons)
Some of the respondents work in Norway (11 persons), but only
one person declared she has a work contract.
The way Roma describe begging:
“hold the hand. Please, please”
“I have a glass and I wait for people to put in coins.”

44
How do you spend the money?

Most respondents use the money to buy things for their children
(45) and family (8).
5 persons declare they keep the money for themselves.
2 persons buy clothes
1 person gives the money to the husband.
Answers:
“I use the money to send my children to school, to buy them
clothes”
“Wood, food, for the house”
“I used them for my surgery”

45
Has something changed since you started going abroad/to Norway?
45 persons declared YES
16 persons declared NO

How has your life changed since you started going abroad/to Norway?
43 persons consider their life has improved thanks to migration
2 persons consider their life has worsened because of migration
For 14 persons there is no change in relation to migration
Answers:
“we now have a roof, a house, food, we can feed our
grandchildren.”
I got depressed, I’m afraid, since the camp I was staying in was
attacked by skinheads”
“the grass is growing and there is no one to cut it” (homesick)

46
Has something changed in your family since you started going
abroad/to Norway?
YES (34)
NO (24)

47
What has changed in your family since you started going abroad/to
Norway?
28 declared they get along better with their husband/wife. 8 get
along better with their children. 1 person gets along better with
their in-laws. 1 person does not get along anymore with her
husband who became violent and aggressive. For 24 of them
there is no change.
“When you are poor you argue a lot”
“We used to argue a lot, but now we have more money, so we do
not have reasons to fight anymore.”

Who takes decisions for your household?

38 declared they take decisions together, as partners. At times,
children/in-laws/parents can contribute to the decision-
making.14 indicated the husband as the person who decides, 5
persons take the decisions alone (mainly men, but also women
who are widows and/or alone). 3 indicated their father-in-law as
the decision-maker.

48
Has something changed in the way decisions are taken in your
household since you started going abroad/to Norway?
Yes (17)
No (3).

49
What has particularly changed in the way decisions are taken in your
household?
In 10 cases, the husband/wife consult more often with their
spouse. In 3 cases, children consult more with their parents. In 3
cases, the opinion of the respondents is taken into account. In 1
case the father-in-law/ the mother-in-law consult more with their
daughter in law. In 2 cases, the opinion of the respondent does
not count. In 38 cases, there was no significant change.

If you have a problem, who do you ask for assistance?

Most persons indicated relatives (57 persons). 2 persons indicated
acquaintances. One person indicated the authorities. 3 persons
indicated God (Jesus/God).
We should mention that:
 God was not included in the questionnaire
 Most Roma in Scoarța belong to the Evangelic Church

50
What authorities do you ask for assistance more often?
14 indicated the local expert for the Roma. 11 indicated the
mayor. 1 person indicated Roma leaders. 1 person mentioned the
justice system (even if it was not included as a possible answer in
the questionnaire). God was also mentioned.
46 persons indicated the doctor, as the authority they go to
usually.
Possible explanations:
 The doctor accompanied the research team
 This specific doctor is very involved in the welfare of her patients.
 There is a national programme of health mediation in Roma
communities aimed at providing information on health care.
 Respondents have poor health

51
  Respondents give priority to their health issues
“Nobody helps us”
“Everyone is taking care of their issues and not of our problems.”
“The other authorities do not help us, they do not even consult with.”

52
Interpretation of the results

Dimensions and characteristics of migration

We could say that the migration in the communities envisaged by the

study represents a mass phenomenon, given that the majority of the
families have at least one member involved in migration.

However, migration is a seasonal phenomenon and Roma alternate their

periods of staying in Romania with periods of staying in Norway or
abroad. These periods of staying abroad happen mostly in spring and
summer. In general, men travel more frequently during a year, whilst
Roma women usually travel abroad only once a year. But, at times,
women also go abroad several times a year.

One of the element conditioning migration is that one adult needs to

remain permanently at home in order to take care of the children. In the
case where the ties in the extended family are stronger, it is usually the
older women who take up this responsibility, allowing the young couples
to leave abroad together.

There is also a certain alternance between men and women in going

abroad, which is a novelty to the traditional patterns of Roma going
abroad with the entire family.

53
Countries preferred

Roma's migration do not target exclusively Norway. Other states where

Roma travel frequently are: Denmark, Sweden, Germany, France, Italy,
and Portugal. We could notice nevertheless a variation of preferences in
relation to the economic situation of the countries in which Roma would
go.

Initially, the main destination of Roma from Scoarța was Portugal, where
they worked in low-skilled jobs in agriculture. Roma's migration to
Portugal began, according to the data collected, before Romania had
joined the EU, in early 2000. However, the enlargement brought a
significant increase in the number of migrants.

The economic crisis in 2008 reduced the number of jobs available in

Portugal. For the Roma, this meant that they had to find new
destinations, in order to continue to have income. Therefore, by the end
of the 2000s, Roma's migration from the communities we investigated
turned toward the Scandinavian countries. One possible explanation is
their better economic situation, in opposition to the rest of the European
continent, including Romania, which was severely affected by the
economic crisis.

Out of the Scandinavian countries, Norway is preferred, and especially

Oslo. One possible explanation is the friendly attitude of authorities who
are in direct interaction with the Roma (the police, in particular), and

54
especially the kindness and generosity of the locals. In fact, Roma have a
positive perception of Norwegians, whom they consider to be kind,
tolerant, generous and charitable.

Causes for migration

The main reason for migration, as indicated in the answers, is the need
for income, in the context where there are few job opportunities in
Romania, and the income is very low. The main cause of migration is thus,
poverty and lack of economic opportunities in Romania. Most resources
of Roma in Romania comes from social benefits (such as children
allowance and/or pensions of the old persons).

Roma’s occupations in Norway

It is difficult to make an accurate statistics of activities Roma perform

abroad, mainly because of their reluctance to talk about this issue. They
feel ashamed to talk about being involved in begging or stealing. They are
also afraid of possible fiscal taxation, as well as of legal sanctions.

In general, the respondents mentioned that they are working abroad,

without making specific remarks on their activities. However, their main
activity seems to be begging in public spaces. Other activities imply the
distribution of free magazines. Some of them are employed, on a short
term, as unskilled workers, in small companies, such as car washing
shops. Some of the respondents going to Denmark mentioned recycling
55
and doing trade with second-hand clothes. Only one person mentioned
that some Roma who travel abroad could be involved in pickpocketing.
But most of the Roma in the two communities distanced themselves from
such activities, which would be done, according to their answers, by other
Roma, from other counties.

There are several obstacles preventing Roma from accessing secure and
well paid jobs: lack of knowledge of the local language (some of them
have only basic knowledge of English); legal problems (lack of documents,
they do not know the legal procedures, they do not have information on
the taxation and other legal obligations accompanying a work contract).

It is important to notice that these features correspond to both women

and men participating in migration towards Scandinavian countries.

General effects of migration

Given that the migration in these communities is a mass phenomenon,

there are some strong effects.

The most visible ones are the material ones: the income generated
abroad allows the Roma to have their daily life ensured (food, clothes) for
most of the year. Moreover, some of the money are used for repairing or
modernizing their homes. A small number of families managed to save
money in order to build a house. In some cases, the money were used to
treat some serious health issues.

56
These positive materials effects lead indirectly to the improvement of
their family relations. Most respondents indicated that thanks to
migration, they suffer less because of financial problems, there are fewer
tensions at home, and it is more likely that family members get along.

Migration led to a stronger social stratification: some Roma gained more

money, whilst others only manage to ensure their daily income.
Moreover, the number of Roma who generated important amount of
money is insignificant; and the dimension of the houses is a telling
indicator in this respect. Some Roma bought cars, which are used for
personal transportation or for trading with second-hand clothes.

It is worth mentioning that Roma who generated more income are less
inclined in talking about their experience in migration. We presume that
part of this behaviour is explained by their fear of taxation.

However, most of the respondents do not feel their life has improved
significantly thanks to migration. The persons who only manage to take
care of their daily needs, feel more willing to share their experiences
related to migration. They felt reluctant to disclose personal information
only when feared their answers could put them at risk. For instance, one
person refused to participate in the study as he had received a
notification to pay for medical expenses in Norway.

In general, persons who left for the first time earlier tend to have more
income. This is due to the fact that they managed to use the

57
opportunities available when the number of beneficiaries was reduced.
However, personal skills and the willingness to adapt to new conditions
enable even the persons involved in migration at later stages to get a
good income. At present, there are some tensions because of this social
stratification, but they are still insignificant.

The team of researchers identified some effects on their traditional

lifestyle. Traditional crafts or occupations are being abandoned.
However, migration is only one possible cause. Roma in Pişteştii din Deal,
for instance, used to be brickmakers60. First communism, then capitalism
made this occupation to be less appealing. In the context of migration,
this occupation was finally abandoned in favour of other activities that
generate more income, such as the distribution of the magazine “Volk er
volk”.

One of the most serious problems we identified is the fact that although
some persons obtain decent income thanks to migration, once returned
to Romania, they do not have the knowledge to create their own business
in order to produce more income. In the context where the possibilities
generated by migration will dissipate, the lifestyle of these persons will
seriously be affected.

60 This is revealed by anthroponomy- numerous members of community are named

Cărămidaru (brickmaker).
58
Particular effects on the status of Roma women

Roma women are involved in migration in a percentage and range

comparable to that of men - their activities are also comparable, as Roma
women are also involved in activities generating income.

The answers to questionnaires demonstrate that Roma women are

consulted and that their opinions are taken into account when decisions
are made. This happened even before migration began, so the impact of
migration is insignificant in relation to this aspect. However, the
conditions under which migration takes place allows for some changes
within the extended family and favours the development of real
consultancy between man and woman as equal partners.

There is a difference in behaviour and mentality in relation to age. Older

women are more traditional, and one episode during the field research is
particularly telling. When the male co-author of the study was
photographed together with the children in the community, he also
invited a young mother to join along. She accepted but several older
women commented that such behaviour is not allowed, given that the
person was married. So, the young mother declined the invitation to be
photographed under the pressure from the older women.

59
Conclusions and Recommendations

This study brought into highlight some aspects, which had not been
considered initially. There is, for instance, the fact that discrimination
does not appear in the discourse of the respondents. Differences are
perceived to refer rather to social the inequities: “Romanians have a
better situation”, and different behaviors are explained by personal
traits: “Norwegians are more merciful”.

The main problem identified by Roma in these communities is the lack of

jobs. Thus, the solution would be to create jobs in the region. Most
respondents are involved in activities that could be characterized as
being of entrepreneurial type, yet they have a sporadic character, of
subsistence. Roma in these communities do not seem to find solutions to
turn their skills and income into businesses that would generate further
income and profit on a longer term. Their expectations for the future are
related to others, who could assist them: “(…) they should give us
(money, assistance, and help)”.

Unfortunately, authorities do not play an important role in the life of

these communities, and this is reinforced by the fact Pișteștii din Deal
village, is situated far away from the centre of the commune, where the
authorities have their headquarters. As seen from the questionnaires and
from the interviews, Roma in these communities appeal to relatives,
rather than to authorities in case of problems. The closest authority and

60
the one with whom they interact the most is the doctor. Respondents did
not know which party their mayor belong to and they could not imagine
what they would do in case they were elected as mayor. When asked
what they would do if elected mayor, the women interviewed say “I
would give to everyone”. Such generous, yet vague answer, lacks
concrete elements.

This study revealed certain positive effects of migration on the

communities studied, in accordance with our initial hypotheses. The main
positive effect is at family level: members of the family get along better.
Their material situation has improved: there is a certain regularity in
income, better and bigger houses, and better hygiene conditions.
However, Roma are caught in a circle of subsistence (begging - daily
expenses), and they do not seem to be able to escape it.

As for the Roma women, their emancipation is not really related to their
position within the family, as other studies quoted in the literature review
might suggest. If, on the short term, their situation has improved (better
daily life, they get along better with their spouses and other family
members), on the long term, Roma women do not benefit fully of the
migration in the Scandinavian countries: they are not exposed to
different gender roles and they do not benefit of economic
emancipation. There is also the potential for some serious negative
impact on Roma women because of migration: they spend less time with
their children, and, because of seasonal migration, they cannot care for
61
the health of their children (such as vaccination), or register them for
school.

Recommendations

a. Investments in Romania to create jobs.

b. The investments should consider poor communities,

independently of ethnicity.

c. Inclusive activities addressing people from both majority and

minorities.

d. Language classes in Scandinavian countries (so Roma population

have access to the values and the know-how of countries of
migration).

e. Courses on entrepreneurial skills and on business plans.

f. The creation in Norway of an organisation who could direct Roma

to those activities where there is not enough work force and who
could offer them legal assistance so they conform with all norms
and legal obligations.

g. Investment in the education and emancipation of Roma women

(workshops for personal development, entrepreneurial
activities).

62
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Other documents and materials:

Case C-333/13 Elisabeta Dano, Florin Dano v Jobcenter Leipzig.

European Social Fund or the European Regional Development Fund.

66
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