What Is Fiscal Autonomy
What Is Fiscal Autonomy
What Is Fiscal Autonomy
As envisioned in the Constitution, the fiscal autonomy enjoyed by the Judiciary, the Civil Service
Commission, the Commission on Audit, the Commission on Elections, and the Office of the Ombudsman
contemplates a guarantee on full flexibility to allocate and utilize their resources with the wisdom and
dispatch that their needs require. It recognizes the power and authority to levy, assess and collect fees, fix
rates of compensation not exceeding the highest rates authorized by law for compensation and pay plans
of the government and allocate and disburse such sums as may be provided by law or prescribed by them
in the course of the discharge of their functions.
Fiscal autonomy means freedom from outside control. If the Supreme Court says it needs 100 typewriters
but DBM rules we need only 10 typewriters and sends its recommendations to Congress without even
informing us, the autonomy given by the Constitution becomes an empty and illusory platitude.
The Judiciary, the Constitutional Commissions, and the Ombudsman must have the independence end
flexibility needed in the discharge of their constitutional duties. The imposition of restrictions and constraints
on the manner the independent constitutional offices allocate and utilize the funds appropriated for their
operations is anathema to fiscal autonomy and violative not only of the express mandate of the Constitution
but especially as regards the Supreme Court, of the independence and separation of powers upon which
the entire fabric of our constitutional system is based. In the interest of comity and cooperation, the
Supreme Court, Constitutional Commissions, and the Ombudsman have so far limited their objections to
constant reminders. We now agree with the petitioners that this grant of autonomy should cease to be a
meaningless provision.
In the case at bar, the veto of these specific provisions in the General Appropriations Act is tantamount to
dictating to the Judiciary how its funds should be utilized, which is clearly repugnant to fiscal autonomy. The
freedom of the Chief Justice to make adjustments in the utilization of the funds appropriated for the
expenditures of the judiciary, including the use of any savings from any particular item to cover deficits or
shortages in other items of the Judiciary is withheld. Pursuant to the Constitutional mandate, the Judiciary
must enjoy freedom in the disposition of the funds allocated to it in the appropriations law. It knows its
priorities just as it is aware of the fiscal restraints. The Chief Justice must be given a free hand on how to
augment appropriations where augmentation is needed.
decisional independence and institutional independence. 13 Decisional independence refers to a judges
ability to render decisions free from political or popular influence based solely on the individual facts and
applicable law.14 On the other hand, institutional independence describes the separation of the judicial
branch from the executive and legislative branches of government.15 Simply put,
institutional independence refers to the collective independence of the judiciary as a body."
.Prohibition under section 15, Article VII does not apply to appointments to fill a vacancy in the
Supreme Court or to other appointments to the judiciary. The records of the deliberations of the
Constitutional Commission reveal that the framers devoted time to meticulously drafting, styling, and
arranging the Constitution. Such meticulousness indicates that the organization and arrangement of the
provisions of the Constitution were not arbitrarily or whimsically done by the framers, but purposely made to
reflect their intention and manifest their vision of what the Constitution should contain. As can be seen,
Article VII is devoted to the Executive Department, and, among others, it lists the powers vested by the
Constitution in the President. The presidential power of appointment is dealt with in Sections 14, 15 and 16
of the Article. Had the framers intended to extend the prohibition contained in Section 15, Article VII to the
appointment of Members of the Supreme Court, they could have explicitly done so. They could not have
ignored the meticulous ordering of the provisions. They would have easily and surely written the prohibition
made explicit in Section 15, Article VII as being equally applicable to the appointment of Members of the
Supreme Court in Article VIII itself, most likely in Section 4 (1), Article VIII.
1