West Philippine Sea

The study is conducted to create a critical analysis of the discursive and ideological aspects of the opinion columns in the major broadsheets in the Philippines. This encompasses the three most popular newspaper publications namely: Philippine Daily Inquirer, The Philippine Star, and The Manila Bulletin. The researchers of this present study gathered an authentic copy of the newspaper columns from the stated publications, containing West Philippine Sea dispute as the topics of the articles since Critical Discourse Analysis has been known for putting a highlight to a particular raging social issues in the society. Thus, the primary corpus of this study uses text analysis to identify the most common linguistic feature in the columns in which conjunctions has been the most frequent one. Also, after distinguishing the most common linguistic cue, the study has to use structural analysis to primarily interpret those linguistic items as to how they are usedinthearticles as well as point out how the columns are structured in terms of the discursive and thematic organization which falls under the microstructure and macrostructure of discourses as far as Teunn Van Dijk is concerned. Thus, through the textual analysis and structural analysis, this study is able to reveal that socializing in different aspects is the most common ideology of the writers of the three major broadsheet in the country as they possess a power in influencing and highlighting the issue on the territorial dispute.

A Call to the Filipino People and Our Allies
Dear Country-men, it is absolutely clear that we cannot rely for protection, support and care from the so-called president of our nation, because his loyalty is not to us, the Filipino people but to China.
Sad but true!
Hence, as the heirs and grandchildren of our noble warriors and heroes, we have no choice but to rely to our very selves.
We have to unite and stand as one, with the help and solidarity from our allies, such as dear Vietnam, Japan, Taiwan, the EU and our ASEAN. Together as One, United as One --- we shall win this fight against the imperialism and bullyism of China.
There is Hope!

An analysis of arbitration over the Philippines v. China case with comparative analysis as to similar cases. It contains why arbitration is possible, what the ruling by the PCA is about, and the impact it has on the nations with territorial claims over the West Philippine Sea

Abstract

Background:  Though the issue of our claims on the West Philippine Sea is a matter of state concern, the role of the youth to spread awareness and civic consciousness on the inevitable effect on the marine environment and marine life in Kalayaan Island Group (KIG) is vital.  Other claimants and their actions on reclaiming the islands and allegedly constructing buildings within will have great impact on our security and economic survival in the coming years.
Method: This is a qualitative research using the Appreciative Inquiry Tool in facilitating focus-group discussions with thematic foci, with some 530 youth leaders' reflections gathered from the four foras conducted. 
Result: Youth reflections were initially coded and four themes were identified:
1) Support Action, 2) Protection of the Natural Resources and Marine Life, 3) Peace and Conflict Resolution Advocacy, and 4) Social Awareness and People's Initiatives.
Conclusion: The foras concluded with provocative statements as final output.  Participating youth organizations believed that youth can play a significant role in decision making in the community; provided they are given opportunities to come together, share and learn from each other.  The youth can help identify points of engagement and develop projects that support and encourage good practices on environmental stewardship.

Keywords:  Appreciative inquiry, environmental stewardship, West Philippine Sea, Community Engagement

The Basis of Philippine Sovereignty The basis of Philippine sovereignty is not the inexplicable idiocy and unpardonable betrayal of its “national leaders” or even the direction of its fishes and birds, etc., but rather the Will of its People, the Integrity of their Territory and Majesty of their Constitution. In a word, the ultimate basis of one’s sovereignty is not directionality but rather the individual and collective sovereignty of each and every citizen of this Republic. This is the moral, political and constitutional basis of Article II, Section 1 which expressly provided that: “Sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority emanates from them.”

Leading scholars of international relations argued that the West Philippine Sea dispute (South China Sea) was a tinderbox waiting to happen. Many analysts fear that the dispute could lead to a direct military conflict if tensions remain at the Panatag shoal. Recently, public interest in the disputed island resurfaced when China, the Philippines and Vietnam traded accusations of repeated incursions. The disputed triangle chain of reefs have caused deep diplomatic divide between the six claimant nations. The tension that was once mutual is now visual and magnified by the sporadic show of deception and

Despite Beijing’s refusal to take part in the proceedings, on 29 October 2015 the Court of Permanent Arbitration (PCA) issued a ruling on jurisdiction and admissibility of the UNCLOS arbitration case launched by the Philippines against China. The Court unanimously decided that it had jurisdiction concerning seven of the fifteen claims put forward by Manila, with a decision on a further seven to be reached when considering their merits. The ruling by the PAC is thus a major victory for Manila and maritime democracies, since China’s view that the Philippines had promised to pursue only negotiations, and her assertion that no decision could be taken on maritime zones until delimitation had taken place, were rejected. While the decision on the merits of the case will have to wait until at least next year, and a ruling in favor of Manila does not guarantee in and by itself that Beijing will comply, this is nevertheless a major step forward for the notion that it is right plus might and not just might in isolation, which will determine the future of this vital sea. The paper looks at the court decision, China's reaction, and Taiwan's position.

The Basis of Philippine Sovereignty
The basis of Philippine sovereignty is not the inexplicable idiocy and unpardonable betrayal of its “national leaders” or even the direction of its fishes and birds, etc., but rather the Will of its People, the Integrity of their Territory and Majesty of their Constitution.
In a word, the ultimate basis of one’s sovereignty is not directionality but rather the individual and collective sovereignty of each and every citizen of this Republic.
This is the moral, political and constitutional basis of Article II, Section 1 which expressly provided that:
“Sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority emanates from them.”

The 29 October decision by the international arbitration tribunal on jurisdiction and admissibility of the UNCLOS arbitration case launched by the Philippines against China has rightly been interpreted as a victory for Manila. The Court unanimously decided that it had jurisdiction concerning seven of its fifteen claims, with a decision on a further seven to be reached simultaneously with their merits, dismissing China’s view that the case involved deciding on maritime borders and that the Philippines had agreed not to pursue compulsory arbitration under UNCLOS. As stressed by the court, this does not imply a favourable decision on the case, with a final ruling not expected until next year. In the meantime, the two parties directly involved, and the many countries (both South China Sea claimants and other interested powers) with a stake in the matter keep jockeying for position. International law does not exist in a vacuum, and it is thus necessary to follow not only the arbitration proceedings themselves but other developments on the ground. In the case of Manila, she has taken two significant steps in the jurisdiction ruling’s wake: further weapons talks with Tokyo, and a fisheries agreement with Taipei. This has also coincided with the arrival of the first two of 12 Korean-built FA-50 combat planes and the signing of an strategic partnership agreement with Vietnam.

Due to the laxity of the United Nations, the initially "pinching" threat of the ISIS has gone beyond the uncontrollable limits, as well as, the expansion of the Chinese territory towards the West Philippine Sea/South China Sea that threats the peace around region.

After a long wait, the US Navy resumed FON (Freedom of Navigation) operations in the South China Sea (last carried out in 2012) on 27 October 2015.

While US policy stresses freedom of navigation and peaceful resolution of disputes, avoiding taking sides on territorial claims, it is increasingly doubtful whether this is enough to prevent further expansionism and restricting the scope for escalation. An alternative policy would be to embed USMC personnel in their Filipino counterparts deployed in the Second Thomas Shoal, while explicitly announcing that despite still not taking sides on the ultimate issue of sovereignty, the US considered the Second Thomas Shoal (and other disputed territories currently under actual control by Manila) to fall within the purview of the US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty. This policy could be extended to other disputes features.

In the communities of the West Coasts of Puerto Princesa City, aside from animal predation, poaching of sea turtles for meat and collection of its eggs for human consumption has been a practice of the locals and according to them sea turtles has been part of their traditional diet.  Despite of the laws protecting these creatures, these practices still continue and if not arrested, the future generations may not encounter a single sea turtle nesting on their beaches.

talipandas, mga dayukdok, mga sinungaling at mga duwag na oportunista ang bansa!
Panahon na muling ihiwalay natin ang mga kambing sa mga tupa!
Maglabasan tayo ng mga bituka!
Sino ang para sa mga Tsino at sino ang para sa mga Pilipino?
Maglabasan tayo ng ating mga Kaluluwa!!!
Nasusulat: Hatulan nawa tayong lahat ng Kasaysayan!!!

This is the final installment in a four-part series devoted to China’s 7 December 2014 document, putting forward her views on the Philippines’ international arbitration case on the South China Sea. Although Beijing is refusing to take part in the proceedings, as confirmed following the Court’s 29 October 2015 ruling on jurisdiction, by issuing this document, and communicating in other ways with the Court, the PRC has failed to completely stay aloof from the case. It is thus interesting to analyze China’s narrative as laid down in that document.

ABSTRACT The Nankai accretionary complex is the most recent addition to the accretionary complexes of southwest Japan and has preserved a record of sediment flux to the trench during its construction. In this study we used U-Pb zircon and fission track analysis of both zircons and apatites from sediments taken from the forearc and trench of the Nankai Trough, as well as rivers from southwest Japan to examine the exhumation history of the margin since the Middle Miocene. Modern rivers show a flux dominated by erosion of the Mesozoic-Eocene Shimanto and Sanbagawa accretionary complexes. Only the Fuji River, draining the collision zone between the Izu and Honshu arcs, is unique in showing much faster exhumation. Sediment from the source is not found 350-500 km along the margin offshore Kyushu indicating limited along strike sediment transport. Sediment deposited since 2 Ma shares the dominant source in the Shimanto and Sanbagawa Complexes seen in the modern rivers. Prior to 5 Ma additional sediment was being sourced from further north in more slowly exhumed terrains. Around 9.4 Ma U-Pb zircon ages indicate enhanced erosion from North China craton basement, exposed in northern Honshu. In the middle Miocene, at ~13.4 Ma, the sediment was being derived from a much wider area including the Yangtze Craton. We suggest that this enhanced catchment may have reflected the influence of the Yangtze River and/or the Korean Peninsula in supplying the Shikoku Basin prior to rifting of the Okinawa Trough and migration of the Palau-Kyushu Ridge to form a barrier to transport. The narrowing of provenance into the Nankai Trough partly reflects continued uplift of the Shimanto and Sanbagawa Complexes since the Middle Miocene.

After a long summer replete with tensions and incidents in both the South China and East China Seas, the new year failed to bring renewed hopes for a peaceful resolution to the myriad territorial conflicts casting a shadow on the Asia-Pacific Region. Rather the contrary, renewed incidents, naval rearmament, claims and counterclaims, not always veiled threats to resort to force, and decentralized boycott campaigns and cyberspace clashes. One novelty was the decision by the Philippines to try a new tack in its clash with China, resorting to a tool not previously employed by any of the claimants, namely a request for arbitration under UNCLOS (the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea). Although this gambit was rejected by China, and the ultimate fate of the case is still uncertain, this paper examines the legal positions of Manila and Beijing in the context of their wider dispute, and the far-reaching implications of the case.

The request had to take into account China’s decision to opt out of UNCLOS arbitration on certain issues pertaining to their conflict, above all the exact delimitation of maritime borders. Although the Philippines’ arbitration request did not thus refer to maritime boundaries per se, it is still not  completely clear whether the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) will accept the case. An arbitration tribunal, made up of five judges, has been convened, but has not yet ruled on whether it has jurisdiction. Of particular interest in light of the ongoing China-Japan territorial conflict over Diaoyutai/Senkakus is the fact that ITLOS is headed by a Japanese judge. Although not a party to the South China Sea dispute, Tokyo has provided a measure of support on maritime issues to Manila and Hanoi in recent years. The US and India are also strongly interested in the dispute.

Some see the case as a test of whether international law and tribunals such as ITLOS can contribute to peaceful resolution of outstanding territorial disputes in Asia in a time of profound transformation. It is particularly relevant in view of the disparity in size and military potential between the Philippines and China, although the former is supported by other powers.

The paper examines all these legal issues, within their wider political, economic, diplomatic, and military context.

Manila’s international arbitration bid has been repeatedly rejected by Beijing, which argues that it does not fall under the compulsory arbitration provisions of UNCLOS. Even after the Court ruled onjurisdiction, on 29 October 2015, China stuck to this position, as clear from an official statement the following day. However, despite repeatedly refusing to appear before the court, last year Beijing chose to issue a formal document stating her posture. For some this may simply be a restatement of China’s position, confirming that it will not take part in the proceedings. For others, it amounts to a small victory for the Philippines and the rule of law at sea, since China has finally been unable to completely ignore the proceedings. Whatever one thinks about it, it is useful to examine the document, dated 7 December 2014 (unclear whether any pun intended), while we wait for the Permanent Court of Arbitration to hold the first oral hearings on the substantive aspects of the case, scheduled for late November 2015. We shall be doing so in this four-part series.