Socialist Democratic Self-management

I argue here for a conception of workers' councils that are embedded within the architecture of the modern state and parliamentary government as opposed to anti-statist and romantic conceptions of workers' councils. I defend the idea of what I call " council republicanism " that blends the institution of workers councils with the institutions of the modern constitutional state in order to secure and expand the institutional capacities of workers councils. A second purpose of this theory of council republicanism is to achieve the maximization of the twin principles of non-domination in social relations as well as the need to orient social and economic activities toward common purposes and not particular, private purposes and ends. I argue that council republicanism can therefore provide us with a persuasive and compelling model toward which worker movements toward a deeper reality of democracy can provide.

Stimulated by the context of exacerbation of systemic accumulation of capital crisis in world proportions after the historical turning point symbolized by tearing down the Berlin Wall, paper proposes to search for the answer to the following questions:
1)Have sociology of work “founding fathers” (Marx, Durkheim, Weber) transcended  their small bourgeois European background by inaugurating three main theoretical, methodological and practical political  research and policy strategies concerning conservation, reform or abolition of class division of human labor in worldwide or global proportions?
2) Is the process of so called globalization just a new word for classical violent re-colonization of material and human resources not only in former colonies of the former “Third World” but also in the former “Second World” of self-proclaimed really existing socialism, by financial oligarchy economically organized in IMF and WB, politically into Trilateral Comission and militarily into NATO, instigating wars and refugee crises ?
3)  What lessons can be learned from the failure of the four decades long attempt to realize elimination of class division of labor through integral self-management of workers at the workplace and consumers in the communities in non-aligned Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia?
4) Does “workers aristocracy” exist not only in the imperialist countries of the global North but also in the actually re-colonized Global South, making it difficult to self-organize worldwide resistance to violent re-colonization and privatization of all forms of common property? 
5) Are the most prosperous countries in Global South (BRICS) becoming the new hegemonic center of the world system of capitalist economy?

Neste momento em que o Brasil se vê diante de uma polarização midiática-de um lado, os conglomerados privados e, do outro, a nascente empresa pública de comunicação amalgamando as experiências anteriores-, é importante lembrar que existe uma outra forma de se pensar e fazer comunicação. Assim como nos anos da Guerra Fria existiu um Movimento de Países Não-Alinhados, também hoje é possível pensar uma organização não-alinhada, não mais entre duas superpotências beligerantes, mas entre as formas privatista e estatal. A prática mais bem-sucedida até hoje para esta forma é a autogestão.

The main thesis of the paper is that intrinsically contradictory character of the process of socialization of productive material and subjective forces, that is, contradictions of the overcoming of class division of labor, present the main source of the cyclical shifts between statist and market model of regulation of productive and entire social relationships. Permanent conflict between social groups interested in preservation of their privileged place in class division of labor, those interested just in relative improvements, and those interested in elimination of their own subordinated place and role in class division of labor, help us explain and understand repeatedly observed fact that periods of strengthening of state intervention into economic flows and emancipatory  breakthroughs in the direction of self-managing democracy and solidarity, are being substituted by periods of regression in the direction of merciless market competition and degeneration of formal representative democracy into authoritarianism and war totalitarianism.
The main finding of the paper is that self-managing participation of simultaneous producers and consumers in the decision-making about the entirety of reproduction of their own social life, opens the possibility for the attempt to mitigate the disastrous effects of the actual systemic crisis of the global accumulation of capital, as well as for the attempt to avoid genocidal and ecocidal destruction in the future, if the tendencies of reproduction of class division of labor and ensuing production for private profit instead for satisfaction of human needs are overcome.
KEY WORDS class division of labor, contradictions of socialization, statism, market competition, systemic global accumulation of capital crisis, self-managing socialism

Nowadays, there is a global economic crisis and there isn’t any consistent policy for recovering it, yet. Along with crisis, neoliberal economic policies widely criticized much more than before. Neoliberal policies are the package of policies which across the board. Workplace management techniques and strategies are embedded policies of neoliberalism. We can consider human resources and participative management strategies in it. After the deepening crisis, the discourses of “mutual interests of labor and management” and “in the same ship and common fate” have decreased their popularity rapidly. Criticizing of neoliberal policies accompany criticizing popular mainstream workplace management practices and their stream of thought. In this paper, we will discuss Latin American countries late years workers’ self-management experiences at the workplace level, in the context of to provide an alternative for popular mainstream management techniques like human resources and participative management. In this discussion, contemporary practices will be compared in the labor process. Hiring and firing, making better of working conditions, also laborers perceptions on their jobs and labor motivation/alienation will be the main points of this comparison.

Az alábbi tanulmány a Jugoszláv Kommunisták Szövetségének (JKSZ) nemzetiségi doktrínájáról és politikájáról, valamint a JKSZ egyik prominens vajdasági magyar teoretikusának, Rehák Lászlónak az idevágó írásairól szól. Rehák Lenin és Kardelj nyomán magyarázza a nemzetiségi kérdés összefüggését a gazdasággal. Habár a munkáiban nincs nyílt kritika az alkotmányos renddel és a politikával szemben, amellett érvelek, hogy ha összeszedjük az elszórt és valamicskét burkolt kritikai megjegyzéseit, világos, hogy elég jól látta a rezsim hibáit és igazságtalanságait.

U članku je riječ o počecima uvođenja doktrine socijalističkoga samoupravljanja u hrvatska kazališta koja je, ne bez otpora, uvođena i u sve prosvjetno-kulturne ustanove. Novi je model, zbog njegove specifičnosti i zova tradicije bilo najteže implementirati u kazališta koja su se u velikoj mjeri uspijevala othrvati i prethodnome, rigidnom socrealističkome modelu organiziranja i programiranja. No, unatoč odiumu koje i dan-danas izaziva termin umjetnici-samoupravljači, nekim bi se samoupravnim praksama valjalo vratiti u procesu tako nužne reforme (hrvatskih) kazališta.