Parochial Schools

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We pray because we believe the Creator of the Universe can not only hear us but that He will answer us when we pray. This means that prayer is a form of spiritual communication with a superior transcendent reasoning power who responds often without human language. It was the regular practice of Jesus to engage in this form of communication with his heavenly Father. But He Himself would often slip away to the wilderness and pray. (Luke 5:16) And early in the morning, while it was still dark, He arose and went out and departed to a lonely place, and was praying there. (Mark 1:35) And immediately He made His disciples get into the boat and go ahead of Him to the other side to Bethsaida, while He Himself was sending the multitude away. And after bidding them farewell, he departed to the mountain to pray. (Mark 6:45-46) And they came to a place called Gethsemane; and He said to His disciples, "Sit here until I have prayed." And He took with Him Peter and James and John, and began to be very distressed and troubled. And He said to them, "My soul is deeply grieved to the point of death; remain here and keep watch." And He went a little beyond them, and fell to the ground, and began praying. (Mark 14:32-34) And when day came, He departed to a lonely place; and the multitudes were searching for Him, and came to Him, and tried to keep Him from going away from them.

In the 2000s, PISA surveys provided a real shock to the world of research on education. The hope of researchers of parochial schools was to receive a powerful measurement tool to benchmark performance of pupils and schools on an international scale. Unfortunately, the public PISA databases do not conclusively reveal whether the examined schools are public, private or parochial. Furthermore, the PISA sampling is not representative regarding school sectors. There were, however, countries in every PISA wave where private schools performed better than their public counterparts, once the factor of parental background was taken into consideration. Recently, researchers have attributed this phenomenon to school climate and/or to educational values that may indicate a new type of effectiveness based on work values and on long-term returns on investments. During our analysis, we found that intersectional differences reported in scientific literature could be observed in Slovakia and Hungary, to the advantage of the parochial sector. In the third researched country, Poland, the advantage of the independent, private sector is considerable, compared to which the government-supported parochial schools are at a disadvantage . We found that in the parochial sector, the dominant force of social background is more moderate than is the case in public schools. We also specifically examined reading comprehension competencies, as PISA had done in 2009.

In this paper I examine in detail the continued – and curious – popularity of
religious schools in an otherwise ‘secular’ twenty-first century Europe. To do this
I consider a number of motivations underwriting the decision to place one’s
child in a religious school and delineate what are likely the best empirically
supported explanations for the continued dominant position of Protestant and
Catholic schools. I then argue that institutional racism is an explanatory
variable that empirical researchers typically avoid, though it informs both
parental assessments of school quality as well as selective mechanisms many
mainstream religious schools use to function as domains of exclusion. I then
distinguish between religious schools in a dominant position from those
serving disadvantaged minorities and argue that the latter are able to play a
crucially important function other schools only rarely provide and hence that
vulnerable minorities may have reason to value.

В статье рассказывается о сибирском периоде жизни одного из лучших старообрядческих полемистов начала ХХ века.
The article tells about the Siberian period in the life of one of the best of the old believer polemicists of the early twentieth century

The eleven experimental classrooms had sixty-five academic subjects that were statistically significant over the controls and norms combined, with twenty-three academic subject areas that were statistically significant over just the controls.  The experimentals showed marked strengths in ninety academic subject areas that either matched or were greater than the high performing controls’ results. The three minimal-gain experimental classrooms applied few of the executive criteria measures, abbreviating Accelerated Learning methods.  Although they implemented The BTA, they unfortunately also shortened the application days and lessons which acutely affected their results.
Longitudinal data supports the conclusion hat BTA-AL training effects remained constant and continued to build in all achievement areas including reading and math.  Eight experimental groups, grades 4-7, had 58 statistically significant academic gains in thirteen primary ITBS subjects.  By contrast, only the 6th grade control group had two maintenance gains; one gain each in reading and math. The low auditory - low achieving fourth grades from School 2 subsequently caught up to their grade expectations and peers the following year after BTA/AL training.  Further analyses revealed that this BTA/AL training increased academic achievement scores longitudinally +1½ to +2 ½ years beyond what the two schools typically received when the students had completed eighth grade. 
This study shows that with cognitive skills malleable and correctable, with all learning pathways treated to become operational, individuals do not have to settle for the limitations of nature and nurture.  Moreover, Accelerated Learning, when applied prescriptively, offers the necessary bridge for the permanent maintenance of these results.