Paramilitary Violence

Összességében Bodó Béla könyve nemcsak azért kiemelkedő, mert az elmúlt száz év első olyan munkája, amelyik monografikus igénnyel dolgozza fel a fehérterror jelenségeit, hanem azért is,
mert interdiszciplináris jelleggel és erős elméleti háttérrel megtámogatva mutatja be téziseit.

In this unfinished rough powerpoint for a series of lectures I explore why the United States is markedly different from other representative democracies and welfare states.  I trace the tradition of using a combination of bribery and corruption of the Congress and Judiciary, and violence and racist terror as a means of marginalizing organized labour and frustrating democratic control.  I explore how the contemporary crisis of social inequality, political corruption and racist authoritarian government long predates Trump, first emerging after Reconstruction in the Kleptocracy of the Gilded Age, receding somewhat under Roosevelt's leadership and with the Bretton Woods consensus, only to re-emerge with the Reagan revolution and the political triumph of the racist reaction to the Civil Rights and Feminist Movements, and the radicalism of the 1960s.  On the foreign policy side, the resurgent power of the oligarchy within the country and the brutal repression of the poor and marginalization of labour and the voices of the black radical tradition, symbolized by the ruins of Detroit and the South Bronx, would be matched by the consolidation of the policies of the so-called Washington Consensus.  This policy approach, enforced by the IMF, World Bank, and American military force and paramilitary violence, is often sold as Globalization, critiqued as Neo-liberalism, but might more accurately be described as a return to racist colonialism of the filibusters, Teddy Roosevelt, and Woodrow Wilson.  The talk, which is intended to engage non-academic audiences and avoid jargon and theory, ought to be read in conjunction with Richard Iton's Solidarity Blues, and WIlkinson and Pickett's The Spirit Level.

2020. március 2-án Máthé Áron, a Nemzeti Emlékezet Bizottsága elnökhelyettese a vasarnap.hu oldalon "Legendák helyett inkább kérdések" címmel közölt cikket. Ebben az index.hu-n 2020. február 16-án megjelent "Fehérterror: gyilkosságok felsőbb parancsra" című írásomra reflektált. Úgy gondolom, hogy megállapításai és kérdésfeltevései hozzájárulnak, hozzájárulhatnak ahhoz, hogy az események 100. évfordulóján termékeny és előremutató vita indulhasson meg a Nemzeti Hadsereg és Horthy Miklós 1919–1920-as tevékenységéről.

SUMMARY
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“THOSE WERE THE DAYS” IN HOTEL BRITANNIA
DATA AND ARCHIVAL SOURCES ABOUT THE ATROCITIES COMMITTED IN BUDAPEST BY ONE OF THE MOST NOTORIOUS IRREGULAR MILITARY FORMATION OF THE WHITE TERROR IN HUNGARY, 1919–1920


After the collapse of the Hungarian Republic of Councils and the right-wing counter-revolution, the new conservative government establishing its power with the help of the Entente states could only gradually rule the quasi anarchistic, post-war conditions of the country. Paramilitarism and paramilitary violence was an almost natural phenomenon in Hungary after World War One, just like in many other countries of Central Europe, and Budapest was terrorized by irregular military formations that were formally part of the National Army, but frequently operated completely independently, without any visible state control.
One of the most notorious of these troops was the detachment settling in Hotel Britannia, subordinated to influential paramilitary commanders First Lieutenant Iván Héjjas and Lieutenant Colonel Pál Prónay. Mainly radical right-wing irregular soldiers exploiting the weakness of the government committed several serious crimes like robbery, plunder and even murders, many times by anti-Semitic motivations, and they did it in the disguise of law enforcement measures, since in this period the military authorities possessed police jurisdictions over civilians as well in order to restore the order. Due to this elastic situation, the National Army and its semi-regular and irregular troops built up their own, parallel law enforcement apparatus, organised their own detective squads, and military detective officers who in most cases had no professional legal knowledge executed arbitrary arrests and proceedings, many times confiscating the valuables of detainees beyond brutalizing and torturing them. In this period in Budapest, even the officers of the Royal Hungarian State Police did their best to avoid conflict with violent military auxiliary police troops, since soldiers were much better armed than policemen.   
One of the turning points of the post-war wave of paramilitary violence in the disguise of law enforcement in Hungary was the murder of police officer József Soltra on 10 November 1920, committed by soldiers of the Britannia detachment who served in principle as auxiliary police troops. Since several eyewitnesses saw that the soldiers who head shot the policeman dead escaped into Hotel Britannia, Prime Minister Count Pál Teleki, Regent Governor Miklós Horthy and National Commissioner of the Police Imre Nádosy thought that it was finally time to stop paramilitary violence and resolutely act against irregular military formations that already operated sometimes as criminal organisations. The regular troops of the National Army and police squads invaded Hotel Britannia next day, disarming and arresting dozens of irregular soldiers. The windup of the Britannia detachment was only the beginning, since other irregular military formations were also definitely integrated into the National Army or disbanded, and many armed persons were arrested throughout Hungary for different types of crimes. In November 1920, in the suburbs of Budapest, the irregular military formation commanded by Hussar Captain Baron Jenő Babarczy quartered at the garrison of Ehmnann-telep showed serious resistance to the government troops, and an armed conflict with gunfight broke out between the police officers supported by regular soldiers and the irregular militiamen, and several persons died in the conflict. Finally, the detachment of Ehmann-telep was also disbanded, and partly integrated into the National Army. Furthermore, with certain exceptions, the government officially prohibited the military to act as a law enforcement agency. Police officer József Soltra was finally buried with military reverence as a symbolic victim of political violence, Regent Governor Horthy participated at his funeral in person, and gave his condolences to Soltra’s family and fiancée.       
In 1921 the following government led by Prime Minister Count István Bethlen gradually ceased the wave of paramilitary violence called the White Terror, and disbanded/regularized all irregular/paramilitary troops and formations. The otherwise strongly right-wing Hungarian government really did its best to tranquilize the radical right-wing forces and create some kind of social and political peace at last, after the long years of war and civil war.
Although paramilitary violence on the streets finally ceased, and irregular military formations were formally disbanded, the radical right-wing Hungarian militia movement mainly consisting of World War I veterans, active and demobilised soldiers lived on the form of secret right-wing paramilitary organisations. The influential radical right-wing organisation called Ébredő Magyarok Egyesülete (ÉME) – Association of Awakening Hungarians which sometimes operated in a similar way to a political party still had a strong paramilitary character, and it had its irregular militia called Nemzet¬védelmi Főosztály – Department of National Defence. The government, mainly the army and the Ministry of Defence still used up these Freikorps-like militia units consisting of veterans for two reasons. On the one hand, the right-wing political and military elite was still afraid of another possible Communist takeover attempt, and used the radical right-wing militias as auxiliary political police forces, keeping them prepared; on the other hand, the countries of the losing side of World War I were subject to serious limitations of armament. Therefore, the government and the military leadership did its best to circumvent limitations, and treated free-corps-like irregular military formations as secret semi-official reserve forces of the army, preparing for a war in the near future in which the territories that were truncated from Hungary by the Treaty of Trianon were to be reoccupied. Hungarian anti-Communist and irredentist troops were coordinated by the secret military organisation called Kettőskereszt Vérszövet¬ség – Double Cross Blood Union in the 1920s, and thousands of armed people were kept in secret military status, waiting for deployment. The military and the radical right-wing political movements had very strong relations these times due to the historical traumas, and hyper-nationalism and exaggerated patriotism nearly necessarily coupled with violent anti-Semitism.
Although the Hungarian Royal State Police undoubtedly did its best to investigate the serious crimes committed by paramilitary soldiers (most of them informally subordinated to First Lieutenant Iván Héjjas and Lieutenant Colonel Pál Prónay) and several perpetrators were committed to trial for their actions, it also seems that influential military and political circles tried to save them from prison or capital punishment. In 1920 and 1921 Regent Governor Horthy conceived several orders of amnesty, by which most perpetrators avoided punishment. Irregular soldiers of the detachment of Hotel Britannia like First Lieutenant Károly Kmetty, First Lieutenant Attila Rumbold, Private László Illy, First Lieutenant László Sesevics and Master Sergeant Kálmán Zsabka managed to escape prison or capital punishment, while several of them had been involved in criminal cases like murder and robbery. 
Although Prime Minister Bethlen did his best to create consolidation in Hungary in the political, social and economic sense of the word, radical right-wing political forces still had some influence after 1921, and for example Captain Gyula Gömbös, later Minister of Defence and Prime Minister of Hungary, the informal leader of the Hungarian radical right-wing movements of the 1920s, had a personal good relationship even with Regent Governor Admiral Miklós Horthy who had used to be a paramilitary commander himself in the civil war of 1919–1920 before being elected by the parliament as Regent Governor with the strong support of the Entente Powers. After the period of paramilitary violence many ex-soldiers who had committed serious crimes found their places in the authoritarian conservative, strongly right-wing regime of Hungary of the 1920s.
The present source publication makes an attempt to reconstruct certain crimes committed by the members of the irregular military formation quartered in Hotel Britannia via micro-historical case studies, mainly based on archival records of criminal suits in the custody of the Budapest City Archive. Furthermore, beyond the introduction of individual cases, it intends to draw general conclusions about the complex and controversial relationship between the early Hungarian (paramilitary) radical right-wing movements and the government/military.

"Biró Aurél munkája elsőrangú segédkönyve lehet azoknak, akik a Tanácsköztárasaság alatt elkövetett bűncselekményeket, az abban résztvevőket és a felelősségre vonásukkal kapcsolatos eljárásokat szeretnék minél alaposabban és részletesebben feldolgozni. Ahogy azt a szerző is kiemelte, a kutatás nem állhat meg, mert a Budapesti Királyi Ügyészség, (BFL VII.18.d) valamint a Budapesti Királyi Ítélőtábla (BFL VII.1.d.) több száz doboza még további ügyek százait rejti"– könyvismertetésem az Újkor.hu oldalán.

Bíró Aurél: Vörös terrorcsapatok és a mindennapok terrorja a magyarországi tanácsköztársaság idején. Pápa, Pápai Jókai Mór Városi Könyvtár, 2019.

The article reconstructs the history of revolutionary militia units organized by workers in and around Shlisselburg near Petrograd in the wake of the February Revolution of 1917. It traces the social and ideological mechanisms of popular mobilization that caused the workers to join these units (the Red Guard, a workers’ battalion), as well as their political and military function. In the wake of the Russian imperial state’s collapse and the developing civil war, paramilitaries were filling the void of authority and forming new power institutions at a local level. A gradual shift in motivation to join the militia, from volunteering to coercive drafting, was linked to the crystallization of new state structures.

Community based restorative justice projects in Northern Ireland have garnered international attention due to their role in conflict transformation and peace building. Yet, little is known about how changing State policies has helped or hindered their ability to use restorative justice to reduce crime and paramilitary violence. The findings indicate that changing State policies and how these policies are implemented has hindered this aspect of the projects’ work. It is argued that State policies seeking to control and regulate the use of restorative justice may undermine its ideological basis and potential effectiveness. The limitations involved in using restorative justice to tackle paramilitary violence are also highlighted.