Mushaf

One of the arguments used by Orientalist and Missionary critics of Islam to cast aspersions on Qur’anic preservation is related to the fact that the beloved companion of the Prophet Ibn Mas‘ood chose not to write three of the 114 surahs in his copy of the Qur’an. In order to understand why he made such a choice and if he considered these surahs part of the Qur’an, the evidence that discusses these issues must be examined. Throughout this presentation, it will be proved that Ibn Mas‘ood did in fact consider these surahs part of the Qur’an by the testimony of the same people who noted that he did not include them in his mushaf. After reading the explanations provided herein, there should be no doubt that Ibn Mas‘ood’s mushaf is in no way contradictory to the claimed impeccable preservation of the Noble Qur’an

Al-Quran is the great revelation promised by Allah SWT of its protection encompassing the aspect of recitation and writing. The revolving time has witnessed various innovations featured by Islamic scholars to ensure that Al-Quran is preserved. Beginning with mushaf which was transferred from bone, stone, palm branch or animal skin into sheets of paper until the latest form which is digital, scholars have never missed out from paying attention to its protection from all aspects. Besides that, concern of the community also has played its role in increasing the sensitivity of Muslim people to any form of mistake that happens in the publication of Al-Quran mushaf and at the same time the perfectness of Al-Quran can be preserved well and carefully. Concern by the Malaysia government through development of this Smart Quran application indirectly is capable of controlling the usage of various al-Quran mushaf application nowadays. Hopefully, this effort can be continued for the sake of goodness for the global community.

This article outlines the development of the printing of the Qur’an in Indonesia from its advent in the middle of 19th century to the present.  It also traces the influence of printed Qur’ans from India and Turkey on the early period of Qur’anic printing in Indonesia, and gives brief descriptions of some publishers of the Qur’an throughout the period in question. The last section analyses recent creative developments in the Qur’an publishing industry in  Indonesia.
Key words:  Qur’an, printing, Indonesia."

"Tulisan ini menguraikan perkembangan pencetakan mushaf Al-Qur’an di Indonesia sejak masa awal pertumbuhannya pada pertengahan abad ke-19 hingga dewasa ini. Tulisan ini juga membahas pengaruh mushaf Al-Qur’an cetakan India dan Turki dalam masa awal pencetakan mushaf di Indonesia. Sejumlah penerbit mushaf yang berperan pada masa itu, demikian pula dalam perkembangannya hingga dewasa ini, digambarkan dengan ringkas. Sementara, bagian akhir tulisan ini membahas perkembangan kreatif dalam industri penerbitan mushaf Al-Qur’an di Indonesia.
Kata kunci: mushaf Al-Qur’an, cetakan, Indonesia.

The article focuses on four qur'anic manuscripts in Subang, West Java. I will analize the material aspect of the manuscripts and its writing styles, using codicological approach. This study shows that three manuscripts used European paper and containing "Concordia" watermark which were produced around the late 19th century. These three manuscripts might be written latter in the beginning of twentieth century. Meanwhile, the last one which used bark paper of daluang cannot be estimated its dating. The writing of four manuscripts used naskhi style. There are also some errors of hand writing. Moreover, the manuscripts used rasm imla'i as same as classical mushaf in the archipelago. These manuscripts are different with palace manuscripts that generally used beauty illuminations and scribes. This study is not only important to give another perspective on the spread of qur'anic manuscripts in Southeast Asia, particularly in West Java, but also to strengthen the distinctive feature on material manuscripts, rasm and illumination of qur'anic manuscripts in the Archipelago. These four qur'anic manuscripts show the important of the role of the Qur'an in strengthening Islam in the society through the scribe of qur'anic manuscripts and its use in the learning of Islam. Abstrak Kajian ini memfokuskan pada empat naskah mushaf yang ditemukan di Subang, Jawa Barat dilihat dari aspek bahan naskah dan ragam penulisan. Melalui pendekatan kodikologi, tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa tiga dari empat naskah berbahan kertas Eropa dan mengandung cap air Concordia dibuat pada abad ke-19, tetapi boleh jadi penulisan teks mushafnya dilakukan jauh lebih belakangan sekitar awal abad ke-20. Satu naskah lagi yang berbahan daluang tidak bisa dipastikan usianya. Sementara dilihat dari ragam penulisan, model tulisan yang digunakan, yaitu gaya naskhi, terkadang terdapat pelbagai kesalahan dalam penulisannya. Selain itu, sebagaimana umumnya mushaf klasik Nusantara dari pelbagai daerah, rasm yang digunakan adalah rasm imla'i. Pada naskah mushaf juga tidak didapatkan iluminasi yang mencolok. Hal ini berbeda dengan kecenderungan naskah mushaf yang berasal dari lingkungan istana yang umumnya mementingkan segi keindahan mushaf dengan kualitas baik. Kajian kodikologi mushaf ini penting tidak saja bisa menambah data kajian tentang sebaran mushaf kuno di Asia Tenggara, khususnya di Jawa Barat, tetapi semakin mempertegas kecenderungan umum bahan, rasm dan iluminasi mushaf Nusantara. Ditemukannya empat mushaf di Subang ini juga memperkuat tesis pentingnya posisi Alquran dalam menunjukkan tingkat keislaman di masyarakat melalui upaya penyalinannya dalam kerangka pengajaran Islam.

Penyebaran mushaf ke beberapa wilayah Islam sudah dimulai sejak pertama kalinya al-Quran dikodifikasikan, yakni pada masa kekhalifaan Usman bin Affan yang biasa disebut sebagai mushaf Imam. Penulisannya yang belum menggunakan medium kertas dan tinta yang tahan lama pun mengakibatkan mushaf tersebut tidak dapat kita jumpai lagi sekarang. Dalam perihal kelestarian mushaf kuno pada masa kini banyak media khusus yang mengabarkan akan keberadaan beberapa mushaf kuno yang berasal dari berbagai negeri di dunia Islam.

"The study of early Qur’ānic manuscripts emerged in academia as early as the late 18th century. François Déroche identifies the origins of this quest with the Danish theologian and orientalist Jacob Georg Christian Adler (1756-1834). Adler, who was fascinated by Kūfic inscriptions, spent time studying early Qur’ānic fragments kept at the Det Kongelige Bibliotek (The Royal Library) in Copenhagen, Denmark.Today ‒ thanks to Alba Fedeli ‒ it has become possible to draw the history of Qur’ānic manuscript studies from 1856 to 1999. Nevertheless, in her concise chronology, Fedeli does not mention the works of Tayyar Altıkulaç, who is best known for his contributions in reproducing several ancient manuscripts of the Qur’ān ‒ mostly attributed to ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān and ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib ‒ in facsimile editions, in collaboration with the Research Centre For Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA) in Istanbul. This article is intended to expand Fedeli’s chronology by placing Altıkulaç and his al-muṣḥaf al-sharīf volumes, dedicated to codices attributed to the caliphs ʿUthmān and ʿAlī, into the framework of Qur’ānic manuscript studies."

ABSTRAK

Fokus penelitian ini adalah aspek rasm manuskrip mushaf Al-Qur’an Mbah Harjo Utomo. Selain untuk mempertegas hasil penelitian-penelitian manuskrip mushaf Al-Qur’an terdahulu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggali, menganalisis dan mengindentifikasi bagaimana karakteristik dan penggunaan rasm mushaf pada manuskrip mushaf Al-Qur’an Mbah Harjo Utomo sebagai salah satu manuskrip mushaf abad ke-19 M. Beberapa pertanyaan yang yang dijawab oleh penelitian ini adalah bagaimana persebaran penggunaan rasm manuskrip mushaf Al-Qur’an di Indonesia? bagaimana karakteristik rasm manuskrip mushaf Al-Qur’an Mbah Harjo Utomo?
Penelitian penulis ini mengkaji data lapangan dan kepustakaan manuskrip mushaf Al-Qur’an Mbah Harjo Utomo beserta literatur lain terkait manuskrip dan rasm mushaf Al-Qur’an dengan metode analisis-deskriptif. Ilmu tekstologi dan rasm mushaf menjadi rujukan utama dalam proses tersebut. Hasil akhir kajian menunjukkan bahwa rasm imla’i mendominasi dan menjadi salah satu karakteristik penulisan mushaf di Indonesia, begitu juga dalam penulisan manuskrip mushaf Al-Qur’an Mbah Harjo Utomo
Adapun terkait penggunaan berbagai jenis rasm pada mushaf-mushaf Al-Qur’an di Indonesia tersebar di sejumlah periode, yakni periode mushaf tulis tangan, cetak mesin dan digital. Mushaf periode awal mayoritas menggunakan rasm imla’i, kemudian beralih pada rasm usmani di periode selanjutnya sebagaimana penulisan mushaf Bombay dan Singapura. Periode mushaf digital menggunakan jenis rasm yang disesuaikan dengan target masing-masing pihak pengembang software. LPMQ kemudian mengambil tindakan membuat Mushaf Standar Indonesia yang dapat mencakup kesemuanya. Perihal penulisan manuskrip mushaf Al-Qur’an Mbah Harjo Utomo, ia didominasi dengan kaidah Isbat al-Alif dari rasm imla’i dan hanya kaidah al-Hamz dan al-Badl dari rasm usmani.


Kata kunci: imla’i, isbat al-alif, persebaran rasm, mushaf Mbah Harjo Utomo.

The history behind ʿUthmān's compilation of the Qurʾān can lead to confusion due to the survival of variants. As a result of their unfamiliarity with the fields of qirāʾāt and rasm almuṣḥaf, some even assume that ʿUthmān intended to eliminate all variants but one. This paper aims to clear the confusion by examining the nature of the regional variants of the ʿUthmānic maṣāḥif.

Kajian ini adalah untuk membandingkan bidang tugas dan metode yang digunakan oleh Unit Kawalan Teks Al-Quran (UKTQ) di bawah Kementerian Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (KKDN) dan Lajnah Pentashih Mashaf Al-Quran di Indonesia. Kajian ini juga ingin mengetahui samada al-Quran dari cetakan Indonesia yang diimport ke Malaysia ini mendapat kelulusan dari Lajnah Pentashih Mashaf al-Quran atau tidak. Dengan itu, kajian ini dapat mengetahui metodologi kedua-dua unit yang bertugas sebagai pemelihara kesucian al-Quran. Di antara metode yang digunakan ialah metode temubual, metode pensejarahan, metode dokumentasi dan metode obeservasi. Dapatan awal kajian adalah memperkenalkan unit kawalan teks al-Quran di Malaysia dan pentashih mashaf al-Quran di Indonesia. Selain itu, mendapati sejarah penubuhan kedua unit dan akta yang digunakan dalam percetakan teks al-Quran. Di samping mengetahui fungsi dan bidang tugas unit kawalan teks al-Quran.

Al-Qur’an Mushaf Al-Bantani disingkat (QMB) merupakan Al-Qur’an model kontemporer dengan banyaknya ragam iluminasi didalamnya, telah diterbitkan pada tahun 2010 dan dijadikan cagar budaya di wilayah Banten. Penulis telah mengidentifikasi mushaf tersebut secara regional. Dalam penelitian ini, penulis merujuk pada argumentasi Islah bahwa, selama ini Al-Qur’an jarang dibicarakan melalui realitas yang berhubungan dengan teks budaya. Oleh sebab itu, secara regional, identitas kultural QMB dalam penelitian ini meliputi objek kajian yang berkaitan dengan hal-hal erat di luar kemunculannya. Ada dua rumusan masalah dalam pembahasanya yaitu, terkait karakteristik QMB, dan instrumen politik pada QMB sebagai sebuah realitas  yang terkesan dapat menjawab keluhan Islah secara internal, dan bertujuan agar penelitian ini dapat pula menjadi referensi dalam pembahasan tentang khazanah permushafan di Nusantara.
Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian pustaka (library reseach) secara deskriptif analitik dengan dua teori pada dua rumusan masalah. Rumusan masalah pertama merujuk pada pandangan Annabel Teh Gallop dalam kajian iluminasi sebagai letak kunci untuk membaca nilai penghormatan yang dibangun tidak hanya kepada teks wahyu namun juga artistik suatu wilayah. Rumusan masalah kedua, melalui teori hegemoni Gramsci merupakan hubungan persetujuan atau kesepakatan antara kelompok sipil dan pemerintahan dengan menggunakan kepemimpinan politik dan ideologis.
Hasil yang didapat penulis bahwa, karakteristik yang dimiliki Al-Qur’an Mushaf Al-Bantani, memiliki ragam iluminasi begah yang diadopsi dari manuskrip Al-Qur’an Mushaf Sultan Aliyuddin (QSA) yakni mushaf tulis tangan di abad ke-18, mushaf ini tergolong sebagai Al-Qur’an kalangan elit sosial. Kemudian, QMB ini juga memiliki relevansi terhadap tiga landasan yaitu diwujudkan atas dasar etis, filosofis, dan estetis. Sedangkan, instrumen politik di QMB ini disedasarkan pada dua pengaruh yaitu, adanya tokoh politik pemerintahan yakni gubernur Banten saat itu (Ratu Atut Chosiyah) sebagai pemrakarsa mushaf, dan kedua kelompok sipil yang bertugas sebagai para ahli dalam kepenulisan QMB seperti terpilihnya para putra-putri Banten, anggota lembaga LPTQ, dan MUI Provinsi Banten sebagai Tim Penulisan yang berkerja sama dalam memperkenalkan situs budaya serta identitas kultural Banten melalui perwujudan QMB.Akan tetapi,  QMB ini dinilai memiliki tanggapan kontroversi sebagai bahan politik untuk menarik simpati masyarakat saat mencalonkan ketua Gubernur Banten di dua periode. Pendek kata, pandangan penulis pada QMB tidak hanya dilihat dari sisi karakteristik dan perbedaanya dengan Al-Qur’an lain, namun juga adanya instrumen politik oleh pemerintah, terkait pendekatan pada masyarakat secara persuasif melalui agama atau program kitab suci yang diterbitkan.

Kata Kunci: Iluminasi, Politik, Al-Qur’an Mushaf Al-Bantani.

Öz: İlk mushaflar harfleri ayıran nokta ve sesli harf yerine geçen harekeleri içermiyordu. Bu durumun okumada sorun çıkarması üzerine önce hareke çözümleri, sonraları da benzer harfleri ayıran noktalama çözümleri geliştirildi. "Dabtu'l-mushaf" terimiyle anılan bu çözümler uygulama bakımından kıraatlere, ictihadlara ve bölgelere göre farklılık arz etmektedir. Günümüzde okumayı kolaylaştırmak için mushaflara ilave edilen işaretler denetimsiz bir şekilde çoğalmış ve karmaşık bir hal almıştır. Bu araştırma, dabt faaliyetlerinin tarihsel sürecini kısaca ele aldıktan sonra günümüzdeki uygulamaların ortaya çıkardığı sorunları örneklerle açıklayarak bu sorunlara çözüm önerilerinde bulunmakta ve mushaflara yapılacak ilavelerin ehil kurullar tarafından yapılması gerektiği sonucunu çıkarmaktadır.

Abstract: Punctuation of The Holy Quran and Some Findings Upon The Printing of Quranic Text Including Tajweed Abstract The first Mushaf text that had came about had not been punctuated For this reason at first to make it easier for reading 'harakas' or in other words signs, were used to diffrenciate between sounds. Later on dots were used to differenciate between similar letters. This application known as 'Dabtul-Mushaf' seems to diffrenciate according to the various reading styles (Qiraat) , the various discussions among scholars (Ijtihad) and regional changes. The Mushaf text which included tajweed being published today has not been inspected and looked over and is being published in this manner. With the research done here, firstly, history of punctuating Mushaf Text had been studied and the problems upon the application of Tajweed on the Mushaf Text has been presented including examples. Solutions have also been presented. It has been concluded that the the additions of punctuation that is done upon Mushaf Texts should be done by scholars and professionals of the field.

This article contains a study about the term of “Imam Mushaf” and what is meant by the “Imam Mushaf”. As far as we understand in the first period this term was clearer but then used by different authors to different meanings. Especially, presence of the conflicting informations in many turkish studies on this subject draws our attention in recent years. The truth is that Mushaf of Caliph Abu Bakr is not described as “Imam Mushaf” in the oldest and classical Islamic sources. On the other hand it is understood that, in general, all of the replicated Mushafs in Caliph Uthman period; in particular, the Mushaf left in Madinah -center of Islamic State- was known as “Imam Mushaf”. The result which obtained with this study, “Imam Mushaf” is the personal Mushaf of Caliph Uthman and his Mushaf has been a basis for Mushaf copies sent to the Islamic state’s central regions. Many authors detection also confirms this conviction. Consequently, Uthman’s personal Mushaf is the first copy which based on the Abu Bakr’s Mushaf. /////////////////////////// Bu makale, “İmam Mushaf” tabirinin hangi mushaf kastedilerek kullanıldığına dâir bir tetkiki içermektedir. Gördüğümüz kadarıyla ilk dönemde daha net olan söz konusu tavsif daha sonra farklı müellifler tarafından farklı anlamlarda kullanılmıştır. Özellikle son zamanlarda yapılan birçok Türkçe çalışmada konuyla ilgili çelişkili bilgilerin yer aldığı görülmektedir. Gerçek şu ki kadîm ve klasik kaynaklarda Hz. Ebû Bekir Mushafı “İmam Mushaf” şeklinde tanımlanmamaktadır. Buna karşın genel anlamda Hz. Osman döneminde çoğaltılan mushafların tümü; özelde hilâfet merkezi Medîne’de bırakılan mushaf “İmam Mushaf” olarak anılagelmiştir. Yapılan tetkik neticesinde vardığımız kanaat, “İmam Mushaf” diye adlandırılan mushafın Hz. Osman’ın şahsî mushafı olduğu yönündedir ve birçok müellifin tespiti de bunu doğrulamaktadır. İslam Devleti’nin merkezî bölgelerine gönderilmek üzere istinsah edilen mushaflara temel teşkil eden bu mushaf, Hz. Osman’ın Hz. Ebû Bekir Mushafı’nı esas alarak imlâ ettirdiği ilk mushaftır.

Zerkeşî’nin el-Burhân adlı eseri Ulûmül-Kur’an tarzı eserler içinde en önemlilerinden biridir. Bunun delili olarak Suyûtî başta olmak üzere birçok âlimin kaynak olarak almalarını ve günümüzde de bu alanda yapılan çalışmalarda temel başvuru kaynağı olmasını gösterebiliriz. “Musannif” lakabıyla anılan Zerkeşî, daha çok el-Burhân fî ʿulûmi’l-Ḳurʾân adlı eseriyle tanınmış olsa da eserlerinin yarıya yakınını fıkha dair eserler teşkil eder. Diğer yandan eserlerinde çok sayıda kaynağa başvurması, lügavî ve fıkhî tahliller yapması, bunun yanında kendi ulaştığı sonuç ve çıkarımlara da yer vermesi onun tenkitçi bir anlayışına sahip olduğunu göstermesi açıısndan önemlidir. Zerkeşî söz konusu eserini telif ederken gerek kendi döneminden önceki dönemlerde gerekse yaşadığı zaman diliminde telif edilen yüzlerce kaynaktan istifade etmiştir. Müellifin tefsir alanında faydalandığı kaynakların başında el-Keşşâf adlı eseriyle Zemahşerî gelmektedir. Ardından İbn Atıyye, Fahreddin er-Râzî, Ebu Hayyan Endelusî gibi isimleri saymak mümkündür. Zerkeşî’nin Arap dili ile ilgili hususlarda ekseriyetle el-Kitâb sahibi Sîbeveyh’ten faydalandığı görülmektedir. Bunun dışında Müberred, Ebu Ali el-Fârisî, İbn Cinnî, İbn Fâris, İbnü’l-Hâcib ve İbn Malik gibi önemli isimlerden de istifade etmiştir. Diğer yandan Zerkeşî, klasik dönem Ulûmü’l-Kur’an’a dair eserlerden de istifade ermiştir. Bu bağlamda İ’rabu’l-Kur’an tarzı eserlerin kıdemlilerinden Ferrâ, Zeccâc ve Ebu Ca’fer en-Nehhâs gibi isimleri saymak mümkündür. Bunun dışında Kur’an’ın i’cazına ilişkin konularda Bakıllânî’den de istifade etmiştir. Kıraatle ilgili konularda ise Zerkeşî, kıraat alanında otorite isimlerden Ebu Amr ed-Dânî’nin muhtelif eserlerinden istifade etmiştir.
Kıraat farklılıkları konusunu Zerkeşî, sekiz madde halinde ele almıştır. Bu bağlamda kıraatların kaynağı ve keyfiyeti bağlamında, mütevatirlik hükmünün kıraatin olmazsa olmaz şartlarından biri olmadığını söyleyen Zerkeşî, farklı okunuşlar için Hz. Peygamber’den ahâd haberle nakledildikleri ve kıraat imamlarının içtihadına ve yorumuna bağlı olmadıklarını söylemiştir. Diğer yandan kıraat ilminin gelişmesi ve şekillenmesinde, artan Müslüman nüfusu ve genişleyen İslâm coğrafyasına bağlı olarak insanların Hz. Peygamber’in onay verdiği okuyuşu yakalama gayretinin önemli etkenlerden biri olduğu ifade edilir. Yedi harf ve yedi kıraat olgusuna ilişkin Zerkeşî, yedi kıraatın tespitinin hicrî dördüncü asırda vuku bulduğu, bunun da -üzerinde birçok rivayetin yer aldığı- bir yönüyle Kur’an’ın nüzul keyfiyetini ifade eden yedi harf meselesi ile ilgisinin olmadığı sonucu önemlidir. Zerkeşî’nin eserinde konuları ele alırken ekseriyetle izlediği metot, konu başlangıcında genellikle öncesinde telif edilen eserlere yer verdiği görülmektedir. Konuları ele alırken bazen sadece başkalarına ait görüşleri derlerken kimi zaman da kendi görüşünü belirttiği olmuştur. Özellikle eserin genel muhtevasına bakıldığında hem konuların sistematiği hem de referans kullandığı kaynaklar bağlamında el-Burhân’ın Ulûmü’l-Kur’an alanında ansiklopedik bir kimliğie sahip olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Bu yönüyle eser, bir taraftan alana dair konu başlıklarını sistematize etmesi diğer taraftan neredeyse selef ulemaya dair ulaşabildiği bütün eserlere yer vermesi ve bu bu hususta geçmişle gelecek arasında bir köprü olması bakımından önemli bir hizmeti deruhte etmiştir.

Kur’an tarihiyle ilgili birçok klasik kaynakta Hz. Ali’nin şahsi bir mushafından söz edilmektedir. Bir dizi rivayete göre Hz. Ali bu mushafı oluşturmaya Hz. Peygamber’in vefatının hemen ardından başlamış ve çok kısa bir sürede tamamlamıştır. Diğer taraftan özellikle Şiî kaynaklarda Hz. Fatıma’nın da özel bir mushafı bulunduğundan söz edilmiştir. Bu makalede, Şia ile Sünnî ulema arasında birtakım polemiklere yol açan bu konuyla ilgili bilgiler tahlil edilecek ve bilhassa Hz. Fatıma mushafının mahiyet ve muhtevasına ilişkin bir tavzihte bulunulmaya çalışılacaktır.

The study is mainly about the partitions of the two widespread copies of the Qur’ān known as muṣḥafs. One of these partitions is published in Turkey under the supervision of the Presidency of Religious Affairs, and the Board of Inspection and Recitation of the Qur’ān. The second one is published by an Islamic delegation and by the Ministry of Islamic Affairs, Foundations, Invitation and Guidance of Saudi Arabia. Both the muṣḥafs are widely used in many countries, especially in terms of the places where they are printed. In the study, the partitions in the muṣḥafs are discussed in a comparative manner in terms of their bases and their functions. In this context, first of all, the mentioned partitions are linked together with the words and practices of The Prophet and his companions. Then the same and different partitions in these muṣḥafs and, different aspects of the same partitions are examined. The functions of existing departments are also mentioned. The "symbol of bowing (Rukūʿ)" on this muṣḥaf published in Turkey is examined. It is recommended that this section should be named as "the symbol of mawḍuʻ." Even the practices belong to the period of the Prophet, the differences in the partitions show that the existing divisions are based on opinions or judicial judgments (ijtihadī).

In this study, juz, ḥizb and rukûʿ partitions of the Qur’ān are considered comparatively in terms of the partition by Presidency of Religious Affairs and partition by Medina. In this context, early sources and formation of the mentioned partitions are examined and comparisons are made between the two partitions in these muṣḥafs. While examining the relation of the two partitions of these two muṣḥafs with the sources in the early period, it is seen that the Prophet and the Companions themselves used the words; juz and ḥizb in order to divide the Qur’ān into certain sections. As it is known, however, the Qur’ān was not present as a concrete document in the hands of everybody as it is today because of the revelation in the period of descending. Therefore, it cannot be expected that the partitions of that period will be the same with those of today’s. It is emphasized that the Prophet and the Companion formed specific ḥizbs (sub-sections) that were specific to them, and then the formation phase and the nature of these two partitions in the muṣḥafs are discussed. The number of letters, not the number of pages, verses and words, appears to be taken into account in the partition of the juz and ḥizb. This kind of partition, with some special muṣḥafs and practices of Muslims, was formally known in the period of Iraq governorship by Haccac ibn Yusuf al-Sakafī (75/694-95/713). He instructed the hafiz people to find the number of letters of the Qur’ān, and also had them identified the half, one third, and one fourth of it.

The current muṣḥafs by Presidency of Religious Affairs and Medina can be seen in Ibn al-Jawzī's Fünûn al-efnân fī ʿacâib ulûm al-Qur’ān, in Dānī's al-Beyān fî add al-Ḳur'ân, and in Cemāl al-ḳurrā and kemāl al-iḳrā by Sahavī. There is not much difference between these two muṣḥafs in terms of juz. However, the locations, naming and presentation patterns of ḥizb have some differences. For example, the beginning and ending point of the ḥizb in Medina muṣḥaf is clearer because the sign of the beginning of the ḥizb in the verse is indicated with a sign. However, there is no indication at the beginning of the verse for the ḥizb in the muṣḥaf by the Presidency of Religious Affairs; it is pointed by the ḥizb rose on the edge. Again, in Medina muṣḥaf, every juz is divided into two ḥizbs, and at the end of thirty juzs, there is a "ḥizb sixty" registry. Each of these ḥizbs is divided into four to form a total of eight ḥizbs in a juz. But in the muṣḥaf by Presidency of Religious Affairs, every juz is divided into four ḥizbs and numbered from one to four. These four ḥizbs coincide with four of the eight ḥizbs in the Medina muṣḥaf. However, some of the hizbs in the fourth, seventh, eleventh, twenty-sixth and thirtieth juzs start from a different place. As a matter of fact, the juz beginning of these juzs, ḥizb places of which are different also differ from each other. This determination indicates that the juz and ḥizb are identified in a coordinated manner. Apart from these two partitions, there is also a rukū' division. This division is available only in muṣḥaf by the Presidency of Religious Affairs. It is not known who created it and what its nature is. Considering the way in which the mentioned partition takes place, it can be defined as: a group of verses consisting of a page, often containing one or more titles, containing a short or shortened scene. The nickname is "ayn". It has taken the name "symbol of bowing" because it shows the most suitable place to bow. However, this partition creates the misgiving that it is a sign of the “pausing” because it has been placed under the heading of secavend in the muṣḥaf by the Presidency of Religious Affairs. According to our opinion, this cannot be a sign of “pausing” because it is not mentioned in the works discussing the pausing and starting. In the same way, it cannot be said that it showed the place where the Prophet went to bow. Because the Prophet sometimes reads the surahs consisting of a total of four rukūs' divisions in two rakad prayers. They do not fully correspond to the descended verses as a group, nor do they exactly correspond to the groups of verses that commentators bring as tablets before the commentary. The fact that the verse groups formed by the commentators differ from the rukū partition can be said to be related to structure of the Qur’ān and the fact that wisdom and ability of the commentators are different from each other.

Apart from the muṣḥaf by the Presidency of Religious Affairs, Rukū' partitioning is also available in the muṣḥafs published in the Indian and Pakistani regions. However, there is not much information about the nature of this partition and who states it. In our opinion, the sign of pausing has been effective in the formation of this partition. Because the Cezari speaks about the difficulty of reading a verse group that includes one subject with one single breath while explaining the reason for setting the sign of pausing. This expression shows that there are groupings of subject-centered verses in the mind of recitation scholars in the process of determining the pausing. It is seen that the majority of the pausing in Idah by Ibn Abbarī and al Muktafā by Dâni overlaps with the rukū partition of the muṣḥaf. Therefore, it can be said that, while this partition is being formed, the scholars have benefited from the groups of verses, which are the totality of the subject pointed out, albeit implicitly. The rukū partition is also associated with the aşır reading which consists of a certain group of verses and is read in various ways. Today, when talking about “ashir”, one can understand the group of verses between the two “ʿayn". However, the " ʿayn" nickname has not been set for the “ashir”. According to our opinion, this partitioning is considered appropriate for “ashir” because it is based on the subject matter integrity. In addition to all this, this partition can also be regarded as a measure for a series of conversations which shows the true way to the public in the context of the meaning of the Qur’ān. It is understood that this partitioning, whether it shows the most appropriate place to go to rukū, whether it points to the verses set for “ashir”, or whether it is a measure for the Qur’ān themed conversation, is a matter-based setting in all. Therefore, we recommend naming the rukū partition as "the symbol of mawḍuʻ". At the same time, this naming eliminates the false impression that it is a sign of a pausing or a taking. The muṣḥaf partitions can be made more functional in order for Muslims to live more with the Qur’ān. For example, ḥizb can be a measure to acquire the habit of mentioning about the Qur’ān every day. In the same way, the rukū partition, with the nomenclature that we propose; "the symbol of mawḍuʻ" can provide the inclination to the meaning of the Qur’ān. Thus, it is possible to have a multi-dimensional communication with the Qur’ān thanks to these partitions.

Throughout much of the Emirate and during the whole Caliphate was preserved in Córdoba among its most precious treasures a copy of the Qur'ān attributed to third Orthodox caliph, ‘Uṯmān b. 'Affān. The book went to Africa in times of the Almohads and was lost in the Banū Marīn era. Here is given news of what the Muslim chronicles tell us about their journey.

Dört büyük mezhep mensuplarınca Vakıa Suresi 79. Ayet, Mushaf’a abdestsiz olarak el sürmenin haram olması hükmünün bir delili olarak kabul edilmiştir. Bu-na  göre  ayette,  Mushaf’a  abdestli  olanlardan  başkası  el  süremez,  buyrulur.  Bu  gö-rüş bazı hadislerle de desteklenir. Bu makalede bu ayetin bağlamı, ihtiva ettiği ke-limeler ele alınarak söz konusu yargıya delil olup olamayacağı tespit edilmeye çalı-şılmıştır.  Bu  makalede  amacımız  Mushaf’a  dokunmanın  haram  olup  olmamasın-dan daha çok, Vakıa Suresi 79. Ayetin bu hükme delil olup olamayacağıdır.

Bu çalışmada klasik dönem İmâmiyye Şîası’nın özellikle
tefsir sahasında iki otoritesi kabul edilen Tûsi ve Tabersî üzerinden
“İmâmiyye Şîası’nın kıraatlere yaklaşımı nasıldır?”
sorusuna cevap aranmıştır. Bu bağlamda müelliflerin mushafta
tahrif iddiası ve mushafın cem’i meselesine yaklaşımları,
ahruf-i seb‘a ve kırâatlerde tevâtür meselesine yönelik bakış
açıları, kırâatleri tevcih ve temellendirme yöntemleri, kırâatleri
kabul kriterleri, tercih ve tenkit ettikleri kırâatler, özellikle Ehl-i
beyt, İmâmet, velâyet, takiyye, mut’a nikahı, abdestte ayakları
mesh etmek gibi Şiî düşüncesinin öncelediği kimi konularda
kırâatleri mezhebî sâiklerle yorumlayıp yorumlamadıkları
gibi başlıklar çalışmada cevap aranan sorular olmuştur.

İslam tarihi boyunca Hz. Peygamber’den günümüze değin birçok farklı fırka/mezhep temel düşüncelerini meşrulaştırmak için Kur’ânî nassları yorumlama faaliyetleri içine girmiştir. Bu yorumlama faaliyetlerine başvuran fırkalardan biri de Fâtımiler döneminde altıncı halife Hâkim bi Emrillâh(v.411/1021) liderliğinde kurulan daha sonra Hamza b. Ali, Muktenâ el-Bahâuddîn, İsmâil et-Temîmî başta olmak üzere mezhebin diğer dâileri tarafından sistemleştirilen Dürziliktir. Dürziliği kısaca tarif edecek olursak; Dürzilik, başta Hamza b. Ali olmak üzere Muktenâ el-Bahâuddîn, İsmâil et-Temîmî ve diğer hudud ve dâiler  aracılığıyla sistemleştirilen, temelde Hâkim bi Emrillâh’ın  uluhiyeti üzerine inşâ edilen, diğer tüm dinlerin neshedildiği inancına sahip olan Hâkim ve Hamza’nın yeniden zuhûr etmesiyle birlikte mevcût maddi dünyanın onların eline geçip Dürzi hükümdarlığının süreceğine inanan bir mezheptir.Dürzilik, İsmâilîlikten neş’et etmesi ile birlikte kendi temel düşünce sistem ve doktrinlerini oluşturmak için başta Kur’ân-ı Kerîm olmak üzere Hint, Yunan felsefi, eski Eflatunculuk, semâvî dinler ve daha birçok farklı kaynaktan etkilenmiştir.Dürzilerin temel İslâm düşüncesine muhâlif görüşlere sahip olması, bulundukları toplumda hep bir azınlık oluşturmuş olmaları ve daha birçok sâik, onların bâtınî karakterli bir oluşum olmalarına sebep olmuştur. Böyle bir yapıya sahip olmaları nedeniyle tarih boyunca haklarında çok az şey bilinmiş ve hep merak konusu olmuşlardır. Ancak 19. yüzyıl ile birlikte Dürzilere ait kutsal metinlerin gün yüzüne çıkmasıyla başta batıda olmak üzere dünyanın birçok farklı yerinde haklarında akademik çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Şüphesiz Dürzilere ait en kutsal eser Resâilü’l-Hikme risâleleridir. Bu eser toplam 111 risâleden oluşmakta olup Hamza b. Ali, Muktenâ el-Bahâuddîn ve İsmâil et-Temîmî ve diğer dâiler tarafından kaleme alınmıştır. Dürzilerin Resâilü’l-Hikme dışında birçok kutsal eserleri daha bulunmaktadır.İşte bu kutsal eserlerden biri de kitap tanıtımımızın da konusu olan Mishafu’l-Münferid bi-Zâtihi adlı mahtût eserdir.  Eserde yer alan ifadelerin birçoğu Resâilü’l-Hikme adlı kitapta da birebir tekrar edilmiştir. Bu eserde Kur’ân âyetlerinin birçoğu ya aynen blok halinde alınmış ya da üzerinde kelime ekleme-çıkarma yoluyla birtakım tasarrufta bulunarak tahrif edilmiştir. Eser genel olarak Hâkim bi Emrillâh’ın uluhiyetini ikrâr, onu ilâh edinme, Dürzilerin cennet nimetleriyle nimetlenme, düşmanların ise cezaya müstehak olacağı şeklinde dua üslubuyla yazılmış ifadeler içermektedir.

هناك العديد من التساؤلات التي أُثيرت حول عناوين سُور القُرآن الكريم وأنماط كتابتها في المصاحف المخطوطة؛ أبرزها: أولًا: هل كانت هُناك أُسُس تحكُم آلية تنفيذ وكتابة عناوين سور المُصحف الشريف؟ وثانيًا: هل ارتبط ظهور تلك الأُسس بوجود هيئة إدارية تُلْزِم الخطّاط بنمطٍ كتابي مُعيّن؟ أم تُرِكَت عناوين السور للخطّاط يكتبها كيفما شاء- دون الإخلال بأيٍّ من أركانها الأساسية؛ كـ(اسم السورة، وعدد الآيات، ومكان نزولها)؟ وثالثًا: في حالة الجزم بوجود أنماط كتابية مُحدّدة، فما هي تلك الأنماط؟ وكم عددها؟ وما العناصر الأساسية المُكوّنة لِكُلٍّ منها؟ ورابعًا: هل اقتصرت كتابة عناوين سور المُصحف الشريف على نوعٍ خطّي واحد فقط؟ أم كانت عناوين السور حقلًا وميدانًا خصبًا لإبراز القُدرات الخطيّة للكاتب؛ وبناءً عليه تعدّدت أنواع الخطوط المُستخدمة فيها؟ وما هي تِلك الأنواع الخطية؟ وكم عددها؟ وقُدّر لأيٍّ منها الشيوع كخطٍّ رئيس لكتابتها؟

Praise be to God, Lord of the worlds, and blessings upon the faithful Messenger of God, and I testify that there is no god but God, alone, without a partner, and I testify that Muhammad is his servant and his messenger.
One of the most important reasons for my choice of this subject is that it deals with one of the phenomena of Ottoman calligraphy, which was least supported by Ottoman scholars, calligraphers  of recent centuries and contomporan . , although it was the first building block with which the edifice of this honorable science was built, and most of the early authors who dealt with this science focused their research on the differences between the different versions of the Ottoman Qurans. I wanted to participate in recreating the cognitive life of this phenomenon through its extrapolation, its analysis and by giving it an easy and practical presentation that allows researchers and specialists to analyze and study it ...
The importance of this thesis lies in various aspects, and for many reasons, but the most important of them are:
• It is a proactive attempt to block the way for orientalists (Islamologists) who take advantage of different versions of the Koran to defame the authenticity and memorization of the text of the Holy Koran.
• To transcend the "misconception" and "misleading information", which limits the differences of the Quran to a little more than forty places, - this is what some scholars of Ottoman calligraphy referring to the different Qurans sent to large Islamic cities and towns, or what contains two readings that are not tolerated by the same spelling - this thesis will try to trace these differences and establish it in the Ottoman Qurans and try to prove that they number in the hundreds, not by tens....
• Provide a practical and easy way for committees to correct and control the printing and distribution of the Qur'an so that they adopt scientific and methodical criteria in their work ....
• Open the way for researchers to study these differences in terms of orientation, distribution, combination or weighting between them, and to discover what they bring in terms of indications or judgments ...
I started the study by examining and researching the fact that the Ottoman Qurans differed, and what the differences between the versions of the Ottoman Qurans mean, and specifying the types of differences that we will study in this thesis, and what we will leave ... I have divided them into five types: the difference in spelling in the Ottoman Korans (that is to say in each of them), And between the different Ottoman Korans (that is, in a number of them), and with others (that is to say with the various Korans of the companions of the prophet, God be pleased with them), and between their writing of their pronunciation (i.e. the difference between their spelling and pronunciation), and with Arabic spelling (i.e. the difference in the fixed Ottoman spelling from the developed and renewed Arabic spelling) ... Thus the fifth type was abolished on the grounds that its adoption was not methodical because it leads to the control of the o rigine by its branch, and I left the fourth type by what the caligraphists treated it in other subjects, with other terms such as deletion, addition, replacement, connection and separation , and I left by speaking of the third type on the basis of As the later scholars of Ottoman calligraphy abandoned it to the scholars of hadith, interpretation and narration; Because it does not fit the purpose for which the science of Ottoman calligraphy was found.
The thesis adopted the first and second types, which are the different aspects of the Ottoman Quran in the spelling of the word, whether caused by the difference of scribes or schools and modes of writing, or whether it is caused by the assimilation of various linguistic aspects of the Quran, which can only be gathered by the difference and the multiplicity of the Quran.
Then the study moved later to talk about the causes of these differences, and they mentioned several reasons, the most important of which are perhaps:
• The multiplicity and diversity of the origins of Arabic writing
The number of scribes and copyists of the Ottoman Koran
The difference between writing and spelling schools in the Arabian Peninsula
• Adopt the word-by-word dictation method ...
• The linguistic differences of the Holy Quran and its seven letters (dialects)
The plurality of the Ottoman Korans
• Effect of abnormal readings (shadha)
The differences caused by the plurality of narrators of the Ottoman Qurans
• The evolution of Ottoman calligraphy by borrowing the phenomena of calligraphy from one another.
• Adopt reading as a source to prove the phenomena of Ottoman calligraphy.
In the applied study, the researcher traced the differences from the Quran, starting with the general rules, then following the Noble Quran 'an - according to the method of al-Farsh - Surah Surah, and verse by verse. stopping at each word that differed in its spelling from one Ottoman Quran to another, each time clarifying the sources of its differences.
The researcher continued the whole thing with an analytical statistical study, through which he tried to find out:
• The process of counting the different phenomena of Ottoman calligraphy and classifying them according to their differences
• To count the phenomenon of  delete of the (alifes) which differ between the Ottoman Korans, by considering the words where it is there, its nature, its location, the number of its letters and syllables.
• Count the phenomenon of delete of (alife), taking into account the percentage of delete of the Mushafs of Al-Amsar.
• To count the phenomenon of delete of (alife), taking into account the difference of the narrators in its transmission.
• Count the difference between the printed Koran and the phenomenon of the delete of (alifes).
• Count the difference in the phenomenon of deleting (alife), considering its narrators and its methods of proving its differences.
• Enumerate the phenomenon of proving the deletions in Ottoman spelling by text or by silence ... (each source with a special mention and a census).
• To count the phenomenon of the difference of delete of (alife) between the two Sheikhs Abi Amr Al-Dani and Abi Daoud bin Najah, taking into account their sources, their method, their narration, their silence, their agreement and their differences.
• To count the differences of the Koran in the calligraphy of the (Hamza) and its relation with the phenomena of the Ottoman calligraphy.
• Count the difference between the Ottoman Quranic verses in the phenomenon of additions or changes or orthographic connection and separation.
• Count the difference between the Ottoman Koranic verses between the Mushaf of the regions.
The researcher completed this statistical process with data and forms that represent and embody it, in a list and an inventory of his data, and follow all this by a study of these data, by analyzing them in a scientific, methodical way. and objective ...
in thi end of  this thesis ... the researcher  enumerates her results and recommendations ...

Through this study, the researcher attempts to count the Algerian readers who have left their homes, emigrated and settled outside their country, then research their scientific contributions, the manifestations of their superiority, their cognitive prominence, and the reasons for their emigration.

Claude Gilliot, özellikle tefsir ve Kur’ân’ın metinleşme tarihi başta olmak üzere İslami ilimler alanında birçok çalışması olan ünlü bir oryantalisttir. İki doktora tezini de Taberî’nin Cāmi‘u’l-Beyān adlı tefsiri üzerine yapan Gilliot, daha sonra Kur’ân’ın metinleşme tarihi, Arap Edebiyatı, İslam tarihi ve kelamı, hadis, vb. birçok İslami ilim üzerine çalışmıştır. Fakat Kur’ân ile ilgili çalışmalarında özgün bir bakış sergilemek yerine, tamamen diğer oryantalistlerin fikirlerini benimsemiş ve genel itibariyle onlara dayanarak birçok makalesinde aynı konuları tekrar etmiştir. Biz bu makalede, Gilliot’un Kur’ân ve Kur’ân’ın metinleşme tarihi ile ilgili bazı düşüncelerini inceleyeceğiz. Aynı zamanda konuyla bağlantılı olarak kısaca oryantalizme ve temel amaçlarına da değineceğiz.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Claude Gilliot, Kur’ân, Mushaf, Oryantalizm, Kur’ân’ın metinleşme tarihi.
Claude Gilliot is a well-known orientalist who has numerous works on Islamic studies, especially on the Qur’anic exegesis and textualization history of the Qur’ân. At his both doctorate dissertations he has worked on Tabarî’s commentary called Cāmi‘ al-Bayān and later on he has studied the History of the Qur’ân Codex, Arabic Literature, Islamic History and Theology, hadith and so on. But, whereas being original in his studies about the Qur’ân, he almost completely adopted the predecessor orientalists’ thoughts and generally relied on them and repeated the same subjects in many of his articles. In this article we will analyze some of his thoughts on the Qur’ân and the Qur’ân Codex. And also we will shortly touch on the orientalism and its main purposes related to the subject matter.
Keywords: Claude Gilliot, the Qur’ân, Codex, Orientalism, Textualization history of the Qur’ân.

Kur’an’ın tahrif edildiğine yönelik söylemler, özellikle bazı müsteşrikler tarafından öteden beri dile getirilen bir husus olmuştur. Meselenin özü, Allah tarafından Hz. Peygamber’e inzâl olunan Kur’an’ın, bugün elimizde bulunan Kur’an’dan çok daha fazla olduğu, sehven veya kasten Kur’an’dan bazı lafız ve âyetlerin değiştirilmek yahut eksiltilmek suretiyle tahrif edildiği iddiasına dayanmaktadır. Bu söylemlerin kaynağı, çoğunluğu İmâmiyye Şîası’nın Ahbârî ekolüne mensup muhaddis ve müfessirlerin rivâyetlerine itimat etmektedir. Lâkin ümmetin icmâı, noksanlık ve ziyâdelik anlamında Kur’an’ın sıhhat bütünlüğüne halel getirecek böylesi bir durumun asla vârid olmadığı yönündedir. Esâsında Kur’an’ın tahrifine yönelik düşünce İmâmiyye Şîası’nın da geneline teşmil edilemeyecek bir durumdur. Zira Şiî-İmâmî geleneğine mensup çok sayıda âlim ve müfessir, bu türden rivâyetleri haber-i vâhid olduğu, bu yüzden kesin hüccet ve bilgi değeri taşıyamayacağı gerekçesiyle reddetmişlerdir. Bu makalede, İmâmiyye Şîası’ının -erken, klasik ve son dönem bağlamında- tahrif iddiasına yönelik yaklaşımları mukayeseli bir şekilde incelenmiştir. Konuyla bağlantılı olması bakımından İmâmiyye’nin mushafın cem‘i meselesine yaklaşımlarına da temas edilmiştir.

Tarih boyunca hattatlar, Kur’an-ı Kerim hattını en güzel şekilde yazmak için çaba sarf etmişler ve hayatlarında bir kere de olsa Mushaf-ı Şerif yazabilmeyi en önemli sanat faaliyeti saymışlardır. Ancak bu yüce ideali gerçekleştirmek her hattata kısmet olmamıştır. Bazıları hiç Mushaf yazamadan ömürlerini nihayete erdirmişlerken bazıları yazmaya başladıkları halde bitirmeye muvaffak olamamışlardır. Bununla birlikte, yüzlerce Mushaf yazmış olan hattatlar da olmuştur.
Hattatlar içerisinde kendisini tamamen Mushaf yazmaya, istinsah etmeye hasredenler olmakla birlikte başkaca hat eserleri verip ilâveten Kur’an-ı Kerim kitabetiyle iştigal edenler de olmuştur. Bilhassa matbaa öncesinde müstensih olarak geçimini sağlayan kâtipler ve hattatlar ömür boyu bu işle meşgul olarak çok sayıda Mushaf yazabilmişlerdir. Pek tabiidir ki bunların herbirinin hat sanatı bakımından estetik olgunluğu farklı seviyelerdedir.

TODAY’S PROBLEMS OF MUSHAF CALLIGRAPHY

ABSTRACT

Islamic calligraphy art has emerged and developed based on the need to write The Holy Quran in the best way. Therefore, each calligrapher has the ultimate aim of writing at least one copy of The Quran. It is a well-known fact that the number of calligrapher who could not write The Quran was very few. Today, it is seen that the number of calligraphers engaged in writing The Quran has significantly decreased compared to the past. With the advancements in printing, today there is no need to write The Quran for producing its copies. The tradition of having hand written The Holy Quran by important people or by those who can afford has almost disappeared. As even wealthy people suffice with printed The Quran, the practice of placing order to calligraphers to write The Holy Quran has almost disappeared. Calligraphers have steered for writing other works rather than writing The Quran, which is really very onerous and takes years and have steadily put off the work of writing The Holy Quran. The number of calligraphers who died before writing The Holy Quran, which is the main aim of calligraphy and left many works, though has increased compared to the past. With the effect of many factors such as The Quran pages’ written with computerized script being more economic for publishers, the increasing demand of collectors for Hilyah, jaly thuluth composition, serlevha, Basmalah etc. tables, increasing number of international organizations such as exhibitions, competitions and auctions etc., calligraphers steered for producing works that can be presented as tables.