Medieval Revolts

The Jacquerie of 1358 is one of the most famous and mysterious peasant uprisings of the Middle Ages. Beginning in a small village but eventually overrunning most of northern France, the Jacquerie rebels destroyed noble castles and killed dozens of noblemen before being put down in a bloody wave of suppression. The revolt occurred in the wake of the Black Death and during the Hundred Years War, and it was closely connected to a rebellion in Paris against the French crown. This book, the first extended study of the Jacquerie in over a century, resolves long-standing controversies about whether the revolt was just an irrational explosion of peasant hatred or simply an extension of the Parisian revolt. It shows that these apparently contradcitory conclusions are based on the illusory assumption that the revolt was a unified movement with a single goal. In fact, the Jacquerie has to be understood as a constellation of many events that evolved over time. It involved thousands of people, who understood what they were doing in different and changing ways. The story of the Jacquerie is about how individuals and communities navigated their specific political, social, and military dilemmas, how they reacted to events as they unfolded, and how they chose to remember (or to forget) in its aftermath. The Jacquerie Revolt of 1358 re-writes the narrative of this tumultuous period and gives special attention to how violence and social relationships were harnessed to mobilize popular rebellion.

Di tutti i mestieri annonari, quello del macellaio è il più studiato per l’epoca medievale. L’importanza dei consumi carnei nelle città medievali, le implicazioni culturali e materiali legate alla pratica delle macellazioni e al consumo di carni rosse, l’abbondanza di fonti reperibili negli archivi cittadini e, non ultimo, la presenza dei macellai alla guida di numerose rivolte urbane tra medioevo e prima età moderna, ne hanno fatto un soggetto ad alta visibilità storiografica. Nonostante le ricerche condotte nell'ultimo decennio sui macellai cittadini (Bruxelles, Parigi, Barcellona, Siviglia, Venezia, Siena) e sulle rivolte urbane medievali, manca ancora uno studio sistematico sul fenomeno dei macellai in armi. Tra rivolte contro il potere costituito (e i controlli e le tasse imposte al mestiere), congiure ordite nell'ombra, e braccio armato al servizio di un potere nuovo o da rinnovare, un elenco delle cosiddette ‘rivolte dei macellai’ è ancora lungi dall'essere completo.  Da Brunswick a Siena, da York a Bologna, da Parigi a Venezia, con oltre 40 casi già rintracciati attraverso l’Europa occidentale e una cronologia che si muove tra metà XIII e metà XV secolo, il panorama di riferimento è geograficamente ampio ed estremamente vario dal punto di vista politico, economico, sociale. In questo articolo presento i primi dati di una ricerca comparata, identificando gli elementi che contraddistinguono il mestiere, determinando il suo rapporto con la società cittadina e le autorità pubbliche da un lato all'altro dell'Europa. L'obiettivo è offrire alcune considerazioni preliminari attorno a un tema che, allo stato attuale della ricerca, costituisce un doveroso contributo alla storia sociale e urbana dell’Europa bassomedievale.

Il s'agit dans cet article de mesurer la zone d'influence du seigneur de Fougères en prenant comme toile de fond les révoltes bretonnes (1166-1173) face aux prétentions d'Henri II Plantagenêt sur la Bretagne, elle-même traversée par la crise de succession au trône ducal après la mort de Conan III. Quels sont les alliés et vassaux de Raoul II ? Quelle est leur implantation géographique ? En quoi serait-ce révélateur de la puissance de Raoul II ? Est-ce une illustration du lien vassalique au XIIe siècle ? Quel lien avec la constitution des réseaux de peuplement ?

En el tiempo que va desde el siglo XIV hasta la primera mitad del XVI por todo el con-tinente europeo se reprodujeron las revueltas populares. En éstas, el soberano afloraba como algo irreal que representaba un anhelo justiciero y mesiánico. Perciben al Rey como protector del pueblo y anhelan una monarquía popular sin nobles, en la que los campesinos y su rey son las únicas fuerzas sociales. El trabajo pretenderá mostrar un panorama de la mentalidad popular respecto a la figura del rey. Esta perspectiva nos permite abordar el examen de los esquemas pre-lógicos que rigen estas imágenes sublimadas del soberano. En la primera parte, se analizará la imagen como fenómeno mental a través del cual se desarrolla la acción humana. En segundo lugar, se analizará la monarquía como fenómeno real que interactúa con la so-ciedad y que manifiesta unos objetivos. La siguiente parte recoge el fenómeno de la conducta; es decir, lo que estos hombres de las revueltas medievales manifiestan tanto en su pensamiento como en su interacción con el fenómeno monárquico. Finalmente, se hará una breve reseña de cómo este tipo de pensamiento también pudo apreciarse durante las primeras etapas de la guerra de independencia mexicana.

The aim of the paper is to show why butchers are almost absent in the Sienese civic statute of 1309-10 (written, for the first time, in vulgar tongue). Describing the relations between butchers and municipal authorities from the end of the XIIIth century until the writing of the statute, the paper shows how the butchers' guild was finally gaining a central role in the political urban framework, after several abolitions and punishments. The main issues analyzed are: on the one hand the controls on butchers' activities within the livestock market and the shops, and those on meat retailing in order to assure urban meat supply; on the other hand the strategies of resistance put in place by butchers to control the supply and cause price rise. The statute of 1309-10 has a little to say on the hard clash between butchers and civic authorities in that period. The ‘image’ recorded in that text is thus intentionally distorted, in order to preserve the negotiating table existing with the powerful and necessary butchers’ guild.

During the 14th century, Sienese butchers set in motion three revolts against the city government. The most famous occurred against the Nine in 1318, expression of a hidden political dissent that they had to handle during seventy years. The city’s guilds were not formally excluded from the governmet, but in deeds they had no acces to it. Neither the strong one of butchers-animal dealers. However, since they always acted jointly with judges, notaries et powerful magnates, butchers’ rebellions cannot be considered just as artisans’ or workers’ revolts. Sienese butchers not only tried to overthrow the government of Nine (1287-1355), composed by middle merchant class, but also the following one of Twelve (1355-1368) in which the butchers’ guild led one of the twelve artisans’ parties at the government. The aim of this article is to advance some preliminary hypothesis on the so-called 1318 rebellion, based on a current research on Sienese butchers and their conspiracies throughout the 14th century.

Nel corso del XIV secolo, i macellai senesi parteciparono in prima linea ad almeno tre rivolte urbane. Sebbene la più nota sia la rivolta del 1318, essa non rappresenta che il momento di massima visibilità di un’opposizione politica di lunga durata contro il governo dei Nove (1287-1355). Le Arti cittadine, sia pur non formalmente escluse, non avevano nei fatti accesso alla massima magistratura. Mercanti di media condizione, espressione politica delle Arti della Lana e della Mercanzia, i Nove repressero le aspirazioni politiche anche di un gruppo semi-mercantile come quello dei macellai e dei mercanti di bestiame. Ciononostante, le rivolte dei carnaioli – come vengono comunemente detti nelle fonti gli addetti alla macellazione e vendita delle carni – non possono essere considerate rivolte artigiane tout court e le lunghe alleanze con guidici, notai e magnati avvertono della natura complessa dell’opposizione politica al governo. A prima vista, quel che più sorprende è che i carnaioli organizzarono rivolte sia contro il governo dei Nove che contro quello successivo dei Dodici (1355-1368), nel quale però essi avevano ormai piena rappresentazione politica: i carnifices et
mercatores bestiarum erano infatti alla guida di uno dei dodici capita artigiani e mercantili che esprimevano di volta in volta il gruppo dirigente. Questo articolo propone alcune ipotesi preliminari intorno alla cosiddetta ‘rivolta’ del 1318. Al tempo stesso, costituisce il punto di partenza di una ricerca in corso sui macellai senesi e le cospirazioni politiche che li videro coinvolti nel corso del XIV secolo.

The medieval historian engaged with the systems of power and authority that surrounded him. In his account of the Peasants' Revolt in late medieval England, the ecclesiastical historian Henry Knighton (d. 1396) both reinforced and challenged the traditional order. This thesis explores the ways in which his ideological perspectives shaped his understanding of the events of June 1381 and how this understanding was articulated through the structure, language, and cultural meaning of the historical text. The reconstruction of authorial intention and reclamation of both Knighton and the medieval reader as active participants in the creation of history challenge a historiography that has long disregarded Knighton as an unremarkable historical recorder. Instead, they reveal a scholar whose often extraordinary approach to the rebels and traditional authorities expresses a great deal about the theory, practice, and construction of power and authority in late medieval England.

This article uses the information available about 488 individuals involved in the Jacquerie of 1358 to demonstrate how much we can -- and cannot -- learn about the men and women who participated in the revolt. It demonstrates that the revolt was more predominantly rural than has previously been shown and argues that we must distinguish carefully between the wealthy and educated leaders of the revolt and its "rank and file."  Both hierarchically organized and communally based, the revolt wove together people and communities in concerted action, but it was also subject to fissures and tensions between insiders and outsiders and between leaders and followers. A central contention of the article, however, is that the wealth of information we can find in the sources should not obscure how limited our knowledge is or how the disposition of the sources shapes the knowledge that we do have. To that end, the final section of the essay explores the gendering of the sources and of late medieval life to argue that the small number of rebel women found in the documents should not lead us to deny their participation in or their importance to the revolt. Rather, it should invite us to imagine what the rebellion meant to women and how it was experienced by them, probably in ways different to their male counterparts.

Since Piers Plowman occupies a central place in the study of medieval English literature, much attention has been paid to the vexed question of the poem's authorship. This justified interest in revealing the human agent behind the family of interrelated versions of the poem, usually named A, B, and C, continues to feed a vibrant industry of speculative scholarship on the person behind the poem. This article reassesses the relevance of the 'Langland' myth for the contemporary reception of the poem, and argues that medieval audiences of the B Version associated the work with a 'Long Will' author-persona. In this context, the case of a previously unnoticed Norfolk poacher in the weeks leading up to the 1381 rising, a William Longewille, and his encroachment on the estate of the former sheriff and tax collector Richard Holdych echo the Ploughing of the Half-Acre in Piers Plowman, in particular as it is presented in the B Version of the poem. As a result, this article proposes that both the A and B Versions of the poem may have been available to (some of) the rebels of 1381, and that the B Version may have circulated in Norfolk along Cluniac and Benedictine networks before and after the unrest.

¿Era posible que en la Edad Media lo que pasase en una urbe pudiese alborotar a un territorio, poniendo en apuros a la monarquía, dada la ausencia de comunicación entre las élites de los grandes núcleos urbanos e incluso entre los miembros de un linaje instituido en urbes distintas? La contestación a esta pregunta, lejos de carecer de complejidad, ha hecho correr ríos de tinta, pues en el fondo tras ella subyace la problemática cuestión sobre si en el Antiguo Régimen hubo auténticas revoluciones que pretendían cambiar el sistema o, como hoy se tiende a pensar, más bien simples revueltas de impactos limitados, que solían afectar como mucho a la urbe en que se desplegasen, a las tierras de alrededor y, excepcionalmente, a poblaciones con algún tipo de relación económica o política. En este trabajo se intentan aclarar algunas de las claves de las revueltas en el siglo XV, centrándose en la ocurrida en Toledo en 1449.

Resumen: La rebelión contra la monarquía que tuvo lugar en Toledo entre 1449 y 1451 fue una de las más célebres del siglo XV en tierras castellanas. Lo que comenzó como un motín ante la solicitud de un tributo por parte del privado del rey acabó convirtiéndose en una revuelta de dimensiones desconocidas, en la que los rebeldes alzaron su voz no solo contra dicho privado sino contra el propio monarca e incluso contra la Santa Sede. Mientras, en las calles se producían agresiones a los judeoconversos, a quienes se acusaba de todos los males. A pesar del impacto que el hecho tuvo en toda Castilla, se trata de una sublevación sobre cuyas claves a día de hoy sigue habiendo enormes lagunas, cuando no interpretaciones erróneas a raíz de los alegatos propagandísticos a que dio lugar. En este artículo se trata sobre algunos de esos errores, y más concretamente sobre la manera en que se llevó a cabo la pacificación de la urbe, a la luz del expolio de la villa de Torrijos que se produjo en 1450. Palabras Clave: Revueltas urbanas. Siglo XV. Pacificación. Pero Sarmiento. Violencia. Abstract: The rebellion against the monarchy that took place in Toledo between 1449 and 1451 was one of the most famous of the fifteenth century in Castilian lands. What began as a riot at the request of a tribute by the king's private ended up becoming a revolt of unknown dimensions, in which the rebels raised their voices not only against the private but also against the monarch himself and even against the Vatican. Meanwhile, on the streets there were aggressions against the Jewish converts, accused of all evils. In spite of its impact in Castile, keys of this revolt are still unknown or misinterpreted. This article deals with some of those errors, and more specifically about the way in which the pacification of the city took place, in the light of the plunder of Torrijos in 1450.

This article looks at the role of freedom as a motivation for rural rebellion in northern Europe from c. 1200-1450. It focuses comparatively on the English Rising of 1381 and revolts in France with some further comparison to other regions. While discourses of freedom were important in 1381 both in the chronicle texts and to the rebels themselves, most rebels did not articulate their demands in terms of liberty. The last section demonstrates that although demands for freedom were rare in revolts, the social networks through which uprisings were organized show that rural communal practices constituted a kind freedom, enabling peasants to engage in socio-political action.

"The appraisal of protest actions fluctuates, depending on perspective, between the perception as »justified protest« and »prohibited resistance«. The analysis of the historiographical representations of the Jacquerie and the Paris Insurrection of 1358 and of the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 is an accurate reflection of this dichotomy. The historiographers deny the insurrectionists any kind of legitimacy, whereupon various tactics are employed: the English Chronicles are prone to dehumanising the insurrectionists as a matter of principle and thus disqualifying their course of action and the French work with atrocities illustrated by example, which will show the brutality of the protesters. If the focus of the analysis shifts to the actions of the insurrectionists, conclusions can be drawn about the insurrectionists’ legitimation endeavours, despite the fundamentally hostile actions of the chroniclers. Their actions thereby turned into methods of communication based on symbolism. The claim to be acting legitimately was primarily expressed through the adoption of official symbols (royal banners) and rituals (executions). The legitimacy of action is therefore derived from the orientation towards authority and, more precisely, from the King. The fact that the perspective of the insurrectionists can be reconstructed from the representations of the chroniclers is not a technical error of the Chronicles, but rather an expression of the fact that the question as to the legitimacy of the insurrections was never raised with any degree of seriousness, despite explicit endeavours by the insurrectionists for the chroniclers.

Selon le point de vue, les révoltes sont perçues tantôt comme des »protestations légitimes«, tantôt comme des »actes de résistance illégitimes«. Cet écart se reflète dans le traitement historiographique de la Jacquerie, des émeutes de Paris (1358) et de la révolte des paysans (1381). Les historiographes dénient toute légitimité aux insurgés. Pour cela, ils recourent à des stratégies variées. Les Anglais tendent à déshumaniser systématiquement les émeutiers afin de disqualifier leurs actes. Quant aux Français, ils préfèrent décrire avec un luxe de détails des atrocités censées illustrer la barbarie des contestataires. En recentrant l’analyse sur les agissements de ces derniers, on peut, malgré l’a priori négatif des historiographes, mettre en évidence les efforts déployés par les insurgés pour légitimer leur cause. Du fait de leur caractère symbolique, leurs actes se muent en moyens de communication. Leur volonté de justification transparaît plus particulièrement dans l’utilisation de symboles et de rituels représentant l’autorité (étendards royaux, exécutions). Ils légitiment donc leur action en se réclamant de l’autorité, c’est-à-dire du roi. Le fait qu’on puisse reconstituer leur point de vue à partir des chroniques de l’époque ne dénote pas une historiographie maladroite ; il révèle plutôt que, malgré tous les efforts des insurgés, la question de la légitimité de ces révoltes ne se posait pas vraiment pour les historiographes.

Die Bewertung von Protesthandlungen schwankt, je nach Sichtweise, zwischen der Wahrnehmung als »gerechtfertigtem Protest« und »verbotenem Widerstand«. Die Analyse der historiographischen Darstellungen der Jacquerie und des Pariser Aufstands von 1358 sowie der Peasants’ Revolt von 1381 spiegelt genau diesen Zwiespalt. Die Historiographen sprechen den Aufständischen jegliche Legitimität ab, wobei unterschiedliche Taktiken zum Einsatz kommen: Die englische Chronistik neigt dazu, die Aufständischen grundsätzlich zu entmenschlichen und so ihr Vorgehen zu disqualifizieren; die französische arbeitet eher mit exemplarisch geschilderten Gräueltaten, die die Brutalität der Protestierenden zeigen sollen. Verschiebt man den Fokus der Analyse auf die Handlungen der Aufständischen, lassen sich trotz der grundsätzlich ablehnenden Haltung der Chronisten Rückschlüsse auf die Legitimationsbemühungen der Aufständischen ziehen. Ihre Handlungen wurden dabei aufgrund der Symbolhaftigkeit zu Kommunikationsmitteln. Der Anspruch, legitim zu handeln, wurde vor allem durch die Übernahme obrigkeitlicher Symbole (königliche Banner) und Rituale (Hinrichtungen) vermittelt. Die Legitimität des Handelns leitete sich also von der Orientierung an der Obrigkeit, genauer gesagt: vom König, ab. Dass die Sichtweise der Aufständischen sich aus den Darstellungen der Chronisten rekonstruieren lässt, ist kein handwerklicher Fehler der Chronistik, sondern vielmehr Ausdruck dafür, dass sich die Frage nach der Legitimität der Aufstände trotz expliziter Bemühungen der Aufständischen für die Chronisten gar nicht ernsthaft stellte."

This article analyses the significance of written documents during late medieval revolts. Although literacy was by modern standards quite limited, wirrten documents nevertheless enjoyed an an aura of credibility and reliability. Thus reports on the public destruction, seizing, and defiling of unpopular
documents or the issuing of new ones are frequent in accounts of late medieval revolts. Indeed, even illiterates could distinguish between types of documents by their material form, i.e. their colours, seals or display type. The ability to read was therefore not necessary to comprehend symbolic
acts in connection with the written word. Thus, the article sheds light on the performative aspects of documents: the showing or destroying of a document implied communication.

Journée d'études intitulée "Les princes face aux révoltes et contestations de leurs sujets(Bourgogne et principautés voisines) à la fin du Moyen Âge"

Journée d'études organisée par Bruno LEMESLE dans le cadre du programme JUMBO (La justice médiévale dans les deux Bourgognes)
Dijon, MSH, 3 mars 2022

Eds Christophe Masson & Bruno Demoulin

Dans toute l'Europe, la fin du XIIIe siècle et la première moitié du XIVe siècle sont marquées par l'explosion d'importantes révoltes, souvent urbaines, dont les meneurs exigeaient une « meilleure » répartition du pouvoir. Comme pour accentuer le caractère dramatique de la situation et exacerber les tensions, c'est de 10 à 15 % de la population du nord de l'Europe qui disparaît au cours de la famine de 1315–1317. Toutefois, loin d' afficher une homogénéité de profil, ces révoltes se singularisent par la personnalité de leurs acteurs, la nature des revendications exposées, l' aspect de la contestation et l'issue de l' affrontement.

On le verra tout au long de ces pages, le programme politique des rebelles était bien plus complexe qu'une simple réaction conservatrice ou qu'une volonté de réforme totale de la société, de révolution. Les structures et réseaux – politiques, sociaux ou familiaux – des partis en présence se révèlent dans leur variété et leur complexité tan-dis que les modalités de la rébellion sont analysées sous les angles complémentaires de la violence, du dialogue, de la concertation et de la négociation. Plus largement, on découvrira la façon dont la situation économique et les famines servirent de ferment à la contestation. Grâce aux contributions d'experts de ces questions, historiens comme juristes, le présent livre entend améliorer notre connaissance des luttes socio-politiques qui furent livrées à Liège autour de la Paix de Fexhe, non seulement en retournant aux sources, trop souvent négligées au profit d'une lecture partisane de l'histoire, mais également en mettant les événements en perspective avec ce qui, à la même époque, se déroule dans les anciens Pays-Bas et en Europe.

The absence of a ‘real’ urban chronicle tradition in fifteenth-century Flanders similar to the Italian or German models has raised questions among scholars. However, there is also no satisfactory consensus on the exact meaning or contents of medieval ‘urban historiography’. Some were ‘official’ city chronicles, while others lauded patrician lineages or took the viewpoint of specific social groups or corporate organizations and reinforced construction of the groups’ collective memories. Some seem to express the literary aspirations of individual city officials or clerics with strong connections to their towns.We propose an analytical framework to identify and measure the ‘urbanity’ of late medieval chronicles, taking into account the authorship and thematic emphasis of historiographical texts, but focusing on the social environment of their circulation and the ideological strategies at work.

RESUMEN: Aunque las revueltas acaecidas desde el siglo xiii sirvieron sobre todo para instruir a las organizaciones estatales del Occidente europeo en la defensa del status quo sociopolítico, nunca se logró acallar la voz del común. Lo evidencian así los centenares de testimonios conservados hasta nuestros días, en que pueden leerse actos de protesta de toda especie: desde los nacidos en la intimidad del odio frente al noble hasta los que surgían de manera desesperada, fruto del colapso de situaciones que se creían insostenibles. Protestas individuales, de colectivos religiosos o artesanos, en masa; mediante el uso de cánticos y pa-labras escandalosas, de manera pacífica o con una violencia feroz. Era en los prolegómenos de las grandes sublevaciones cuando el discurso reivindicativo se volvía más cruento, dotando de una base ideológica a la consecución de fines a los que aspiraban tanto grupos sociales en conjunto como individuos poderosos específicos. ABSTRACT: Although the riots occurred since the thirteenth Century served mainly to educate the state organizations in Western Europe in the defense of the sociopolitical

Entre 1318 y 1332 la diócesis de León estuvo regida por don García Miguel de Ayerbe, una figura oscura a la que la historiografía sobre la iglesia de León le había prestado poca atención y sobre cuyos orígenes y vinculación con la política castellanoleonesa del momento no había demasiados datos. El objetivo del presente artículo es revisar lo poco que se sabe de su biografía y qué papel jugó la iglesia de León durante el turbulento período de las tutorías de Alfonso XI, momento en el que los diferentes bandos pugnaron por hacerse con el control de la ciudad y la recién concluida catedral gótica se convirtió de forma improvisada en baluarte defensivo, con consecuencias directas en la construcción del claustro, que por aquellos años de la segunda década del siglo XIV se estaba renovando completamente.

This paper was given at the '1215-2015: 800 Years of Riot and Protest' conference at the University of Winchester in June 2015. The conference was organised by myself, Dr Simon Sandall and Dr Matt Clement. The keynote speaker at the conference was Professor Sam Cohn (University of Glasgow).

Şeyh Bedreddin Varidat'ta, üç sınıfın varlığı tespit etmektedir: Metindeki sıra ile yoksullar, zenginler ve orta sınıflardır. İncelenen bölümün esas meselesi, orta sınıflardan gelenlerin, mücadele içindeki davranış biçimlerini izah etmek ve onlara nasıl yaklaşılacağını ortaya koymaktadır. “Orta sınıf” o tarihte de esasen şehirli bir kategoridir. 14-15.yy’da yaşayan Şeyh Bedreddin, şehirleşmenin ve merkezileşmenin damgasını vuracağı 16. yy'ın bir nevi hazırlık mücadelelerinin göbeğinde yer almaktadır.

In the late fourteenth century rural communities of northern Piedmont (a territory called Canavese) rose up against their lords in a vast insurrection known as Tuchinaggio (1386-1391). Despite the fact that the count  of Savoy suppressed the revolt, rebellions started again and went on until the mid-sixteenth century, involving other rural lordships, but concentrating in the alpine valleys. In the context of this new wave of rebellion, the essay scrutinizes the large riot occurred between 1446 and 1450, by analysing the perspectives and the objectives of the various political actors involved: valley communities, the duke of Savoy, local lords. Revolts are examined as the expression of the communities’ political projects, rather than as a mere response to oppression by the lords: communities sought to be admitted under the direct jurisdiction of the duke, thus breaking free from the lords’ mediating role.

Alla fine del XIV secolo le comunità rurali del Canavese diedero vita a una vasta insurrezione antisignorile nota come Tuchinaggio (1386-1391). Nonostante la repressione da parte del conte di Savoia, le rivolte ripresero e proseguirono fino alla metà del XVI secolo, estendendosi ai domini di altri signori, ma divenendo circoscritte esclusivamente alle vallate alpine. Nel contesto di questa ondata di ribellioni il saggio ricostruisce l’ampia rivolta scoppiata fra il 1446 e il 1450, analizzando i punti di vista e gli obiettivi dei diversi attori politici coinvolti: le comunità di valle, il duca di Savoia, i signori locali. Il contributo prende in esame le rivolte non come una reazione all’oppressione signorile, bensì come l’espressione della progettualità politica delle comunità montane, intenzionate a svincolarsi dalla mediazione signorile e a porsi sotto la giurisdizione immediata del duca.

This map shows those places with documented involvement in the Jacquerie revolt of 1358, one of the great medieval rural uprisings. Each point or line has been annotated with the source of the information. (A list of abbreviations can be found below.) In some cases, a short vignette or commentary has also been included.

Citation format: Justine Firnhaber-Baker, ‘Annotated Map of the Jacquerie Revolt of 1358’ (Cambridge, MA, 2020) http://worldmap.harvard.edu/maps/Jacquerie_1358

Το Σεμινάριο Ιταλικής Ιστορίας και Ιστοριογραφίας (Τμήμα Ιταλικής Γλώσσας και Φιλολογίας, Εργαστήριο Ιταλικής Ιστορίας και Ιστοριογραφίας, ΕΚΠΑ) (https://eclass.uoa.gr/modules/document/?course=ILL123, https://www.facebook.com/groups/labstoria) σας προσκαλεί στη σεμιναριακή διάλεξη της κ. Αλίκης Βαξεβάνογλου, Ερευνήτριας στο Κέντρο Ερεύνης της Ελληνικής Κοινωνίας της Ακαδημίας Αθηνών, με θέμα:

Εξεγέρσεις και αντιστάσεις χωρικών: νέες ερμηνείες από την πρόσφατη μεσαιωνική ιστοριογραφία

Η διάλεξη θα πραγματοποιηθεί την Πέμπτη 26 Μαΐου 2022 (11:30) στην αίθουσα 827 της Φιλοσοφικής Σχολής

During the eleventh century various Italian nobles, churchmen and cities rebelled against Imperial rule. To counter this, the Salian emperors enacted various measures to assert their authority including the construction of relationship networks and an imperial identity. This paper will argue that the developing imperial identity can be seen in the changing language used to describe collective action within the cities of Italy. It will focus in particular on the use of the term cives within imperial charters and narrative sources arguing that this term was not selected for its social connotations, but rather for its political and rhetorical value. I will argue that the term held connotations of an inviolable connection between the Emperor and his cives and that this could be used both positively to justify imperial rule and negatively to undermine rebellions.