Libertas

The Augustan principate has many elements of a monarchical system. However, this does not allow to question the reality of the Augustan restoration and to emphasize the ambiguity of the regime. The hypotheses such as “monarchy with republican façade” or a “republican fiction” are misleading. Indeed, the restoration of res publica hasn’t prevented institutional developments or monarchical inclinations. The whole basis of res publica was the respect of “ways of doing” and procedures, a frame considered as immutable. Augustan restoration didn’t aim to restore a prior state but to restore this frame (that of senatus populusque romanus). And this could be done with the establishment of a new political regime. Therefore, the Augustan principate cannot be considered as a cover intented to give a republican façade to a monarchical power.

Le fait que le principat augustéen ait une composante monarchique marquée appelée à s’affirmer de plus en plus avec le temps n’autorise pas à douter de la réalité de la restauration augustéenne et à dénoncer l’ambiguïté du régime. L’hypothèse d’une « monarchie à façade républicaine » ou d’une« fiction républicaine » est trompeuse dans la mesure où le rétablissement de la res publica n’interdisait ni les évolutions institutionnelles ni les velléités monarchiques. C’était dans les « manières de faire », dans le respect de certaines procédures, que résidait la res publica. La restauration augustéenne ne visa pas à rétablir dans le détail un état ante mais à restaurer un cadre (celui du senatus populusque romanus) considéré, lui, comme immuable mais qui n’interdisait pas l’établissement d’un régime nouveau. Le principat augustéen ne saurait donc être entendu comme un simple habillage destiné à donner une « façade républicaine » à un régime en réalité monarchique.

The notion of florentina libertas was developed between the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth centuries by the ‘humanist chancellors’, Coluccio Salutati and especially Leonardo Bruni. It is a liberty that has a strongly republican connotation. This article provides a
historical contextualization of the discourse on libertas. Starting from a number of documentary sources, it shows that the republican ideology of the humanist chancellors is a learned reworking –made in a changed political climate – of a political discourse that emerges in Florence between 1343 and 1378. The discourse on libertas that emerges in those decades is closely connected to the political confrontation inside Florence rather than to the military and ideological struggle against foreign powers. It is, above all, an openly partisan discourse developed by a specific social and political coalition in order to promote its own political agenda.

En este ensayo estudiamos las actitudes de las elites y las autoridades del periodo de la Regeneración (1886-1899) frente a ciertas expresiones intelectuales en la literatura. Analizamos las razones que llevaron a los regeneradores a rechazar las expresiones modernas en el campo de la literatura, y a considerar el soneto como la mejor herramienta para disciplinar a los jóvenes.

This paper explores the attitudes of the elites and the authorities of the regeneration period (1886-1899) against certain intellectual expressions in the literature. We discuss the reasons that led to the regenerators to reject modern expressions in the field of literature, and consider the sonnet as the best tool to discipline young people.""

On the basis of «The Achievements of the Divine Augustus» the author analyses the significance of the legacy of populares, one of the main political movements in the Late Republic, in the politics of Emperor Augustus. The main features of this political movement, in the opinion of modern researchers, were their demagogic political style, their assertion of the sovereignty of Roman people and their protection of economic interests of the lower classes. In the RGDA there is no mention of the odious political methods of the populares that entailed conflicts and unrest but the text significantly dwells on the tribunician power granted to Augustus. In the Late Republic the tribunician power served as the basis of the populares’ political method. The ideology reflected in the RGDA entrusts the Roman people with an important role in the public administration and describes the Roman people as a full-fledged partner of the Senate, however it lacks the populares’ contraposition of the Roman people to the Senate (or to the oligarchy controlling the Senate). The populares’ legacy is particularly apparent in the RGDA chapters describing Augustus’ expenses in favor of the Roman people such as the organisation of various social measures, shows and public building. Augustus inherited from the populares of the Late Republic the idea of Roman plebs as a source of political power and of satisfaction of its interest as a mechanism of maintaining political stability, but discarded those of populares slogans and methods that had a conflict potential.

El artículo propone, por un lado, la presencia de motivos herodoteos relacionados con la propaganda ateniense anti persa en el episodio de Tito Livio del ataque de Porsena a Roma. Por otro lado, sugiere asimismo la presencia implícita allí de un aspecto de la propaganda dinoménida. Para llevar a cabo nuestro análisis, nos detendremos, en una primera instancia, a poner de manifiesto los atributos del estereotipo etrusco identificables en el texto. Esto nos posibilitará, en una segunda instancia, estudiar cómo ha articulado Tito Livio distintos motivos griegos que, consideramos, se encuentran implícitos en el episodio.

This paper suggests, on the one hand, the presence of Herodotean motives related to anti-Persian Athenian propaganda in Livy’s episode of Porsenna’s attack on Rome. On the other hand, it also suggests the implicit presence of an aspect of the Deinomenid propaganda there. With these aims in mind, in the first part, we identify the characteristics of the Etruscan stereotype in Livy’s episode, and, in the second part, we study how did Livy articulate different Greek motives that, we think, are implicit in the episode.

El artículo desarrolla la hipótesis de que el Trabajo Social se vio atravesado en las últimas cinco décadas por tres grandes interrupciones: las teorías críticas del marxismo; el enfoque de derechos, género y ciudadanía; y las teorías críticas de lo colonial y el feminismo del Sur. Analiza esta genealogía, proponiendo una crítica del eurocentrismo, el racismo y el androcentrismo como condición de una intervención social transformadora en tiempos neoliberales.

In Eclogue 3, Vergil flags the rough verses of his quarreling shepherds as alterna, evoking similar songs in aetiologies of early drama in the Georgics, in Livy, and in Horace. These later treatments often set early Italian practices against their foreign (especially Greek) counterparts to interrogate contemporary literary and social concerns. I argue that Eclogue 3—albeit with pastoral obliqueness—does the same, adumbrating a discomfort with indigenous Italian coarseness. My conclusion reassesses the significance of Palaemon’s judgment (e.g., his award of the vitula to both herdsmen) in the context of Roman literary history.

This Essay assesses Samuel Moyn's revisionist argument that human rights were born only in the mid-twentieth century and then mostly as a shrewd Christian response to the secular liberalism and communist materialism that endangered the Church's political interests and influence. This account largely ignores the West's enduring and evolving tradition of rights, which have been an integral part of its commitment to the rule of law and constitutional order. Jurists since classical Roman and medieval times used rights language to define the law's protection, support, limitations, and entitlements of various persons and groups in society, and to map the proper interactions between political and other authorities and their respective subjects. Early modern Catholics, Protestants, and Enlightenment liberals built on this tradition, setting out most of the rights that the twentieth century declared to be universal rights of humankind. Moyn exaggerates the conservative Catholic influences on the mid-twentieth-century international human rights movement, and fails to credit the wide range of religious and philosophical views that were equally influential. And he exaggerates the secular character of contemporary human rights discussions, and fails to recognize the essential role of religion and belief in making rights real.

A fines de la república, libertas fue una noción central en los debates entreoptimates y populares, y no casualmente Publio Clodio Pulcher eligió colocar un altar dedicado a la diosa Libertas en el terreno expropiado a Cicerón durante su exilio. En De domo sua, discurso pronunciado en el año 57 a. C., Cicerón argumenta a favor de la restitución de su casa y sus bienes, señalando como inválida la dedicatio llevada a cabo por el tribuno. En este trabajo se analiza el particular empleo del sustantivo LIBERTAS en el discurso, teniendo en cuenta que designa al mismo tiempo un concepto jurídico-político y una divinidad de culto. Palabras clave: Cicerón; De domo sua; libertas; Clodio.

O texto situa alguns elementos essenciais na trajetória do Serviço Social brasileiro desde o chamado “Congresso da Virada”, que aconteceu em 1979. Trata-se de revisitar 40 anos de história da profissão, embebida em suas determinações econômicas, políticas e sociais, partindo do contexto do regime autocrático instaurado em 1964, passando pelo  contexto da democracia burguesa alcançada com a Constituição de 1988 e chegando em 2019 num contexto de avanço fascistizante, que traz à tona o ultraneoliberalismo, o obscurantismo, e o ataque à própria democracia burguesa.

In questo lavoro si propone una riflessione sui temi della dignitas e libertas nel pensiero del gesuita spagnolo. A partire dalla ricostruzione dell’uso del termine dignitas, che in Suárez è ancora fortemente legato alla tradizione romana e alto medievale, si può cercare di delineare quel contenuto minimo ed essenziale dell’uomo e al di sotto del quale
non si può scendere, pena la perdita del senso stesso di umanità, ovvero la libertas

O presente texto é um esforço de traduzir o item IV do Capítulo “Cuestiones liminares de la mímesis de lo estético” (Grenzfragen der ästhetischen Mimesis), que preferimos traduzir para o português como “Questões de liminares da mimese estética”: “Jardim” (Garten na edição alemã) e Jardineria na edição espanhola. A tradução, ainda sujeita a revisões, foi feita a partir do item IV livro 4. da Estetica 1: la peculiaridad de lo estético, publicado pela Ediciones Grijalbo em 1982. O objetivo é a necessidade de divulgar no plano acadêmico, especialmente nos cursos de arquitetura e urbanismo, a obra de Georg Lukács e, assim, ampliar e qualificar o debate a partir de uma ontologia marxiana.

For the past half century, David Little has done path-breaking work in exploring the religious foundations and dimensions of human rights. While working on a wide interreligious canvas, he has focused in especially on some of the Calvinist foundations of human rights, notably in the work of John Calvin, John Locke, and Roger Williams. This chapter offers an appreciative appraisal of Little's contributions, and shows its place in the emerging scholarship on Calvinism and law and on religion and human rights.

O texto apresentado busca refletir sobre a nova conjuntura internacional imposta pela pandemia da COVID-19, colocando o mundo inteiro em isolamento, em tempo de espera. Questiona sobre o lugar em que cada um, individualmente e enquanto sujeitos coletivos, estará quando a pandemia passar, qual sociedade iremos construir e como base em quais valores.

This paper explores Tacitus’ representation of Thrasea Paetus. Preliminary to analyzing this portrayal, I discuss two passages often cited when exploring Tacitus’ political thought, Agricola 42.4 and Annales 4.20. I reject the former’s validity with regard to Thrasea and accept the latter as a starting point for comparing Tacitus’ depictions of Marcus Lepidus and Thrasea. Tacitus’ characterizations of Thrasea and Lepidus share the greatest resemblance in the trials of Antistius Sosianus and Clutorius Priscus, both of whom wrote verses offensive to the regime. Thrasea and Lepidus both came to the defense of their respective poet in an attempt to spare the poet’s life. In light of these trials, I conclude that Tacitus sought to reclaim the legacy of Thrasea and to cast him anew as a principled moderate rather than a reckless dissident.

Written as a summative essay on Hutcheson's work titled, An Inquiry Concerning the Original of Our Ideas of Virtue and Moral Good. The root of this paper is to discuss the main philosophical framework in terms of political science and how Hutcheson's work influenced our understanding of democracy and libertas.

O artigo objetiva apresentar como se constitui o processo pedagógico da Preceptoria de Núcleo do Serviço Social para o ensino da formação em serviço nos Programas de Residência Multiprofissional em Saúde em Porto Alegre. Pesquisa qualitativa, documental, bibliográfica e de campo. Os Participantes se constituíram de Preceptoras de Núcleos de Serviço Social de três hospitais de Porto Alegre, RS. Configura-se como resultados, uma concepção de Preceptoria de Núcleo em Serviço Social como espaço de mediação entre o trabalho profissional na interface com outras áreas profissionais e como espaço de organização da atenção do Serviço Social, na constituição de suas competências. A Preceptoria de Núcleo representa um dos espaços pedagógicos para supervisão profissional dos Assistentes Sociais Residentes. Constitui-se também, no processo de formação em serviço, lugar de resistência das relações dos Assistentes Sociais nas equipes de saúde.   Palavras Chave: Preceptoria; Serviço Social; Residên...

I suggest that the references to Rhodes and Rhodian libertas in Archelaus' speech at Appian Civ. 4.67-70 reflect concerns about Rhodes contemporary with Appian and the Antonine principate.  Comparanda include speeches by Aelius Aristides and Dio Chrysostom.