Law and Political Science

Despite being anchored in the cultural ethos, the law, and public opinion, Israel’s definition as the nation-state of the Jewish People has been at the heart of public and intellectual discussion for many years. However the literature on the subject lacks systematic discussion of the varied justifications emerging from political thought as the basis for the nation-state. This paper comes to fill this void by clarifying the differences between the various justifications and presenting each one within a broad conceptual framework. The article covers the following claims:
1. The nationalist-cultural claim
2. The politico-institutional claim
3. The republican and communitarian claim
4. The libreral-individualistic claim
5. The utilitarian claim
6. The democratic claim
7. Claims unique to specific cases
Presentation of the claims is not intended to replace discussion of each claim’s significance as regards its relevance to the Israeli context or to other cases, and the question of whether they outweigh counterclaims against the nation-state. However such presentation of the claims provides the necessary basis for the aforementioned discussion on a deeper level and from a broad perspective.

Although much academic writing on constitutional courts makes explicit and implicit use of the term 'role', this term has not been structured hitherto from a theoretical perspective. On closer examination, the imprecise use of the term is readily obvious. In many publications that make explicit or implicit use of the term 'role', the expression could be substituted with 'function'. Indeed, in many cases the terms are used interchangeably. The chapter proposes that the terms 'role' and 'function' should be used in a more deliberate and systematic manner. It argues that a theory of institutional roles is helpful for a better understanding of how constitutional courts have developed in different countries. One reason for this lies in the threefold nature of the term 'role'. First, it refers to the court's self-image and presentation. Second, it reflects the expectations and ascriptions conferred by its target publics (the legal system , politics, civil society and an international public). Third, it alludes to the function of the institution in the 'play as it is performed'. Finally, three ideal types of court role – guardian, arbiter and founder – are examined.

While some descriptive and normative theories of legislation account for an extensive role of legal interpretation in legislation, others see its legislative role as marginal. Yet in contemporary constitutional democracies, where legislation is limited and guided by constitutional norms, as well as international and supranational law, legal interpretation must play some role in legislation—even if all or most of legislative activity may not be adequately described and evaluated as legal interpretation. In this chapter, I aim to explore some implications of recognizing the role of legal interpretation in legislation—notably, for the conceptualization and significance of legal expertise in the legislative process, as well as for determining the moral duties of legislative representatives. First, I argue that the role of legal interpretation in legislation calls for institutional reforms in legislatures in order to ensure that legal expertise is adequately channeled into the legislative process, including agenda-setting. Second, I argue that interpreting legal norms through legislation implies specific moral duties for legislative representatives, both in their relations to one another and in their relations vis-à-vis their constituents. I show that giving legal interpretation its due in a descriptive and normative account of legislative activity does not imply an elitist understanding of legislation, and it does not compromise our conception of legislatures as loci of political and moral disagreement and democratic representation.

ISBN carta: 9788858144442
ISBN digitale: 9788858145999

Lo smart working nasconde molte insidie per il lavoratore. Senza una precisa individuazione dei tempi di lavoro, come si conteggeranno e retribuiranno? Come si tuteleranno diritti alla salute e alla sicurezza? Non si rischia di compromettere la possibilità dei lavoratori di essere comunità?

Smart working hides many pitfalls for the worker. If working time is not precisely defined, how will it be counted and paid? How will health and safety rights be protected? Isn't there a risk of compromising the workers' ability to be a community?

This study considers the issues concerning the lack of gender neutrality in the UK offence of rape. It focuses on neutrality from the perpetrator's perspective; however, it also discusses the importance of neutrality regarding rape victims. It argues that the definition of rape should be gender neutral, calling for reform regarding the need for penile penetration. It counteracts the traditional perception of rape as a tool of male predominance. A comparison is made with rape law, as well as recent reforms, in other jurisdictions, so as to gain ideas for possible reforms. The findings suggest there are benefits of gender neutralisation of rape, regarding both the perpetrators and victims, which is met with international support. It concludes by replacing the current UK definition of rape so as to encompass sexual assaults which involve acts other than penetration of a person with objects other than a penis.

A.1 Define the following terms: (a) Jus cogens (2%) ANSWER: Jus cogens is a peremptory (absolute) norm of general international law accepted and recognized by the international community as a whole as a norm from which no derogation is permitted and which can be modified only by a subsequent norm of general international law having the same character (U.P. College of Law Development Foundation, Bar Coded Topical Survey of Bar Questions 412-2 [2011]).

CALL FOR PAPERS: KNUST FACULTY OF LAW INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON LAW, SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

The Organising Committee welcomes submissions for the 1st the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Faculty of Law Conference on Law, Science and Technology from 18 to 19 August 2022.

This conference provides the foremost international forum for the presentation of innovative ideas and research results in Law, Science and Technology under the theme: Harnessing Digitilisation for Economic Development: Law at the Intersection of Science and Technology. The Organising Committee is seeking submissions related to the conference theme.

ABSTRACTS

An abstract of no more than 500 words, together with a CV, should be submitted via this email address: registrar.law@knust.edu.gh by 11:59pm GMT, Saturday, 30 April 2022. In the case of co-authored papers, a CV for each author should be included.

Applicants will be notified of the outcome of their proposals by 13th May 2022 after the Organising Committee has evaluated all the abstracts.

Applicants who present at the Conference may be invited to submit their papers for publication consideration in the African Journal of Law, Science and Technology, the dedicated conference issue of the Journal. Authors will be contacted about this after the Conference. Please, note that all full paper submissions will be peer reviewed and evaluated based on originality, technical and/or research depth, accuracy, and relevance to the conference theme.

FURTHER INFORMATION

For more information about the conference, you are welcome to contact the Organising Committee directly via this email address registrar.law@knust.edu.gh

The law which governs the organization, functions, and procedures of administrative agencies of the government to which (quasi) legislative powers are delegated and (quasi) judicial powers are granted, and the extent and manner to which such agencies are subject to control by the courts. (1 Am. Jur. 2d 806; p. 2-3, De Leon, Administrative Law, 2013)

In recent years, democratization research has increasingly emphasized the role of constitutional courts in the transformation of formerly authoritarian countries towards democracy. Only rarely do these studies explore the question of what it means in a socio-political context for an institution to ‘play a role’. In addition, the term ‘role’ is often used synonymously with ‘function’, even though both concepts originate from very different social science traditions.
From a socio-legal perspective, this book aims to unearth the potential of role theory for democratization studies and comparative research on constitutional courts. The focus of the study is not the well-known normative question of whether and to what extent courts have the legitimacy to intervene in the democratic process. Instead, the debates surrounding that question are viewed as the empirical context in which processes of attribution of legitimacy take place and in which constitutional courts act as the bearer of roles, communicating with different kinds of audiences (legal academia, politics, civil society, and international actors).
Based on sociological role theory and historical-sociological new institutionalism, in the tradition of Max Weber, the book develops an ‘ideal type’ framework of analysis intended to connect with the debates in legal scholarship. This heuristic framework aims to establish empirical points of reference to assess whether and to what extent constitutional courts act as ‘guardians’ of predetermined constitutional rules, manage and decide social and political conflicts as ‘umpires’, or define the values of the legal-political community in the role of ‘founder’.
This analytical approach is then applied to two cases of newly-founded constitutional courts in democratizing political systems: the German Federal Constitutional Court in post-fascist Germany during the period 1952-1961, and the Hungarian Constitutional Court in the period of post-Communist transformation between 1990 and 1995. The focus of each case study is the constitutional court’s most highly controversial cases, their socio-political context, and the reactions of the court’s main audiences. The case studies show that the role of ‘guardian’, which according to legal scholarship is the main role of constitutional courts, played mostly in the background. In most cases, the courts acted as umpires or founders. In the light of this finding, the remainder of the study engages in a comparative analysis of the development of the constitutional court system in both countries. It seeks to explain the partial disempowerment of the Hungarian court in 2010-11; a situation that, despite many conflicts between politics and the court, has not been experienced in Germany.
A printed version of the book can be obtained here: https://www.epubli.de/shop/buch/32786

In der Demokratisierungsliteratur wird zunehmend auf die Rolle der Verfassungsgerichte in demokratischen Systemtransformationen hingewiesen. Selten wird die Frage theoretisch expliziert, was es eigentlich heißt, wenn eine Institution in einem gesellschaftlichen Kontext „eine Rolle spielt“. Zudem wird der Begriff der Rolle oftmals synonym mit dem der „Funktion“ verwendet, obwohl beide Begriffe aus sehr unterschiedlichen sozialwissenschaftlichen Theorietraditionen stammen.
Diese Arbeit versucht aus politikwissenschaftlicher und rechtssoziologischer Perspektive, den Rollenbegriff für die Demokratisierungsforschung und die vergleichende Verfassungsgerichtsforschung fruchtbar zu machen. Dabei steht nicht die schon oft diskutierte, normative Frage im Vordergrund, ob und wie stark die Verfassungsgerichte in den Prozess demokratischer Gesetzgebung eingreifen sollen. Stattdessen werden die Debatten über diese Frage als empirischer Kontext von Prozessen der Legitimitätszuschreibung verstanden, in denen die Gerichte als Rollenträger auftreten, die mit verschiedenen Arten von Publikum (Rechtswissenschaft, Politik, Zivilgesellschaft, internationale Akteure) – hier als Teilöffentlichkeiten bezeichnet – kommunizieren.
Angelehnt an die soziologische Rollentheorie und auf der Grundlage des historisch-soziologischen Neoinstitutionalismus wird, in Anschluss an die Max Webersche Theorietradition, ein idealtypisches Untersuchungsraster entwickelt, das an rechtswissenschaftliche Debatten anschlussfähig sein soll: Dieses heuristische Raster will empirische Anknüpfungspunkte dafür geben, ob und inwieweit Verfassungsgerichte als „Hüter“ von vorgegebenen Verfassungsnormen auftreten, wann sie als „Schiedsrichter“ von politischen und gesellschaftlichen Konflikten tätig werden, und wann sie als „Gründer“ die Werte einer rechtlich-politischen Gemeinschaft definieren.
Dieser Ansatz wird dann auf zwei Fälle von neugegründeten Verfassungsgerichten in sich demokratisierenden politischen Systemen zur Anwendung gebracht: den Fall des Bundesverfassungsgerichts im postfaschistischen Deutschland (Untersuchungszeitraum: 1952-1961) und den Fall des ungarischen Verfassungsgerichtshofs, der vor dem Hintergrund der postkommunistischen Systemtransformation agierte (Untersuchungszeitraum: 1990-1995). Untersucht werden vor allem hochkontroverse Urteile, ihr gesellschaftlicher Kontext und die Reaktionen der Teilöffentlichkeiten. Ergebnis der Analyse ist, dass die von der Rechtswissenschaft vorrangig postulierte „Hüterrolle“ des Gerichts eher im Verborgenen gespielt wurde. In den meisten Fällen trat das Gericht als Schiedsrichter und Gründer auf. Darauf aufbauend wird die Entwicklung der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit bis heute vergleichend analysiert und danach gefragt, wie sich die Teilentmachtung des ungarischen Verfassungsgerichts im Jahr 2010/2011 erklären lässt, die – trotz zahlreicher Konflikte zwischen Bundesverfassungsgericht und Politik – in Deutschland bisher keine Entsprechung gefunden hat.

Eine gedruckte Fassung des Buches ist hier erhältlich: https://www.epubli.de/shop/buch/32786

Rezensionen:
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Robert Chr. van Ooyen, in: Portal für Politikwissenschaft, http://pw-portal.de/rezension/37365 (veröffentlicht am 31.07.2014): Nach van Ooyen bietet die Arbeit ein "ausgezeichnetes mehrdimensionales Analyseraster, das auf Richterpersönlichkeiten / Richterverhalten, Regierungssystem, Öffentlichkeit und historische Mentalitäten abstellt"

Herbert Küpper, in: Jahrbuch Ostrecht 1/2014, S. 203: "eine für Juristen ebenso interessante wie erkenntnisreiche Erweiterung der klassischen rechtswissenschaftlichen
Perspektive auf die Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit."

Péter Sólyom, Zeitschrift für Rechtssoziologie: https://www.academia.edu/24793572

Elites are those political, economic, and military circles, which as an intricate set of overlapping small but dominant groups share decisions having at least national consequences. Insofar as national events are decided, the power elite are those who decide them.
Elite theory is a theory of the state which seeks to describe and explain the power relationships in contemporary society. The theory states that a small minority, consisting of foundations or position with think tanks or policy-discussion groups, members of the “elite” are able to exert significant power over the policy decisions of corporations and governments.

Multiple independent sources of information concur, the US is pushing Afghanistan into a heightened civil war by promoting a Pashtun ethnonationalist union of government and Taliban, supported by India, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. The end result will be even more terrorist attacks on ethnic minorities in Afghanistan and the spread of terrorism throughout the Central Asian region. Multiple motivations are identified in this review article including American pillaging of Afghanistan’s abundant national resources, and disrupting the Chinese led Belt and Road Initiative.

The law Bar Examination in Political Science yield the studies. Particularly in the Bar exam is adequate  to answer if you are continuing your study to success, nothing is impossible if you enable to promise your dreams. This course is the highly  demanded undergraduate degree in law course where it still for pursuing aspiring lawyers. Mostly  the law school declared topnotchers obviously to  deserving people which sppked to eery one gives inspirational words that law students are very applicable to study hard and make them to finished it carefully without any doubtful from their answer.
Congress enacted a law to provide Filipinos, especially the poor and the marginalized, access and information to a full range of modern family planning methods, including contraceptives, intrauterine devices, injectibles, non-abortifacient hormonal contraceptives, and family planning products and supplies, but expressly prohibited abortion. To ensure its objectives, the law made it mandatory for health providers to provide information on the full range of modern family planning methods, supplies and services, for schools to provide reproductive health education, for non-governmental medical practitioners to render mandatory 48 on hours pro bono reproductive health services as a condition to Philhealth accreditation, and for couples desiring to marry attend a family planning seminar prior to issuance to a marriage license. It also punishes certain acts of refusal to carry out its mandates. The spouses Aguiluz, both Roman Catholics,

This paper emphasizes the element of cooperation as instrumental in the efficiency of business agreements and the possibility to extend this framework to creative goods agreements. It utilizes the economic analysis of law as a tool, since agreements of this kind are normally protracted over time and confidence between the parties is fundamental to maintaining relationships. The procedural method used was monographic, while the research technique was bibliographic, and by case study involving technology transfer. By way of out-come, cooperation was seen as instrumental in making business agreements to transfer technology more efficient, by being able to reduce the likelihood of litigation relating to these agreements, and as an instrument for stability, promoting the retention of these agreements over a longer period.
RESUMO Este artigo enfatiza o elemento de cooperação como instrumental na eficiência dos acordos comerciais e a possibilidade de estender esse quadro aos acordos de bens criativos. Utiliza a análise econômica da lei como ferramenta, uma vez que os acordos desse tipo são nor-malmente prolongados ao longo do tempo e a confiança entre as partes é fundamental para a manutenção de relacionamentos. O método processual utilizado foi mono-gráfico, enquanto a técnica de pesquisa foi bibliográfica, e por estudo de caso envolvendo transferência de tecnologia. A título de resultado, a cooperação foi vista como instrumental para tornar os acordos empresariais para transferir a tecnologia mais eficiente, podendo reduzir a probabilidade de litígio relativos a esses acordos e como instrumento de estabilidade, pro-movendo a repensação destes acordos durante um período mais longo.

The University Statute of 1863 established new departments and educational courses, provided an opportunity to organise academic societies at universities and thus created favourable conditions for the development of political science in Russia. The field of political science was structured in accordance with the division of the Law Department. The Statute of 1863 imposed a synthesis onto political science, giving it the role of state studies.
Университетский устав 1863 г. учредил новые кафедры и учебные курсы, предоставил возможность организации научных обществ при университетах и таким образом создал благоприятные условия для развития политических наук в России. Предметное поле этой области знания было структурировано в соответствии с делением на кафедры. Синтез политических наук осуществлялся в рамках государственного права, которое в эпоху устава 1863 г. взяло на себя роль науки о государстве (политической науки).

This article deals in several aspects with the incompatibilities between the modern and western categories of politics and law with the demands concerning the migratory phenomenon, especially regarding the refugee problem. It analyzes, at first, the insufficiency of theses that depart only from a moral duty to the inclusion of refugees. Then, it discusses the issue of the granting of rights to immigrants, especially refugees. Finally, it presents a critique of how democracy becomes excluding by keeping the conflict in the same patterns of a class struggle.
O presente artigo aborda, em diversos aspectos, as incompatibilidades entre as cat-egorias modernas e ocidentais da política e do direito com as demandas concernen-tes ao fenômeno migratório, em especial com relação ao problema dos refugiados. Analisa, em um primeiro momento, a insuficiência de teses que partem apenas de um dever moral à inclusão dos refugiados. Em seguida, discute a questão acerca da atri-buição de direitos aos imigrantes, sobretudo aos refugiados. Ao final, apresenta uma crítica ao modo como a democracia torna-se excludente ao conservar o conflito ainda nos moldes de uma luta de classes.

Why do we punish? And are we justified in punishing an offender?These questions, traditionally pertaining to philosophical thinking (moral philosophy and philosophy of law), are nowadays characterized by many scientific aspects and concern neuroscience as well. Recent neuroscien-tific findings related to brain mechanisms that are deemed responsible for various types of behaviour, including that of criminals, have intro-duced a deterministic perspective on human decision-making.

Jurista, professor, escritor, tradutor, político... Alcides Cruz foi não apenas um importante nome do Direito do período republicano brasileiro, mas também um importante intelectual e político, muito pouco estudado. O IHGRGS, em importante obra, contribui para que se conheça mais a seu respeito. Quem foi ele? O que pensava? O que fazia? Neste capítulo, busca-se resgatar não apenas sua atuação como jurista e político (uma linha tênue pouco definida no contexto), mas também sua relação com Pinheiro Machado, por meio de suas críticas a decisões do STF que contrariavam os interesses do senador gaúcho, algo que se buscou apagar ao longo do tempo, em razão (1) da respeitabilidade intelectual e moral de Alcides Cruz e (2) da campanha movida pelo establishment oligárquico contra Pinheiro Machado, alguém que, em razão de seu virtuosismo político, foi capaz de desafiar, crescer e ser protagonista dentro da política da Primeira República (mesmo se opondo à regra do jogo do esquema da Política dos Governadores), até ser assassinado por um louco após longa campanha difamatória na imprensa café-com-leite, quando Pinheiro Machado se tornou uma espécie de vilão de história em quadrinhos avant la lettre. Isso deixou marcas profundas na política, fazendo com que muitos políticos próximos e legatários de Pinheiro Machado o apagassem de suas ações e memórias, como o próprio Getúlio Vargas, bem como na academia, com historiadores e cientistas políticos ainda repetindo e fazendo afirmações que não são mais do que narrativas de seus inimigos políticos de então. Isso ocorre, e. g., quando se compara Pinheiro Machado a figuras contemporâneas como Renan Calheiros ou Gilmar Mendes, algo absolutamente descabido. Nesta análise do pensamento jurídico-político de Alcides Cruz, articula-se cultura jurídica, produção doutrinária, prática jurisprudencial e a regra do jogo do esquema da Política dos Governadores.