Italian military occupations

The proximity of French territories such as Savoie, Nice and Corsica to the Italian border, and their histories as part of  the Italian states, has resulted in the inevitable existence of Italian communities in these regions. Following the creation of the Fascist government in Italy, these communities grew as thousands of political exiles fled to France. This paper intends to explore the issues raised by these minorities and their contribution to an anti-Italian sentiment in parts of France. It will also address Fascist Italy’s use of these minorities as a political tool in irredentist politics. The unusual policy of encouraging irredentist sentiments in the pre-war era was not matched by Italian actions during the occupation of these same regions, when Rome tried to distance herself from political groups. The highly charged political atmosphere in these territories led to a reluctance to support these groups openly, whilst continuing to harbour the hope that they might win over the Italian population. Finally, it will place these policies within the broader context of Italian irredentist policies across Europe at this time.

This book provides a comprehensive account of the Italian occupation of Greece during the Second World World. Based on a wide array of sources from different countries (Italy, Germany, Greece, Great Britain) and the International Red Cross' Archives, it investigates not only the Italian occupation policy but also the history of the Greek society under occupation. Drawing on new approaches to the history of occupation societies, especially those developed by scholars working on countries under Nazi rule during WWII, it combines social and political history.

Following South African entry into the Second World War on 6 September 1939, the Union Defence Force (UDF) transformed from an ageing peacetime defence force into a modern armed force capable of projecting offensive power. During the interwar period a certain state of melancholia had existed in the UDF in terms of military innovation, which resulted in muddled thinking in the UDF in terms of armoured warfare and mechanisation. The offensive potential of armoured forces was simply not understood by the South African defence planners, with the result that there was only a token armoured force in the UDF in September 1939. The South African entry into the war was the impetus for the development of a viable armoured force within the UDF, and the South African Tank Corps (SATC) was established in May 1940. Changes in both the nature and organisational structure of the South African defence establishment followed. The Italian presence in Abyssinia and Italian Somaliland was seen as a direct threat to the neighbouring British East African territories, and South Africa deployed to Kenya during June 1940, soon after the Italian declaration of war. The South African deployment to East Africa was the first deployment of the UDF in a situation of regular war since the First World War. Despite the doctrine that underpinned the South African deployment of armoured forces in East Africa, the SATC units soon learned that the accepted doctrine, borrowed from the British War Office during the interwar period, was but a mere guide to offensive employment. The story of the South African deployment to East Africa during the war is used as a lens through which to investigate the role and employment of both the UDF armoured cars and light tanks. By separately discussing the Allied offensives through Italian Somaliland and southern Abyssinia during 1940-1941, the tactical and operational employment of the South African armour during this time becomes paramount when evaluated against their successes and failures. The nature of the opposing Italian forces in East Africa, the ever-changing topography and climate of the theatre of operations, and the nature of the South African offensive operations throughout the campaign, all combined to shape the novel way in which the armoured cars and tanks of the SATC were employed throughout 1940-1941. The operational experiences that the UDF gained during the campaign in East Africa shaped the further deployments of South African armour to North Africa, Madagascar and Italy during the remainder of the war.

This article analyses United States diplomats’ and officials’ perception on Macedonia and the Macedonian Question during the 1940s. Based on the collection of Foreign Relations of the United States, the microfilms of the State Department, part of the Historical Archive of the Institute for Balkan Studies, and other primary and secondary sources it examines the evolution of their writings, their influences, their proposals and Washington’s decisions. It also examines the pursuit of United States diplomats and officials to maintain the Greek territorial integrity and the importance attributed in Macedonia region. Moreover, it discusses the escalation of the Cold War, the intervention of the United States and the United Nations in Greece and interpretations attributing to communist activities and the Macedonian Question by the Americans. Furthermore, the article discusses the upgrade of the Macedonian Question from a solely Greek security issue to a Yugoslav one too after the breach between Belgrade and Moscow. Finally, it deals with the degradation of the Macedonian Question by Washington and the need for cooperation between Yugoslavia and Greece and argues United States policymakers​ effectiveness throughout the revival of the Macedonian Question.

Nell’articolo vengono esaminate le strategie di approvvigionamento alimentare poste in essere nel quadro dell’imperialismo italiano nelle regioni annesse e occupate dello Stato indipendente di Croazia. L’approvvigionamento aveva molteplici scopi: la popolazione doveva essere coinvolta in un progetto imperiale, era necessario far sì che gli ustascia fossero screditati di fronte alla popolazione e infine bisognava promuovere il fascismo come assetto futuro e combattere i resistenti.

From the summer of 1941 to September 1943, the Italian forces occupying Greece obtained collaboration from three ethnic minorities, namely from Aromanians in Epirus, Thessaly and Western Macedonia, from Albanian-speaking Chams in Northern Epirus and from Slavophones in Western Macedonia. The purpose of this contribution is to shed light on the intentions and agency of the protagonists of the cooperation between members of the Aromanian minorities and Italian authorities by examining its development between the inception of the Italian occupation and the first months of 1943. This history shows us that ethnicity has to be regarded as dynamic and processual.

This paper intends to attempt the construction of a methodological approach to the history of the Italian occupation of Greece, based on the documentation found in Greece and Italy. After a brief introduction, the phenomenon of famine in the winter of 1941-1942 and the international negotiations for the realization of a project of humanitarian aid to Greece are described. Lastly, the gap between the strategic targets and the practice of the Italian occupation authorities in Greece is presented.

Early Work (2011).

In contrast to its brutal seizure of the Balkans, the Italian Army's 1940-1943 relatively mild occupation of the French Riviera and nearby alpine regions bred the myth of the Italian brava gente, or good fellow, an agreeable occupier who abstained from the savage wartime behaviors so common across Europe.

Employing a multi-tiered approach, Emanuele Sica examines the simultaneously conflicting and symbiotic relationship between the French population and Italian soldiers. At the grassroots level, Sica asserts that the cultural proximity between the soldiers and the local population, one-quarter of which was Italian, smoothed the sharp angles of miscommunication and cultural faux-pas at a time of great uncertainty. At the same time, it encouraged a laxness in discipline that manifested as fraternization and black marketeering. Sica's examination of political tensions highlights how French prefects and mayors fought to keep the tatters of sovereignty in the face of military occupation. In addition, he reveals the tense relationship between Fascist civilian authorities eager to fulfil imperial dreams of annexation and army leaders desperate to prevent any action that might provoke French insurrection. Finally, he completes the tableau with detailed accounts of how food shortages and French Resistance attacks brought sterner Italian methods, why the Fascists' attempted "Italianization" of the French border city of Menton failed, and the ways the occupation zone became an unlikely haven for Jews.

The position of Nice in the years immediately preceding and during the Second World War was one of ambiguity and uncertainty for residents. A pre-war target of Fascist irredentism, the city was coveted by Rome before finally being occupied by Italy following the expansion of the Italian zone of occupation in November 1942. The large Italian community in the Alpes-Maritimes and the overtly political atmosphere of Nice meant that one’s sense of identity became intricately linked with political standing – whether this was intended or not. This paper intends to examine how sense of identity within Nice affected the political outlooks of those residing there. Inversely, it will also examine how the potential political implications led many to abandon their sense of national identity in favour of their political outlook, as well as how both these decisions affected Italo-French relations within the city.

The author demonstrates the course of the Italian occupation of the Slovene territory in November 1918, limiting himself to the operation of Italian military units, their organisation and spatial distribution. He highlights the Allies’ conditions of the armistice for Austria-Hungary, containing articles on the time frame of the occupation and geographical delimitation of the area. By presenting authentic internal correspondence, which refl ects the attitudes of the offi cers  involved, the author aims to offer new and profound insight into the occupation itself. In doing so, he does not discuss the justness of the occupation or the attitude of the Italian army towards the Slovene population, he merely deals with the military perception of the delimitation line. On account of the incident in  Vrhnika in 1918 and the related correspondence, the author presents briefl y the existing Slovene historiographical and popular-scientifi c literature on the subject, based on the analysis of numerous sources, the author provides a critical examination of the event.

The book investigates the representation of the Axis War – the wars of aggression that Fascist Italy fought in North Africa, Greece, the Soviet Union, and the Balkans, from 1940 to 1943 – in three decades of Italian literature. Building on an innovative and interdisciplinary methodology, which combines memory studies, historiography, thematic criticism, and narratology, this book explores the main topoi, themes, and masterplots of an extensive corpus of novels and memoirs to assess the contribution of literature to the reshaping of Italian memory and identity after the end of Fascism. By exploring the influence that public memory exercises on literary depictions and, in return, the contribution of literary texts to the formation and dissemination of a discourse about the past, the book examines to what extent Italian literature helped readers form an ethical awareness of the crimes committed by members of their national community during World War II

Between 1939 and 1943, the Italian armed forces occupied Albania and portions of France, Greece and Yugoslavia. In September 1943 when Italy signed an armistice with the Allies, these territories were quickly occupied by Germany, ending Italian dreams of a European spazio vitale. Although these military occupations ended in failure for Italy, they represent an important aspect of the history of Fascism, military occupations, and the Second World War. This special issue aims to contribute to the historiography of Italian military occupations in Europe, particularly those which present original research. Suggested topics of interest are, but are not limited to: How were Italy’s occupied territories administrated? How did the occupied economies function? How did occupied populations experience the occupation, and how did the Italian armed forces and occupied populations interact? What plans did Fascism and Fascist theorists have for the spazio vitale? How did the Italo-German alliance function within Italy’s occupied territories, and how did competing agencies interact?

This special issue hopes to build upon an increasing historiographical body, and to bring to the forefront an often under-examined area of the Second World War

Participation at the 3rd International Cycladological Conference (Ermoupoli, Syros, 25-29 May 2016).

Abstract:

The society of Siphnos between the interwar period and the early years after Second World War.

In the current paper, we focus on Siphnos, a Greek island situated in the Aegean Archipelago. During the 1930s, the financial crisis hit the small island. Moreover, Siphnos became a place of exile for the members of the Greek communist party. In general, the harsh living conditions had a major impact on nutrition and health treatment. As a result, the mortality was increased, while fertility fell. During the Occupation period (1941-1944), things came to a stalemate and the deterioration of living conditions escalated, reaching a peak (famine). Afterwards, even if the island was far away from the battlefields of the Greek Civil War (1946-1949), the local situation remained critical. Powerty was as widespread as 80%, provoking the exodus of young migrants, male and female, to Athens. Under those circumstances, the tourism industry turned out to be the only trustworthy future possibility for insular Greece.

This paper intends to examine the important, but often overlooked, concepts of legitimacy and sovereignty in Italian-occupied France during the Second World War. I intend to argue that many of the measures taken by both the Italian government and the Vichy French government were at least partially taken to ensure that they retained some degree of sovereignty in the territory. Moreover, I will argue that these measures are closely tied to the concept of legitimacy. For Italy, this meant trying to appear as a victor worthy of governing the territory, while for Vichy legitimacy meant ensuring that they could stand up to Italian demands.
The Italian occupation of France, in general, is an understudied aspect of the Second World War, particularly in English, but those studies which do focus on it rarely make examine legitimacy and sovereignty. I intend to examine this by looking at measures taken by both governments and demonstrating how many of these measures ultimately sought to justify the very governments who made them.

The aim of the present thesis was the study of the Italian Occupation in Greece (1941-1943). We examined the strategy of the Italian troops in occupied Greece and the implementation of the Italian financial policy. Then we presented the features of collaborationism. Furthermore, we analyzed the legal procedures that “authorized” the Italian authorities to take measures against the Resistance movement.

Η διατριβή αναφέρεται στην περίοδο της Ιταλικής Κατοχής στην Ελλάδα (1941-1943). Στο πρώτο κεφάλαιο καταγράφονται οι στρατιωτικές μετακινήσεις και η παγίωση του ιταλικού φασιστικού κατοχικού καθεστώτος στη χώρα. Αναδεικνύεται έτσι η στρατηγική του κατοχικού στρατού, ενώ εξάγονται χρήσιμα συμπεράσματα για τη νοοτροπία, τις ανάγκες και τις επιδιώξεις που υψηλά ιστάμενα πρόσωπα φρόντισαν να διεκπεραιώσουν μέσω του ρόλου τους στην κατεχόμενη Ελλάδα. Ύστερα, στο δεύτερο κεφάλαιο, γίνεται ανάλυση της οικονομικής πολιτικής των ιταλικών αρχών, των εξόδων κατοχής και της ανεπιτυχούς αντιμετώπισης του λιμού. Τέλος, το τρίτο κεφάλαιο καλύπτει το φαινόμενο του δοσιλογισμού, ενώ στο τέταρτο και πέμπτο κεφάλαιο ερμηνεύονται οι δικαϊκές αντιλήψεις του ιστορικού φασισμού.

The Allied landings in North Africa in November 1942 brought about the invasion of the so-called French “Free Zone” by Axis forces. While German forces occupied the majority of the zone, the Italian Royal Army occupied the area up to the river Rhône. This paper focuses on policing within the city of Nice, which had long been a target of Italian irredentists. Specifically, it will focus on the idea of sovereignty within the city, using the police as a case point. While policing duties were left to the French, the Italians intervened when they felt it was necessary. This could range from investigating resistance activity to preventing the deportation of Jews.  Moreover, the presence of OVRA – the Italian secret police – in the region allowed the Italians to operate outside French legal frameworks. This paper will therefore question who really retained sovereignty within Nice and attempt to place this within Franco-Italian relations.

The occupation border between fascist Italy and the Ustashe Independent State of Croatia (NDH) in Bela krajina ran along the border of the Črnomelj district, from Trdinov vrh along the Gorjanci ridge and Žumberk to the Kolpa River near Božakovo, moving along the Kolpa River up to Predgrad. To prevent the Slovenian and Croatian partisan brigades from crossing the border, the Italians intended to fortify the border at Gorjanci/Žumberk with a corridor of wire fence and bunkers. No wire fence was conceived along the Kolpa River, only fortified bridges and other structures. Due to the capitulation in the spring of 1943, the Italians only managed to build five bunkers near Metlika.  The border cut deep into people's daily lives, especially farmers who had land on both sides of the border. People along the border also faced the issue of refugees coming from the NDH, especially the Jewish population.  Residents of Žumberk with Orthodox roots believed the border was quite useful since it prevented the Ustashe from coming to the Italian occupation area. In May 1941, there were individual attempts to annex the municipality of Radatovići, which was part of the Černomelj district, to the NDH; and an attempt to annex the entire region of Bela krajina to Nazi Germany. A strong resistance movement evolved very quickly, forcing the Italians to leave smaller border outposts as early as December 1942. From then on, they stayed in larger towns only, surrounding them completely or partially with bunkers and barbed wire.
After the capitulation of Italy in September 1943, Bela krajina became a free territory where the headquarters of the National Liberation Army and the partisan detachments of Slovenia was set up in addition to the Executive Committee of the Liberation Front, and many other institutions. By the end of the war, only a couple of individual invasions of Germans and Ustashe had hit Bela krajina.
Zilje is a small village on the banks of the Kolpa River. There was a crew of the Italian Guardia di Finanza. The villagers had no problems with them. Like in other places in Bela krajina, the Italian Army deported many men from Zilje to camps. A lot of them died there due to unbearable conditions.
Today, comparisons between the former occupation border and the current wired border with the Republic of Croatia are being made.

Lieu : Paris (4e arr.), Institut d’Etudes avancées.
Date : 26 mai 2015.
Langue : anglais.
Organisateurs : Emmanuel Debruyne (Institut d’Etudes avancées de Paris / Université catholique
de Louvain), Elise Julien (IRHiS - IEP de Lille) et James Connolly (Université de Manchester)

The Italian occupation of France has been largely forgotten both in France and Italy, but also in Britain. This has been made possible only by an almost complete lack of commemoration, both at a national and regional level. The Second World War in France has been dominated by the German experience and occupation, reducing the Italian occupation as an almost “non-event”. The comparably gentle and non-obtrusive nature of the occupation has inevitably been one of the main reasons for this lack of commemoration, yet the regions occupied by Italy were particularly active during the period. The reasons for this lack of commemoration, therefore, are rooted in the exaggerated memory of the Resistance, the myth of that Italians were brava gente – good people, and the rapid re-establishment of Franco-Italian relations following the war. The paper also seeks to explain whether only “traumatic” events are worth commemorating, comparing the Italian and German occupations and their place in the national consciousness.