Iberoromance

This chapter is dedicated to the relationship between spoken and written Galician, which will be discussed in two different parts: a first one that refers to historical aspects and a second one concentrating on the current differences and mutual influences between orality and writing. The chapter departs from some theoretical notions that allow for a clear distinction as to the medial difference between the spoken and the written code and the conceptual difference between what is generally associated with both: what Koch and Oesterreicher (2001) call the " language of immediacy " and the " language of distance ". The diachronic part will first discuss the emergence of a written variety in medieval Gali-cian and then trace the basic evolution of the Galician language with regards to the tension between oral and written communication. It will be shown how the history of modern written Galician (from the first texts of the so-called " pre-rexurdimento " onwards) is marked by a process of " diaphasic differentiation " (Kabatek 1997a): here, the selection of elements considered to be adequate for the written language and the " sorting out " of others as well as the stylistic differentiation and widening of a certain range of written varieties will be focused. Some remarks on the orthographic debates will open the second part. The remainder of the text will be dedicated to the relationship between the contemporary written and spoken standards and the respective non-standard varieties. Galician language, orality and literacy, spoken and written language, or-thography, Rexurdimento, medieval Galician, written code, diaphasic differentiation , language of immediacy, language of distance

Este trabajo analiza las variantes de los pronombres os (vos, tos, sos, los, se) y nos (mos, los) en el español rural y romances vecinos a partir de atlas lingüísticos y monografías. Los datos indican que las combinaciones de formas, la presencia de alternancias morfofonológicas entre formas plenas y reducidas y los usos de se en la 2ª persona plural presentan paradigmas estructurados con distribución geográfica nítida. En los sistemas en que confluyen vos o tos junto a mos la motivación principal es la analogía con otros pronombres. Los sistemas más innovadores que presentan sos y los serían el resultado de la tendencia a reparar la mala integración paradigmática de os (único clítico de objeto sin consonante inicial) mediante la epéntesis de un segmento coronal que ayuda a solventar las dificultades fonotácticas que surgen cuando os va precedido de una vocal con la que forma un hiato; así pues el alomorfo los / sos  aparece en contextos en que posibilita la silabificación no marcada universalmente CV. Los fenómenos descritos reflejan procesos históricos de gramaticalización en los que los clíticos han ido adquiriendo propiedades caracterizadoras de afijos verbales de concordancia.

Differential Object Marking (DOM) in Spanish has been studied under various aspects: Spanish as typical DOM language in typology; Spanish as the most salient Romance DOM language, Spanish and its diachronic evolution and diatopic variation. The present paper discusses different accounts that were given in the literature for the emergence and the tendencies of DOM in Spanish. It tries to show that there is, apart from all the semantic and syntactic factors traditionally discussed, an overall basic value of DOM in Spanish which can be extracted analysing those cases where the presence or absence of DOM establishes an obvious opposition in meaning. It is claimed that the contemporary system emerged in Early Modern Spanish and that it seems rather stable in the Spanish speaking world. Furthermore, as a contemporary tendency within this system there seems to be an increase of DOM in cases where marking is facultative, with regional differences within the Spanish speaking world.

Resumen. El pretérito imperfecto de subjuntivo ha acaparado numerosos estudios en español debido a la inserción de la forma indicativa-ra en el modo subjuntivo como sinónimo de-se. La mayoría de estos trabajos hacen un estudio diacrónico, centrándose en estadios de la lengua anteriores al siglo xix. En este artículo, pretendemos dar cuenta de la casuística dialectal del pretérito imperfecto de subjuntivo de mediados del siglo xx, desde un punto de vista iberromance. El análisis de los datos del Atlas lingüístico de la Península Ibérica y su comparación con atlas posteriores y corpus sociolingüísticos arrojará un poco más de luz sobre la realidad de dicho tiempo hace 100 años, ya que se advierte todavía un uso muy mayoritario de-se en el este peninsular, una sistematicidad en-ra en el español occidental y la introducción de-ra por-se en lenguas en las que no se había atestiguado aún dicha evolución. Palabras clave: Pretérito imperfecto de subjuntivo; geografía dialectal; iberorromance; ALPI Abstract. There are many studies dedicated to the past subjunctive in Spanish due to the insertion of the indicative-ra form into the subjunctive, as a synonym of these form. Most of these studies focus on its diachrony, mainly in language stages prior to the 19 th century. In this paper, I will discuss the dialect variation of the past subjunctive in the middle 20 th century from an Ibero-Romance perspective. The analysis of the data from the Atlas lingüístico de la Península Ibérica as well as its comparison to later atlases and corpora will shed more light on this reality 100 years VERBA, ISSN 0210-377X, 2019, vol. 46: 313-338 SECCIÓN: ARTIGOS http://dx.

In the last decades, there has been a growing interest on language use and language attitudes in regional/minority languages settings. On the one hand, studies show decrease of domains for the regional/minority languages, as well as endangered intergenerational transmission. On the other hand, many of these regional/minority languages are on appraisal due to standardization, schooling and official recognition. This is the case of two members of the Astur-Leones family: Mirandese and Asturian. Given this paradoxical situation, it is of particular interest to focus on secondary school students. They belong to the first generation that is ceasing to have the regional/minority languages as a first language, but at the same time they are the first to be educated with the regional/minority language as a school subject during the twelve years of compulsory education in both Portugal and Spain.
Two groups of 24 secondary school students each, in Miranda de l Douro (Portugal) and Xixón (Spain), filled in a questionnaire with a total of 63 questions about language use, language proficiency, and language attitudes towards the regional/minority language and both state languages (Portuguese and Spanish). Results show a significant difference between both groups. In terms of linguistic competence, Mirandese students are unbalanced trilingual (Mirandese, Portuguese and Spanish) while the Asturians are unbalanced bilingual (Asturian and Spanish). Regarding language attitudes, students in Xixón rated their regional/minority languages as well as the state language of the bordering country (Portuguese) significantly lower. The differences between both contexts help explaining these findings.

This paper examines the present-day characterisation and historical development of non-referential uses of the pronoun ello/ele/ell (ELLO) in certain Ibero-Romance varieties. Since overt expletives are predicted to be incompatible with referential null subjects, the appearance of ELLO in an apparently expletive position and function is typologically anomalous with respect to the null subject parameter as traditionally conceived. Recent treatment in the literature places ELLO in the C-domain, and exceptionally in SpecTP. However, existing accounts tend to assume a unified characterisation across varieties for what we claim is actually a heterogeneous phenomenon. Novel empirical data show that ELLO displays both expletive-like and discourse-oriented properties even within the same variety, targeting different structural positions cross-dialectally. Today’s variation is argued to be an effect of ELLO reaching different stages of grammaticalisation across varieties, originating from its usage in impersonal epistemic contexts. We may therefore wish to revise our typology of expletives so as to encompass a more nuanced range of parametric values.

This article focuses on Santiaguense Capeverdean words derived from Portuguese non-infinitive verbal forms and among these, more specifically on those elements which were not recently borrowed from modern Portuguese and do not compete with Capeverdean more basilectal items. In section 1, the category of Capeverdean words under scrutiny is defined contrastively with other similar types of words. In section 2, all known members of this category are examined in turn and according to the characteristics of their respective Portuguese sources. In section 3, a comparative approach is developed, in which the etymological counterparts of the Capeverdean words presented in the previous sections are systematically investigated for other Upper Guinea Creoles (i.e. Guinea-Bissau Creole, Casamance Creole and Papiamentu). The conclusion section stresses the main points of interest of this study, namely (i) the methodology used herein, which combines historical and comparative linguistics, (ii) the centrality of imperative forms as an input for new lexical verb roots in Upper Guinea Creoles and more generally in situations of language acquisition, and (iii) the scientific prospects that a comparison covering a wider sample of Ibero-Romance-based Creoles could offer concerning words derived from Portuguese non-infinitive verbal forms in these languages.
Keywords: Capeverdean; Upper Guinea Creoles; Historical Linguistics; Portuguese.

This article analyses the function and distribution of the so-called “overt subject expletive” ello/ele/ell in certain non-standard Ibero-Romance varieties. Novel empirical facts are presented to illustrate the phenomenon’s heterogeneous characterization, the present-day variation of which is argued to be explained by the different degrees of change undergone by the expletive element in each Ibero-Romance variety. The pragmatic import of today’s Iberian expletive resembles the semantic value of the oldest and most commonly attested examples of the phenomenon in the historical corpora used. This observation serves as the point of departure for the diachronic reconstruction of the element’s development from its proposed origin in epistemic contexts to the present day, where the alleged Iberian expletive exhibits both expletive and pragmatic characteristics even within the same variety.

En este artículo se analiza la función y distribución del llamado “sujeto expletivo visible” ello/ele/ell en ciertas variedades ibero-románicas no estándares. Se presentan nuevos datos empíricos con el fin de demostrar la caracterización heterogénea del fenómeno, cuya variación actual, según se argumenta, se ve explicada por los distintos grados de cambio sufridos por el elemento expletivo en cada variedad ibero-románica. La contribución pragmática del expletivo ibérico actual semeja el valor semántico de las pruebas empíricas más antiguas y más frecuentes del elemento en los corpus históricos consultados, observación que sirve de punto de partida para reconstruir la trayectoria diacrónica del elemento desde su propuesto origen en contextos impersonales y epistémicos hasta la actualidad, en que el presunto expletivo ibérico demuestra características tanto expletivas como pragmáticas incluso dentro de la misma variedad.

"RESUMEN: El problema de la convivencia de latín y romance ibérico temprano ha sido abordado postulando la existencia de una tercera lengua, el latín vulgar arromanzado, o negando la dicotomía misma para reducirla al polo del romance temprano, escrito conforme a una tradición derivada de la morfofonografía latina. La primera opción resulta muy improbable en términos sociolingüísticos, pero la segunda choca con insuperables problemas gramaticales. Una vía para salir de este punto muerto es asumir la existencia de un continuo diglósico latinorromance que funciona en términos de espectroglosia, mediante el empleo del cambio de código y otros fenómenos de interferencia. Todo ello conforma un diasistema diglósico diastráticamente marcado en el que cada redactor adopta un determinado nivel para cada texto o pasaje del mismo, en dependencia de su competencia gramatical y de condiciones contextuales específicas.

RÉSUMÉ: Le problème de la coexistence du latin et des premières formes de langue romane ibérique a été abordé de deux façons. D’après la théorie traditionnelle, il y aurait entre ces deux pôles une troisième langue, le latin vulgaire romanisé. Cependant, d’après un nouveau point de vue, il faudrait refuser la dichotomie même pour la réduire à l’existence de la langue romane, mais écrite sous la forme logographique du latin. La première option est très peu probable en termes sociolinguistiques, mais la deuxième se heurte à des problèmes de grammaire insurmontables. Pour sortir de cette impasse on doit postuler un continuum diglossique latino-roman qui fonctionne sous l’espèce d’une spectroglossie, grâce au changement de code et d’autres phénomènes d’interférence. On envisage alors un diasystème diglossique marqué de façon diastratique, dans lequel chaque auteur se pose à un certain niveau pour chaque texte ou partie de texte, en fonction de sa compétence grammaticale et de conditions contextuelles spécifiques.


Mots-clés : continuum diastratique, diasystème diglossique, diglossie, ibéro-roman médiéval, latino-roman, matin médiéval, spectroglossie

Palabras claves : continuo diastrático, diasistema diglósico, diglosia, espectroglosia, iberorromance temprano, latín medieval, latinorromance

Verba claves : continuum uarietatum linguae, diglossia, lingua Latina Medii Aeui, lingua Romanica Iberica mediaeualis, sermo mixtus"

Desde el latín vulgar hasta las lenguas románicas podemos observar casos de pérdida o cambio entre las líquidas en los grupos con oclusiva o /f/: CLAVE > chave (port.), llave (esp.), chiave (it.) o cheie (rom.). En el conjunto ibérico se percibe que el portugués rechazó muchos más casos de oclusiva o /f/ + /l/, bien en los grupos consonánticos: praza (< *PLATTEA), igreja (< *ECCLESIA), bien sin formar, en origen, dichos grupos: falar (< PARABOLARE), povo (< POPULU(M)). El objetivo de esta investigación es hacer un análisis diacrónico y contrastivo de la alternancia o estabilización histórica de /ɾ/ y /l/
después de oclusiva o /f/ y confirmar que el portugués rechazó con más ahínco la variante con /l/, que se conserva, sobre todo, en cultismos, y prefirió la variante con /ɾ/, mientras que en español llegó a convertirse incluso en una ultracorrección (platicar < PRACTICARE, tinieblas < TENEBRAE).

This article explores for the first time the emergence and syntax of structures conveying subjective epistemic judgements involving an epistemic marker and a complementiser in Catalan, contrasting it with analyses of parallel constructions in other Romance languages. By examining Modern Catalan data, it is established that in this language, the epistemic marker is located within the left periphery, in a head related to the encoding of clausal modality, and it takes a complement clause headed by que, containing a fully-fledged left periphery, as its complement. Through the analysis of Old Catalan data (13th-18th century), the grammaticalisation environment for this construction type is identified: psychological predicates with epistemic semantics with a dative-marked experiencer, and the grammaticalisation process is described. This new analysis opens up questions regarding the evolution of ‘epistemic marker + complementiser’ constructions in the Iberian Peninsula and the Romania.

"Judeoespañol encantar", en Filología y Lingüística. Estudios ofrecidos a Antonio Quilis, Madrid, CSIC-Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia-Universidad de Valladolid, 2005, pp. 725-730.
Sobre el uso en judeoespañol de "encantar" y "encantado" en el sentido de 'vendido en pública subasta', que se documenta, por ejemplo, en las Coplas de Yosef sefardíes, obra de Abraham Toledo (siglo XVIII), y que podría ser un catalanismo del judeoespañol.

En 1434, le navigateur portugais Gil Eanes double le Cap Bojador (également appelé Boujdour), situé dans l’actuel Sahara occidental et qui, à l’époque, marquait pour les Européens de l’Ouest les limites méridionales du monde connu. Dans les années qui suivent, les marins lusitaniens, cherchant à ouvrir une route maritime vers les Indes, vont progressivement reconnaître les côtes de la partie occidentale de l’Afrique subsaharienne, atteignant finalement le Cap de Bonne Espérance (à l’extrémité Sud du continent) en 1488. Tout au long de ce parcours, les Portugais entrent en contact pour la première fois avec de nombreux peuples et cultures, fondent des comptoirs sur les côtes africaines et développent des relations politiques et commerciales avec maints Etats locaux, qui leur fournissent notamment ivoire et esclaves en échange de produits manufacturés (tels que perles de verre ou pagnes tissés).
Ces échanges commerciaux et ces contacts désormais réguliers entre Portugais et habitants de l’Afrique subsaharienne conduisent à l’apparition d’une série de langues nouvelles, les créoles afro-portugais, qui constituent finalement un prolongement de la Romania en terre africaine. Ces langues créoles se sont probablement formées entre 1450 et 1550, à partir du portugais (dont elles tirent la majeure partie de leur vocabulaire courant) et de diverses langues africaines (généralement qualifiées de ‘substrats’ et dont l’influence est particulièrement forte au niveau de la grammaire des créoles résultants). Il existe aujourd’hui deux familles de créoles afro-portugais, pratiquées au quotidien par près de trois millions d’êtres humains.

This work tries to show the problems that emerge by classifying the dialectal features shared by most than one language as pertaining only to one. In order to reach this goal, the romance results of the latin groups -INU and -ENU in the northwest of the Iberian Peninsula will be analysed from a geolinguistic point
of view. The notions of supra-regional and regional solutions, taken from Diego Catalán (1956-57/1957-58), as well as the notion of geolectal continuum, will be used to overcome these problems. A common kind of evolution for -INU and -ENU will be defended to speeches that can be considered Asturian and to speeches that can be considered Galician; this common evolution was probably spread by diffusion processes.
Finally, the inconvenience of saying that in Galician there exist Asturian features or that in Asturian there exist Galician features will be shown.

Rey Siñu, traduction du "Petit Prince" en créole casamançais

Ce vendredi 29 mai 2015 a eu lieu la présentation officielle de "Rey Siñu" (éditeur Tintenfass), traduction du livre "Le petit prince" d’Antoine de Saint-Exupéry en créole casamançais.

Cette présentation, s'est déroulée en présence de Nicolas Quint, chercheur au CNRS en linguistique au laboratoire du LLACAN ( Langage, Langues et Cultures d'Afriques noire), et Joseph Jean François Nunez, doctorant au LLACAN, co-traducteurs de cette édition en créole de casamance

Ce lancement officiel du Petit Prince en casamançais à Paris a été l'occasion d'une lecture d'extraits en casamançais ainsi qu'en capverdien et en plusieurs variantes du portugais, et aussi d'écouter le musicien capverdien Téofilo Chantre.

Le lancement de ce livre à eu l'honneur de la présence de :
- Philippe Barbry, ambassadeur de France au Cap-Vert
- José Filipe de Moraes Cabral, ambassadeur du Portugal en France
- Paul Badji, ambassadeur du Sénégal en France
- Edison Luiz da Rosa Junior, attaché culturel de l'ambassade du Brésil en France.

Un projet mené à bien grâce aux soutiens de :
- La librairie Portugaise & Brésilienne de Paris (Michel Chandeigne)
- Projet de recherche LABEX EFL du CNRS,
- L’Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF)

Librairie Portugaise - 19/21 rue des Fossés Saint-Jacques, Place de l’Estrapade, 75005 Paris.