This reflection arose from my doctoral project on the socio-political process of institutionalization of solidarity economy, through social and legal regulation in Brazil, developed at Graduate Program in Social Sciences at University of...
moreThis reflection arose from my doctoral project on the socio-political process of institutionalization of solidarity economy, through social and legal regulation in Brazil, developed at Graduate Program in Social Sciences at University of Campinas (UNICAMP). Since 2003, when the Brazilian Ministry of Labor and Employment (MTE), a subsidiary of the National Secretariat for Solidarity Economy (SENAES), has been institutionalized as a solidarity economy, the growing combating poverty and social exclusion. After three governments of the Workers' Party (2003 to 2014), we see an incorporation of the solidarity economy into the "Brazil Without Misery Plan", a federal public policy strategy that, based on the actions of the three institutional leaders of the solidarity economy Social Movements and State), reserves public resources to "civil society organizations", such as NGOs, social movements, representatives of associated workers, university nuclei, Technological Incubators of Popular Cooperatives-ITCP's, states and municipalities, to make feasible access to the right to associate work and solidarity economy to associated workers, especially those living in "extreme poverty". In this process, the workers, who were initially appointed by Cáritas Brasileira-CB (Catholic Church), and therefore by the two other institutional leaders as "protagonists" of the solidarity economy, become, mainly from 2010, with the realization of the II National Conference on Solidarity Economy (CONAES), the "subjects of law" to which the State must meet, through the interlocution with "civil society organizations", to guarantee them the right to associated work and solidarity economy. It is in the scenario of contradictions between the alternative to unemployment, the political project of alternative to capitalism and social inclusion with the right to associated work and solidarity economy in capitalism itself, that the "subjects of law" arise as the product of a socio-political process which aims at the universalization of a right. In this sense, the objective of this paper is to analyze the problem of the difference in the universalization of the right to associated work and solidarity economy based on the specificities of workers from different worldviews and different ways of being and living from urban peripheries, of rural, indigenous and quilombola communities. Men and women of varying shades, however, all taken by the institutional leaders of the solidarity economy, homogeneously, as "subjects of law" amid forms of discrimination and exclusion that prevent the assimilation of the difference in the universalization of the right to associated work and the solidarity economy in Brazil.