History of corruption

Corrupt exchanges are often brokered by a third party, but this phenomenon has not been satisfactorily explored by researchers of corruption. Literature on brokerage in general provides interesting models but they have not previously been applied to corrupt exchanges. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews with respondents who participated in actual corrupt transactions, this paper identifies several distinct brokerage types in low-level corruption in contemporary Hungary. The paper also provides explanation of variation in corruption brokerage in terms of actors' group affiliations, forms of the corrupt exchanges, brokerage mechanisms, as well as neutrality, benefit and motivation, risk distribution, and stability of the brokerage structure. Finally, we discuss some policy implications of corruption brokerage.

The trial was instructed by the provincial court of Vicenza in the years  1831-1833, after the murder of Giovanni Rama, a young peasant of Durlo, a small village of Lessini mountains. The main defendants were Lucia Graizzaro, Giovanni Rama's wife, and her presumed lover. Bernardo Marchesini, a south tyrolese judge, managed the trial, together his colleagues until the severe sentence against the presumed murderer, but Lucia Graizzaro was released for the inadequacy of the proofs alleged against her. Lucia's character is very interesting and provided of some modern traits.

Srbija se na početku dvadesetprvog veka posle pogubnog iskustva proživljenog u višedecenijskom socijalističkom „eksperimentu” i simuliranoj demokratskoj praksi autoritarnog poretka iz devedesetih godina minulog veka, nalazi u stanju preobražaja — danas popularno rečeno „tranzicije”, jednako kao sto godina ranije. Bilans promena ne ostavlja prostor za različita tumačenja. Na prelasku iz devetnaestog u dvadeseti vek pred političku elitu i društvo mlade države osamostaljene od Otomanske imperije oštro se postavilo pitanje, iznova aktuelizovano političkim promenama od 2000. godine: kako za kratko vreme nadoknaditi decenije propuštenog civilizacijskog i kulturnog razvoja i stići razvijene zemlje. Odgovor dat pre jednog veka nije izgubio na značaju ni danas: Srbiju je moguće uvesti u red savremenih uređenih društava jedino doslednim sprovođenjem sveobuhvatnog procesa modernizacije. Na početku dvadesetprvog veka modernizovati Srbiju znači osmisliti i sprovesti valjanu reformsku javnu politiku u pravcu obnove ranije postojećih i izgradnje novih institucija demokratskog poretka, vladavine prava i mehanizma tržišno usmerene privrede.

Centar za menadžment i Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja su 2005. godine objavili knjigu Korupcija čime je odgovoreno na potrebu da i na srpskom jeziku postoje odgovarajući stručni izvori koji će omogućiti sticanje i produbljivanje znanja o fenomenu korupcije. Knjiga Korupcija i stvaranje moderne srpske države je sledeći korak ― odgovor na potrebu da se ti izvori dopune tako što bi se ponudila studija slučajeva kao forma konkretnih primera pojave korupcije. U tom smislu ova knjiga predstalja praktikum za proučavanje uzroka i posledica korupcije.

Uređivački napor priređivača je bio usmeren na osvetljavanje događaja iz prošlosti u kontekstu pojave korupcije koji su ostali van vidokruga srpske naučne i šire kulturne javnosti, nudeći sadržaj koji polemiše sa standardima u razumevanju uloge nekih od najznačajnijih ličnosti iz vremena stvaranja moderne srpske države. U tom smislu su postupanje i događaji opisani u knjizi podsećanje na koren sukoba u društvu (uvek je povezan sa nastojanjem da se sprovede pretežniji, važniji interes), na poverenje (javnosti želi da vidi na vlasti ljude u koje može da ima poverenje), na značaj i posledice revizije istorije, kao i na uzročnoposledičnu vezu traganja i nalaženja u kontekstu pogrešnih identite kao pribežišta jednog društva.

Izvori korišćeni u knjizi većinom su neobjavljena arhivska građa, a sada su dostupni ne samo istoričarima već i najširoj javnosti. Zahvaljujući autorskom pristupu u oblikovanju tekstova u knjizi Korupcija i stvaranje moderne srpske države, činjenice o kojima ta građa govori su na takav način dovedene u logički sled, da rezultat predstavlja potpun odgovor na osnovni zadatak istoričara, posebno i zato što nam nudi „razumevanje prošlosti kao nekad pluralne stvarnosti, odnosno drugosti prošlosti“ (Latinka Perović). Ova svojevrsna hronika tzv. loše prakse u upravljanju javnim dobrima i javnim interesom, ukazuje i na mogućnosti istorijskog naučnog metoda da doprinese savremenom diskursu javne politike na osnovu „prepoznavanja“ i analogije. Upravo pouka u cilju „podizanja svesti“ o razarajućim posledicama korupcije u kom god vremenu se ispoljavala, prava je namera autora.

Plano de ensino da disciplina "Política, Instituições e Relações de Poder", ministrada no primeiro semestre de 2023 para o curso de pós-graduação em História, no Instituto de Ciências Humanas da Universidade de Brasília, Campus Darcy Ribeiro.

En este libro se abordan dos problemáticas que no se han profundizado en los estudios históricos del Perú: 1) las diferentes conceptualizaciones del fenómeno de la corrupción dependiendo de cada época histórica (no se puede asumir, por ejemplo, que un virrey del Perú es igual de corrupto que un presidente republicano) y 2) la ligazón que existe entre corrupción y tiranía desde el siglo XVI hasta la actualidad. Sobre eso último, ya debe terminar la común idea de que corrupción es solo robar los dineros del Estado para dar paso a una lógica más abarcadora: el poder total (ya sea el de una monarquía o el de algún totalitarismo moderno) termina siendo asesino y ladrón. En estas páginas, además, los problemas señalados se abordan desde la perspectiva de la cultura política que pudieron tener los conquistadores, los virreyes, los presidentes y los dictadores del Perú. Por otro lado, Corrupción.pe intenta presentarse al eventual lector bajo la lógica del ensayo histórico y de la escritura pretendidamente fácil —orientada a servir en los futuros cursos de Historia de la corrupción— para que los peruanos tengan en claro lo que no debe hacerse cuando los unos gobiernan a los otros.

This National Integrity System (NIS) Assessment Nepal 2014 describes the status of the 11 pillars of NIS in terms of their capacity, governance, and role besides pointing out the gap between laws and practices. The NIS of Nepal shows the vulnerability of key institutions in a situation marked by political uncertainty, the absence of a legislature, and a worrying gap between law and practice.

This publication sheds light on ways to contribute to the cause of good governance by improving the performance of specific pillars of the NIS: Executive, Judiciary, Public Sector, Law Enforcement Agencies, Electoral Management Body, Supreme Audit Institution, Anti-corruption Agencies, Political Parties, Media, Civil Society, and Business.

This book explores the nexus between foreign aid and corruption in post-conflict settings. It particularly focuses on the experiences of some of the countries that have received foreign aid in order to initiate or accelerate their economic  reconstruction and state building efforts after experiencing a violent conflict during the post-Cold War period.

Este trabajo pretende revisar las más recientes investigaciones académicas sobre la sátira latina del siglo XI llamada Garcineida, a fin de determinar su origen, autoría y credibilidad. El análisis de esta obra, así como de otras fuentes primarias y secundarias, nos lleva a dos interesantes conclusiones. Primero, a rechazar la teoría de un origen alemán y apreciar lo plausible de un origen hispánico cluniacense. En segundo lugar, planteamos la existencia de hechos que contrarían la imagen de Urbano II como un reformador inmaculado y permiten constatar que, a pesar de su virulencia, la susodicha sátira se basaba en una realidad.

A partir de una sátira política, La comedia del no puede ser, escrita en forma de obra teatral, no para ser representada sino para criticar la tarea de gobierno y al círculo de personas que rodeaban al príncipe de Santo Buono, virrey del Perú entre 1716 y 1719, se estudian en esta aportación dos elementos esenciales de su mandato. En primer lugar, frente a los trabajos clásicos que suelen ocuparse tan solo al séquito que acompañaba desde España a los virreyes, analizamos la red clientelar que rodeó al virrey, formada por actores sociales que residían en Lima y que pertenecían a la Audiencia y al Tribunal Mayor de Cuentas. En segundo término, cotejando el juicio de residencia de Santo Buono con las críticas vertidas en esta sátira teatral, se estudian las prácticas vinculadas a la corrupción que llevó a cabo durante su etapa de gobierno. El estudio de ambos elementos, red clientelar local y dinámicas de corrupción, se aborda de forma interrelacionada.
Palabras clave: Virreyes; redes de poder; corrupción; Príncipe de Santo Buono; Virreinato del Perú; siglo XVIII.
Abstract: Based on a political satire, La comedia del cannot be, written in the form of a theatrical work, not to be represented but to criticize the task of government and the circle of people that surrounded the prince of Santo Buono, viceroy of Peru between 1716 and 1719, two essential elements of his mandate are studied in this contribution. In the first place, compared to the classic works that are usually carried out only by the entourage that accompanied the viceroys from Spain, we analyze the clientele network that surrounded the viceroy, made up of social actors who resided in Lima and who belonged to the Court and the Court Major of Accounts. Secondly, comparing Santo Buono's residence trial with the criticisms made in this theatrical satire, the practices linked to corruption that he carried out during his government stage are studied. The study of both elements, the local clientele network and the dynamics of corruption, is approached in an interrelated way.

The present study will address the global issues and challenges, introduce Brazil’s food economics, politics and strategy, the diversity and dimension of fisheries and aquaculture in Brazil, as well as its resources and vast potential, and its social, economic and policy making aspects which will help it face the food challenges it will be confronted with due to population growth and climate changes.

In this essay, we summarize the history of the Visita del General de Catalunya from its origins at the beginning of the 16th Century as a part of the Catalan Cortes, until its suppression along with the other Catalan institutions at the end of the Spanish War of Succession. In doing so, we highlight the Visita's most crucial characteristics, its procedures and how the institution was integrated on the Catalan Public Law system.

A partir de una sátira política, La comedia del no puede ser, escrita en forma de obra teatral, no para ser representada sino para criticar la tarea de gobierno y al círculo de personas que rodeaban al príncipe de Santo Buono, virrey del Perú entre 1716 y 1719, se estudian en esta aportación dos elementos esenciales de su mandato. En primer lugar, frente a los trabajos clásicos que suelen ocuparse tan solo al séquito que acompañaba desde España a los virreyes, analizamos la red clientelar que rodeó al virrey, formada por actores sociales que residían en Lima y que pertenecían a la Audiencia y al Tribunal Mayor de Cuentas. En segundo término, cotejando el juicio de residencia de Santo Buono con las críticas vertidas en esta sátira teatral, se estudian las prácticas vinculadas a la corrupción que llevó a cabo durante su etapa de gobierno. El estudio de ambos elementos, red clientelar local y dinámicas de corrupción, se aborda de forma interrelacionada.

ABSTRACT: This video contains a re-enactment of various events recorded at Teudjoi (el-Hibeh) in Middle Egypt in the mid-7th century BCE (temp. Dynasties 22-23), including the initial suppression of corrupt priests of Amun in this town by Petiese, at the beginning of the reign of King Psammetichus I (Dynasty 26), the later revenge of these priests upon Petiese’s family during his later absence, and the partial resolution of this situation.  In essence, it emphasizes the internal strife at the beginning of the establishment of the 26th Dynasty (Saite period), and reveals another aspect of life in the provinces, far from the political and religious capitals.  This documentary response sheet contains a series of sequential questions drawn from the video, TLC: Ancient Egyptians: Priests of Amun / Murder in the Temple(shown in-class; also available online via https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ndlUzXzbBwY [50 minutes]).  These sequential questions aim to maximize both student attention to various pertinent points made throughout the documentary and greater retention of the materials covered by the documentary.  In addition, the documentary has been vetted for overall content accuracy (albeit updated and/or corrected in-class), and selected to provide supplementary visual aids (e.g., images of regions, sites, finds, and other materials; re-enactments), and other data to aid in student comprehension of the course lectures and readings from the textbooks. UPDATE: Adding in a section with links to the translations (including in English), plus discussions, of the petition of Petiese / Pediese.

L’any 1920, l’advocat Francisco Aguado Arnal publicava una obra fins ara poc estudiada, la Jurisprudencia electoral del Tribunal Supremo, 1910-19161, on recollia –de manera parcial– i estudiava la resposta donada a les denúncies per frau formulades arreu d’Espanya en les tres eleccions al Congrés dels Diputats entre 1910 i 1916. En aquesta
comunicació estudiarem els casos que hi apareixen que afecten la província de Barcelona, on malgrat el trencament del sistema del torn a la Ciutat Comtal des del 1901 i la progressiva industrialització i urbanització de tota l’àrea provincial, la corrupció electoral no va deixar de produir-se, ni per part de les forces dinàstiques ni per part dels partits polítics renovadors.

The aim of our work is the study of the Visita del General’s origins during the first half of the 16th Century. Focusing our attention in the role played by the Catalan Cortes, we’re going to see the roots of the accounting measures imposed to its permanent deputation, the so-called Diputació del General de Catalunya. By doing that, we’re identifying two different accounting systems: on one hand, a procedure focused on the study of the deputation’s economic actions –the balanç comission– and, on the other hand, another system –the Visita– dedicated to both, the improvement of the behaviour of deputation’s officials and to avoid their political corruption. After that, we’re analysing the Visita organised by the 1519-1520 Catalan Cortes and its similarities with the later Visita procedures institutionalised after the 1599 parliament. Finally, we’re going to draw some conclusions.

Corruption goes along with the meaning of dishonesty, treachery and untruthfulness.
However, the exact meaning is difficult to arrive at as it varies depending on the various
perspectives. For the West, it is more associated wit the deceitful act for personal
economic benefit, whereas it is not limited to the monetary profit in the context of Nepal
but also refers to the exploitation, deception or betrayal of others. Therefore, it is
significant to acknowledge the meaning and the level of corruption in the particular
context in order to find its remedies within the periphery. It is readily accepted that none
of the countries are free from corruption, but the problem I see here is the attention of the
people to find its solution rather than trying to understand it i-depth in the particular
context. I argue that it is necessary to have an in-depth knowledge for understanding the
root causes of corruption, based on the particular socio-economic and cultural aspects
that help in the sustainable reduction of the practices of corruption.
In recent times, corruption has attracted the attention of researchers in the academic
arena; not only in economics, but also in public administration, sociology, political
science and law. Research in this area includes detailed descriptions of corruption
scandals, case studies, and cross-country studies. It also ranges from theoretical models
to empirical investigations. However, in the existing review, I found that all the studies
are related to measure/ understand global nature of corruption rather than understand,
and find the its depth in the particular social context. There are many questions that are
yet to be resolved. Does corruption in a particular context have the same nature and
extent as there is in the global context? In our attempt to reduce corrupt activities, is it
necessary to identify the required socio-economic context? Does corruption in every
local level have a distinct character? Can macro-model be well-equipped to address the
issue or is it necessary to develop a micro-model to curb corruption?

Durante las dos primeras décadas del siglo XVIII se desarrolló en el virreinato del Perú -y probablemente también en el de Nueva España- un mercado secundario de ventas de empleos de gobierno político, ignorado por completo hasta ahora por la historiografía. Dos factores posibilitaron la existencia de ese mercado. Por un lado, la compra de cargos en Madrid con facultad de transferirlos a terceras personas, para lo cual se abonaba una cantidad superior por cada puesto. Por otro lado, la corrupción de los virreyes que, sin tener potestad para ello, permitían, previo cobro de dinero, la
venta entre particulares de los cargos beneficiados en la Corte. La convergencia de ambos factores alteró de manera sustancial el sistema de gobierno político del “beneficio” trazado desde el poder central, pues acabaron ejerciendo los cargos quienes jamás fueron nombrados por el rey.

This paper explains two very important cases of corruption under de ruling of Ferdinand the Catholic in the Crown of Aragon. First of them was the case of the viceroy of Sicily, Gaspar de Espés and how he exhausted the royal money. The second case is an approach to the biggest corrupt incident but normally poorly described in the «Diputación» of Aragon.

El hombre que logró atesorar una de las mayores fortunas en la España del siglo XVIII, el vasco Juan Prieto de Haedo, ha sido un absoluto desconocido para la historiografía porque buena parte de sus negocios estuvieron a nombre de testaferros. Fue identificado como uno de los «Atilas de Madrid», nombre con el que se conocía en la época a los asentistas que se dedicaban al abasto de productos básicos a la capital y que, con sus precios abusivos y connivencia con el poder político, tiranizaban día tras día a la población.

Este libro traza la trayectoria de su empresa financiera, reconstruida a partir de un complejo puzle de documentación notarial. Se muestran cuáles fueron los pilares que posibilitaron erigir, desde la más absoluta pobreza y con tan solo el capital inmaterial de saber leer, escribir y contar, un enorme emporio de capital económico. Fue una estrategia asentada en la especulación, en el arrendamiento de rentas de la monarquía, el crédito a corto y largo plazo, el desempeño de cargos públicos para incrementar los réditos de los negocios privados, el engrase permanente de los vínculos con el poder político, la utilización de personas interpuestas para ocultar negocios, la diversificación de las inversiones para minimizar los riesgos empresariales y la no fosilización de capitales en elementos improductivos.

Tratando de conjugar la historia económica con el análisis de las relaciones de poder, e incluso con la historia social, se ha buscado mostrar los mecanismos de acumulación de capitales en tiempos tan convulsos como los que se vivieron en el contexto del cambio dinástico y la subsiguiente contienda sucesoria.

A reprovação e a prevenção do fenômeno da corrupção desafiam profundamente a teoria e a prática das ciências criminais em âmbito nacional e internacional. Os desafios levantados pelo fenômeno da corrupção podem ser agrupados segundo as três disciplinas das ciências criminais: direito penal e processual penal, criminologia e política criminal. Cada uma das disciplinas elucida uma perspectiva do fenômeno, na medida em que a torna perceptível ao seu objeto e metodologia científicos.  Certamente alguns problemas teórico-práticos convocam soluções interdisciplinares, que podem ser didaticamente alocadas entre as indagações mais próprias de uma específica disciplina.

El artículo analiza la relación entre la formación de redes económicas y de redes políticas en el proceso de consolidación del Estado liberal español durante el reinado de Isabel II. Los vínculos establecidos para realizar negocios en los que se utilizaba la influencia del Gobierno o de la Corte suministraron la cohesión necesaria para la formación del Partido Moderado en los años de la llamada “década moderada” (1844–1854); y, a su vez, la unidad de acción política de los notables que formaban dicho partido proporcionó la confianza que les permitió actuar como grupo empresarial, enriqueciéndose con negocios frecuentemente ilícitos.

Title: Political and economic power in Madrid during the Spanish moderate decade (1844-1854)

ABSTRACT:

This article is an analysis of how political and economic networks were related at the time of the consolidation of the Spanish Liberal State under Queen Elizabeth II (Isabel II). Successful business dealings needed connections in the Government and Queen's court; this community of interests led to the origins and foundation of the Moderate Party (Partido Moderado) during the so-called "década moderada" (1844-54). In their turn, the main leaders of the Party, encouraged by the strength and unity of their political action, developed the necessary confidence to act as a business organization and amass wealth, often unlawfully.

The Second Spanish Republic (1931-1939) came about as a democratic regime that recognised the need for the remuneration of the deputies. This principle honoured the will to guarantee the political rights of all citizens and to avoid the monopolisation of parliamentary representation by large fortunes. However, the Republic was also conceived as a moralising project of Spanish politics after the monarchy of Alfonso XIII, branded as corrupt, fraudulent, and oligarchic. Thus, the parliamentary remuneration process was punctuated by controversies, mainly sparked by antirepublican forces, over the abuse in the reception of per diem and the accumulation of public offices, the latter also known as ‘pluggism’ (enchufismo). To put an end to these practices, which were perceived as immoral and contrary to austerity, the governments of the first republican biennium prepared a Law of Incompatibilities that was approved in 1933 and remained in force until the outbreak of Spanish Civil War. Taking all this into account, the aim of this paper is to analyse the visual discourse that arose around the parliamentary remuneration and the enactment and application of the Law of Incompatibilities. Through the compilation and comparison of dozens of political cartoons extracted from satirical publications of the time, the main goal is to detect visual patterns and topos around this issue to weigh their role as representations of legal and moral norms, as well as tools of politicisation and promoters of political (mis)trust in the modern Spanish imaginaries.

Within the last decades, there has been a noticeable
increase regarding the study of the accountability institutions of the
territories of the Early Modern Spanish Monarchy. Thus, it allowed
improving our knowledge concerning Visitas, Juicios de Residencia and
Pesquisas’ procedures, virtues and weak points. However, although the
previous literature has argued that these institutions were to some extent futile, none of these works has studied systematically their sentences. The main objective of this paper is to analyse the sentences of the Visita of the Generality of Catalonia and its execution procedure.

A finales del siglo XVII el Correo Mayor de Nueva España fue acusado de defraudar a la Real Hacienda por una enorme cantidad de pesos. La denuncia fue proferida por el Conde de Moctezuma, virrey de la Nueva España. Los Correos Mayores eran individuos encargados de gerenciar la distribución de correspondencia en diferentes virreinatos, audiencias y ciudades. Su labor consistía en garantizar la circulación de la correspondencia oficial, ejercer el cargo de regidor, entre otros. El presente artículo pretende analizar por qué el virrey de Nueva España no pudo probar su acusación por corrupción, y qué circunstancias motivaron que el Correo Mayor saliera fortalecido y respaldado al finalizar la investigación. En este caso, se generó un «escándalo» en México, el cual derivó en una exhaustiva investigación legal y contable. No obstante, durante la pesquisa no pudo corroborarse la existencia de fraude. El Correo Mayor, por el contrario, consiguió limpiar su nombre y mostrar que en otras tareas (como la administración de la alcaicería real o la regiduría de la ciudad), destacaba por su honestidad. El proceso encierra una cierta paradoja, analizada a la luz de la más grande denuncia por defraudación que se hizo en contra de un Correo Mayor indiano.

Resumen (Esp): El artículo abre un debate acerca de la corrupción ambiental en la historia de España. El estudio se centra en la España franquista, a partir de una perspectiva regional y social. Los estudios sobre transiciones metabólicas han demostrado que los patrones industriales en la economía rusa y en las economías occidentales no dependieron de las condiciones económicas y políticas (Krausmann et al, 2016). La historia ambiental social no dispone todavía de estudios capaces de realizar este tipo de comparaciones. Este artículo pretende pues definir la corrupción ambiental del Franquismo, como paso imprescindible antes de realizar comparaciones que dejamos aquí planteadas a modo de hipótesis. Los resultados demuestran que la corrupción ambiental franquista se ejerció mediante tres estrategias: una compleja laxitud y maleabilidad legislativa en la aplicación y reforma de la ley, la creación de duda por parte de ciertos expertos proclives a la industria y la represión y una justicia arbitraria.

Palabras clave: Franquismo, medio ambiente, contaminación industrial, historia ambiental, España.

Abstract (En): This article opens a debate about environmental corruption in the history of Spain. The study focused on Franco’ Spain, from a regional and social history perspective. Studies of metabolic transitions have shown that industrial patterns in the Russian economy and Western economies did not depend on economic and political conditions (Krausmann et al, 2016). Social environmental history does not yet have studies capable of making such comparisons. This article aims to define the environmental corruption of Francoism, as an essential step before making comparisons that we leave here presented as hypotheses. The results show that Francoist environmental corruption was exercised through three strategies: a complex laxity and legislative malleability in law enforcement and reform, the creation of doubt certain by certain experts with industrial interests and arbitrary repression and justice.

Keywords: Francoism, environment, industrial pollution, environmental history, Spain.