History of Torture

Tesi di Laurea Magistrale in Storia e Civiltà

PARTE PRIMA 5
INTRODUZIONE 6
CAPITOLO 1
L’ESPERIMENTO DI STANFORD E IL SITUAZIONISMO 14
ESCALATION DEGLI ABUSI E FINE ANTICIPATA DELL’ESPERIMENTO 19
LA TEORIA DI ZIMBARDO: IL SITUAZIONISMO 21
PER LA DIFESA DEI DIRITTI UMANI 31
CAPITOLO 2
LE GRANDI DICHIARAZIONI DEL ‘700 34
LA RIFLESSIONE SETTECENTESCA SUI DIRITTI UMANI – LA DICHIARAZIONE DI INDIPENDENZA AMERICANA (1776) 34
Tutti gli uomini “sono creati uguali”? 36
LA RIFLESSIONE SETTECENTESCA SUI DIRITTI UMANI – LA DICHIARAZIONE DEI DIRITTI DELL’UOMO E DEL CITTADINO (1789) 43
Il prezzo dell’abolizione della schiavitù nelle colonie francesi: il caso di Haiti 51
CAPITOLO 3
DALLA TORTURA GIUDIZIARIA ALLA SUA ABOLIZIONE 60
COSA SI INTENDE PER TORTURA 60
SULLA TORTURA GIUDIZIARIA:  L’INQUISIZIONE 63
Ad extirpanda 64
SCENOGRAFIA E PRATICA DEL POTERE 67
L’autodafé 70
SULLA TORTURA GIUDIZIARIA: L’ABBANDONO 76
L’economia del potere 83
SULLA TORTURA PRIVATA: PUNIRE GLI SCHIAVI AMERICANI 92
CAPITOLO 4
DIRITTI UMANI E TORTURA NEL XX SECOLO 96
NASCITA E SVILUPPO DEL DIRITTO INTERNAZIONALE UMANITARIO 96
Cono d’ombra 99
I DIRITTI UMANI NEL ‘900 100
SULLA TORTURA MODERNA 105
CAPITOLO 5
SITUAZIONISMO AD ABU GHRAIB 117
ABU GHRAIB: LA CORNICE 118
ANALISI DISPOSIZIONALE: SERGENTE IVAN “CHIP” FREDERICK 121
ANALISI SITUAZIONALE: IL TURNO DI NOTTE NEL CAMPO 1A DELLA PRIGIONE DI ABU GHRAIB 122
ANALISI SISTEMICA: GLI ALTI GRADI DELL’ESERCITO E L’AMMINISTRAZIONE BUSH 126
OLTRE ABU GHRAIB: IL PROBLEMA DEL RAPPORTO TRA LA MICROANALISI DI ZIMBARDO E UNA PROSPETTIVA ETICO-POLITICA PIÙ AMPIA 131
PARTE SECONDA 138
INTRODUZIONE 139
IDENTITA’, PERCEZIONE E TOLLERANZA 139
CAPITOLO 6
OBBLIGATI ALLA PARTENZA 148
EREDITA’ DOLOROSE IN ERITREA 148
ANALISI DELLA SITUAZIONE IN ERITREA 178
La spinosa questione dei bambini soldato 184
CAPITOLO 7
QUELLO CHE SUCCEDE IN LIBIA 187
ANALISI LIBIA/1 – IL RUOLO DELL’EUROPA 198
ANALISI LIBIA/2 - GLI ACCORDI BILATERALI ITALO-LIBICI 203
CAPITOLO 8
IL CPT DI LAMPEDUSA: “LA NOSTRA ABU GHRAIB”? 210
CAPITOLO 9
TUNISIA – LAMPEDUSA 220
LE INTERVISTE 221
COMMENTI 258
CONCLUSIONE
TORTURA E POTERE, OVVERO TORTURA E’ POTERE 266
ALLEGATI FOTOGRAFICI 272
BIBLIOGRAFIA 273
SITOGRAFIA 286

Un elemento no desdeñable de las religiones políticas contemporáneas, desde el jacobinismo al nazismo, fue la emulación del pasado clásico, no solo en sus formas culturales y artísticas, sino también en lo que tenía de retorno a la ética presocrática y precristiana con su desprecio por la debilidad. El peligro de la evocación del imperialismo del mundo clásico no ha estado circunscrito a los nacionalismos o al colonialismo. De hecho, en sus orígenes estuvo más bien vinculado con tendencias políticas revolucionarias.
Este ensayo constituye un recorrido exhaustivo por las fuentes de la literatura y la historia de la Antigüedad Clásica para exponer la crueldad sistémica de esa época, y, mediante el análisis de los textos contemporáneos que se sirvieron de modelos antiguos para legitimar sus políticas de violencia, establecer los vínculos que se dieron entre la evocación del mundo clásico y las políticas de terror del mundo contemporáneo.
El primer problema que afronta el historiador de la crueldad es la relativa ausencia de materiales textuales pertenecientes al género que hoy día podríamos llamar ‘literatura de denuncia’. La indignación moral ante el sufrimiento de las víctimas inocentes, si estos eran ajenos a la comunidad política o cultural a la que se pertenecía, es algo que muy raramente encontramos en las fuentes clásicas. Aun así, hay decenas de textos del mundo clásico, además de evidencias arqueológicas y artísticas, que permiten hacer un estudio de la violencia estructural con los débiles que se daba en esas sociedades: masacres de prisioneros desarmados, violencia indiscriminada contra civiles en conflictos bélicos y luchas políticas, violaciones en masa de mujeres, suplicios capitales y tortura judicial, la esclavitud o el abuso sexual y explotación laboral de niños.

In the works of Seneca, Petronius and Lucan, descriptions of the suffering body have often been seen as mere submission to the taste for gruesome details characteristic of Silver Age Latin literature, and have not been much studied outside the literary field. Thus, while Seneca’s philosophical works allude to torture more than 250 times, many scholars have considered this topic as a rhetorical device, which is consistent with his “mannerism”. There are indeed almost no studies about torture in the extensive bibliography related to Seneca’s Stoic philosophy. However, such a stylistic explanation is insufficient to account for such an abundance of torture scenes in some texts, which are above all a presentation of the Stoic doctrine. Beyond socio-historical and literary reasons, it seems that the clear emphasis on the tortured body is a consequence of the author’s political and, first of all, philosophical thought.
Seneca’s political views about torture seem to reveal more political pragmatism than firm criticism. We will wonder why at a time when the practice of torture is widespread, and despite Stoic humanitas, Seneca’s works do not provide the strong disapproval that one could expect. However, in the meantime, the author expresses violent disapproval of the crudelitas of the tyrant who tortures his people. The apparent contradiction of these two positions finds its resolution at a philosophical level. Actually, Seneca does not call into question the law of the state, but asserts the superiority of the moral law: the use of torture is first of all based on the duty to submit the punishment to the reason in order to “cure” guilty men and to apply the appropriate sentence, nothing more, nothing less.

Gjatë diktaturës komuniste në Shqipëri, të gjithë ishin të barabartë në frikën ndaj persekutimit politik. “Jeta është luftë” mbështetet mbi disa qindra orë intervista me gra e burra nga bashkësi etnike të ndryshme në Shqipëri. Në libër tregohen historitë e gjashtë individëve të cilët, si pothuajse gjithë të tjerët, luftuan për t’iu mbijetuar trysnive të diktaturës. Nëpërmjet rrëfimeve të tyre intime, mësojmë se si shteti kontrollonte çdo aspekt të jetës, si dhe cilat ishin mënyrat me të cilat njerëzit shprehnin gëzimin apo mospëlqimin e tyre. “Jeta është luftë” dokumenton atë çfarë njerëzit krijuan dhe atë çfarë u shkatërrua midis viteve 1944 dhe 1991, dhe përsiatet rreth mënyrës se si, në të tashmen e dhunshme kapitaliste, ne krijojmë kuptim nga kujtimet tona. Është koha t’i dëgjojmë këta zëra, t’iu përgjigjemi thirrjes së tyre për drejtësi dhe dinjitet.

Shannon Woodcock është historiane e specializuar në shoqëritë e dhunshme dhe jetën e përditshme. Woodcock ka doktoruar në University of Sydney (Universiteti i Sidnejt, Australi), ka kryer studime postdoktorale pranë United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (Muzeu Përkujtimor i Holokaustit në Shtetet e Bashkuara të Amerikës), dhe ka dhënë mësim pranë Universitetit “A. Xhuvani”, Universitetit të Tiranës dhe disa universiteteve australiane.

Ягунов Д.В. Заборона катувань: практика Європейського суду з прав людини та стандарти Європейського комітету з питань запобігання катуванням чи нелюдському або такому, що принижує гідність, поводженню чи покаранню / Д.В. Ягунов ; за ред. А.Є. Костіна, зі вступ. cловами Й.Л. Бронза, М.М. Гнатовського, А.О. Кориневича, А.Є.  Костіна, Г.А. Мамедова. – О. : Фенікс, 2021.

The article is focused on research of the phenomenon of torture in the XXI century.
In the article, the author presents a thesis that explains not only the resumption of torture as a phenomenon in the second half of the XX century but also spreading of the phenomenon of torture in the XXI century with corresponding dispersal of social control networks and, consequently, increasing of types and kinds of deviants.
Thus, on the one hand, national criminal justice systems cannot cope with this task – to deal with deviants only within the formal procedures enshrined in national law against the background of increasing classes, types, types and, consequently, the number of deviants.
On the other hand, we have the data of numerous studies and surveys of the population of Europe and North America, where from 1/3 to 1/2 of citizens allow the use of torture against terrorists for the purpose of the same "security".
The article concludes that the policy of preventing torture and combating social practices of torture in the XXI century is a reflection of a complex political dualistic process: an attempt to develop more "secure society" with corresponding failure to "secure" it.
The article analyzes the models that explain the political preconditions for the use of torture in the second half of the XX - early XXI century for the purposes of "protection of society".
Thus, scientists distinguish three models: 1) "security model"; 2) "stability model"; 3) "legitimation model".
The article emphasizes that in the society of the XXI century torture exists within two interrelated political spheres, where the first of the spheres is a formalized policy of combating torture, which is shaped and implemented within universal regional and national structures.
The second one is informal torture policy, which is shaped within the framework of post-modern modulation of panoptic risk management, where torture is an instrument of modern social control.