History of Soviet propaganda

Истории, которые рассказывало советское кино, зачастую были построены по принципу матрешки: незамысловатый внешний сюжет, лирический, развлекательный или героический, мог скрывать за собой самые разные месседжи — от утверждения единственно правильных на данный момент ценностей до фиги в кармане, от прямого побуждения к индивидуальному действию до намеков на подспудные изменения в генеральной линии партии. Если некоторая часть аудитории активно считывала и интерпретировала эти неявные смыслы, то другая, куда более многочисленная, воспринимала их некритично и автоматически встраивала в фундамент собственных жизней. Выявлению и анализу этих смыслов, механизмов их формирования и трансляции, а также соотнесенности разных месседжей в одном «высказывании» в первую очередь и посвящена эта книга. Материалом для нее послужило советское «школьное кино» — крайне любопытное явление в истории мирового кинематографа, основанное на уникальном сочетании пропагандистских установок и зрительских ожиданий. А также на представлении о школе как едва ли не универсальной модели общества: с элитами и «народными массами», системами лояльностей и практиками предательства, отдельными и зачастую несовместимыми друг с другом сферами бытия — и с простыми человеческими сюжетами, благодаря которым вся эта машинерия не превращается в голую схему.

Public statements of different Russian historian, journalists and politologists showcase that they often support the persecution of other historians and the limitation of an access to archival files of Soviet special services and army. Among those, who compromised their own reputation by participating in the witch hunt, are not only genuine supporters of present Kremlin regime, but also so called liberals, even though their notorious actions give plenty of reasons to doubt, whether they really share democratic political values. This article contains plenty of quotes which illuminate this tendency and offers possible explanation to the phenomenon. The analyzed context of events helps to comprehend the real causes of this voluntary repugnant support of a censorship in historical science. Among listed people, who either openly or behind the shades support limitation of an access to archival documents and therefore oppose historians’ right to obtain an information freely, are hardly surprisingly not only pro-government conform propagandists, but also journalists of the radiostation “Echo Moskvy”, different historians and the late chief of “International Memorial” Arseniy Roginskiy, who had been concealing for 18 years from Poland’s authorities the archival information about militants of Armia Krajova, who were executed by Soviets, even though this discovery was made not by Roginskiy, but by Nikita Petrov.

ABSTRACT
Raymond Williams (1921 – 1988), one of the founders of Birmingham School of Cultural
Studies, is known not only in Britain but in many other countries as an effective intellectual
and social critic. His extensive studies focus on subtitles as social conflicts, ecology, and
communication. This study is based upon the short text he wrote on advertisement, he defines
as a striking means in his study titled “Advertising: The Magic System in Problems in
Materialism and Culture”. This study aims to discuss the point of view of the author, who
regards advertisement as the official art of capitalistic societies in his mentioned text, in the
light of the experiences of USSR by taking into account the political, economic and cultural
developments in the 20th century. In this regard, the concept of advertisement viewed as a
complementary confined to capitalistic societies and economic relations cannot live in noncapitalistc
societies and economic relations according to historical deterministic standpoint.
Such an approach makes the possible existence of advertisement in non-capitalistic societies
and economic relations, even if with different purposes and forms, open to discussion needed
to be analysed. This study, focusing on this issue,can be seen as an academic attempt with
the aim of making contribution to the field, as it makes use of relevant literature and concrete
data. In the study, in addition to the theoretical discussion of the issue, case study analysis is
also carried out through selected examples. Thus, the public information and propaganda
issues will be discussed through the experiences of USSR, which constructed and defined its
existence outside the capitalistc production and distribution web, lasting politically for a long
period in the 20th century. In order to limit the approximately one century period of
experience and thus deepen the study, the three production domains defined as early period
public information between 1917-1925 of the USSR are included into the study;
“representation in cinema, information posters, and ceramic objects used with the aim of
propaganda”.
Key Words: The Soviet, Propaganda, Advertisement, Information, Public Information

The 2d part of the article about the conflict of interests among those historians, journalists and politologists who support persecution of independent historians and the limitation of an access to archival files of Soviet special services and army, contains critical review of provocative initiative of Pavel Polyan to create an “international historical arbitration” similar to “legalistic courts-arbitrations of Hogue and Strasbоurg”, as well as the evidence of cooperation of the late chief of “International Memorial” with successors of KGB. A few paragraphs describe how and why management of GULAG History Museum (Moscow) deliberately desrtoyed the videotape of the lecture, Georgiy Ramazashvili read there in December, 2016 about pesrecution of historians in Russia and other ex-Soviet republics.

Throughout the Second World War, the Allies and Axis both relied on propaganda to control and manipulate their populations. The most common visual propaganda were the ubiquitous posters that were produced by the thousands in each country. This thesis is a comparative study of how historical imagery was used in posters produced by Britain, the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. It shows the common visual language shared by these artworks,  and analyses how history was used as a tool of persuasion.

15 June 2022, 2022 '‘The future is certain, it’s the past that keeps changing’: The transformation of Soviet propaganda during WWII' History of War Seminar Series, All Souls College, Oxford Universty, UK




Even though swiftness does seldom stem to mind when thinking of the Eastern Front during WWII, which saw a virtually unprecedented bloodshed and destruction over the course of almost four years, it did bring quite fast change in the realm of Soviet propaganda. Although after more than a decade and a half of internationalism and downplaying everything Russian, the second part of the 1930s saw Russian history’s rise in importance, it was only in 1941 that Moscow switched gears. Stalin himself set the tone when, on November 7, 1941, commemorating the 24th anniversary of the October Revolution he gave one of his rare public speeches. With most of the troops parading on the Red Square being sent, after their march, to the front merely 19 miles from the capital, Stalin recalled the images of some of the greatest Russian rulers and generals, ‘Aleksandr Nevsky, Dimitry Donskoy, Kuzma Minin, Dimitry Pozharsky, Aleksandr Suvorov and Mikhail Kutuzov’ who should ‘inspire you in this war’. The war was waged to defend not the ‘Soviet state’ but the ‘Russian motherland’, the military heroes of old Russia and the Orthodox saints were reinstated and put forward as examples for the military. Pan-Slavism, deemed outdated and outright dangerous during the preceding two decades was suddenly rehabilitated, and the ideological resistance against the German invasion was organized not exclusively around proletarian internationalism and Russian nationalism but also under the umbrella of Slavic resistance to German aggression. By 1945 the transformation, at least on the level of propaganda, was almost complete: Russia was portrayed as not only being one of the components of an internationalist country but in essence the very heart of it, which led the world to victory over Nazism.
While throughout the 20th century wars did often prompt propaganda machines to rapidly change their stance, no change was greater than that exemplified by the Soviet Union during what later quite tellingly came to be known as the Great Patriotic War. The paper aims to shed light on the roots and evolution of Soviet propaganda during the war while dealing with issues related to the paradoxes and problems stemming from its relative ideological flexibility.

«Россия-Матушка» – один из наиболее известных символов русскости в России и за рубежом. Будучи важным концептом русского национализма, он выполняет функцию «символического пограничника» между Россией и Западом. В монографии исследуется история «России-Матушки» в XX веке, в том числе использование этого символа в основных военных конфликтах столетия (русско-японская война, Первая и Вторая мировые войны, Гражданская война, Холодная война). Книга показывает роль мифологии России-Матушки в определении русскости, в продуцировании Своих и Чужих, в конструировании внутренних и внешних Врагов, в легитимации и делегитимации власти, в поддержании и корректировке гендерного порядка в России. Исследование анализирует дискурсивную борьбу вокруг материнского символа России в различных направлениях русского национализма, которая обусловливает полисемантичность этого символа и гетерогенность национальной идентичности в целом. В отличие от других публикаций о «России-Матушке», эта книга рассматривает данный символ в кросс-культурном контексте, интерпретируя его через призму дискурса Модерности, делящего мир на «Запад и Все Остальное».

Historiography During the Soviet Nation and State Building Process
The concepts of nation and state embody in themselves both normality and artificiality. It is firmly established by historical experience that the human, as the subject of the former as well as the object of the latter, frequently interferes with the content of these concepts. If this intervention stems from ideological reasons, the implication is that the mechanism for providing legitimacy is involved with its focus on historiography. At this stage, the engine of historiography becomes an office for the approval of political power.
Within that context, the fictionalization of history transforms the knowledge of the past to a reproducible product. This understanding means a neglect of the motive to attain the reality of the past; instead, the aim is to become the social engineering required for the continuity of the ideology. In this concise text, alongside the ongoing philosophical debates as to what history is and how it should be laid out, the instrumentality of history in practical terms will be examined with a special focus on the Soviet Union paradigm.
Keywords: Soviet historiography, Soviet nation-state, Territorial historiography, Soviet nationalism.

SOVYETLER BİRLİĞİ'NDE PROPAGANDA VE AJİT-TRENLER  Burcu ÖZDEMİR a Öz 1917 yılındaki Ekim devriminin başarı ile sonuçlanması, Geçici Hükümet döneminin karmaşa ve belirsizliklerine son verdi ve Bolşevikleri iktidarın tek sahibi haline getirdi. Ancak bu sadece bir başlangıçtı. Bolşevikler, yeni bir düzeni-sosyalist bir toplumu-inşa etmek üzere yola çıkmıştı. Bu da şu anlama geliyordu: Sovyetler Birliği'nde siyasal ve ekonomik sisteminin yanı sıra, toplumsal ve kültürel alanda da köklü bir değişime ihtiyaç vardı. Bolşevik yöneticilerin, böylesine zor bir hedefi gerçekleştirilebilmek için her türlü vasıtadan istifade etmesi şaşırtıcı değildir. Nitekim Sovyet yöneticileri yeni politikalarını uygulamaya koyarken, bunların toplum tarafından da absorbe edilmesi için çalışmak zorunda kaldılar. Bu bakımdan, Bolşeviklerin iktidara geldikleri andan itibaren çabalarının yoğunlaştığı konulardan biri, Çarlık otokrasisi altında yüzyıllar boyunca cahil bırakılmış halkı eğitimli hale getirmek için bir seferberlik başlatmak oldu. Ancak bu, zor ve dahası uzun vadeli bir çözümdü. Oysaki, ilk yıllarda ciddi bir iç ve dış tehdit altında bulunan devrimin hayatta kalabilmesi için, daha acil bir çözüme ihtiyaç vardı. Sovyet yöneticilerine göre bunun en etkili ve kısa vadeli yöntemi, her türlü propaganda yönteminden istifade etmekti. Sovyetler Birliği'nde halk arasında ajitasyon ve propaganda çalışmalarını yürütmek üzere, "Ajitasyon ve Propaganda Birimi" (Ajit-prop) kuruldu. Bununla birlikte, Sovyetler Birliği'nde propaganda çalışmalarına yardımcı olmak, her bir Sovyet kurumunun ve her bir Sovyet vatandaşının başlıca vazifelerinden biriydi. İç Savaş yıllarında faaliyete geçirilen ajit-trenler de tam olarak bu amaca hizmet etti. Trenlerin esas işlevi, halkı Sovyet iktidarının yanına çekmek ve Sovyet ideolojisinin propagandasını yapmaktı. Bu çalışma, Sovyetler Birliği'nde propagandanın kritik seviyedeki öneminin sebepleri, Sovyet propagandasının diğer ülkelerdeki propaganda tekniklerinden ayrılan yönleri ve esas olarak Sovyetler Birliği'ndeki propaganda çalışmalarında en sıra dışı olanlarından biri, "Ajit-trenler" (Rusça: agitpoyezd; İngilizce: agit-train) ve bu trenlerin Sovyet halkı arasındaki ideolojik propagandada nasıl bir rol oynadığı üzerine odaklanmaktadır.

After World War II, Soviet institutions organized many exhibitions of the American artist Rockwell Kent that bypassed the U.S. government. Promotion of Kent's work in the USSR was an exclusively Soviet enterprise. This article sheds new light on the Soviet approach to the representation of U.S. visual art during the Cold War. Drawing on U.S. and Russian archives, the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the political and aesthetic factors that resulted in Kent's immense popularity in the Soviet Union. Contextualizing the Soviet representation of Kent within relevant Cold War contexts, the article shows that his art occupied a specific symbolic position in Soviet culture. Soviet propaganda reconceptualized his biography and established the “Myth of Rockwell Kent”—a myth that helped to legitimate Soviet ideology and anti-American propaganda.

In this book, Timothy Snyder (Professor of History at Yale University) shows how the rhetoric of US President Donald J. Trump channels the propaganda of the infamous dictators of the twentieth century.  Snyder is an expert on twentieth-century totalitarianism and has written several scholarly books about that subject.

The paper deals with George Y. Shevelov's essays published in Kharkiv periodicals (namely in the newspaper "Nova Ukrajina" and journal "Ukrajinskij Zasiv") in the years of the German occupation of the city (1941-1943). Later on the Soviets will misuse these Shevelov's publications against him, as a proof of his collaboration with the German army. This will also provoke Shevelov's conflict with Roman Jakobson. Yet these materials rather prove the author's conscious shift from the Soviet way of thinking and writing toward the Ukrainian and pro-European way.

Опубликовано в: / Published in: "От Бунина до Пастернака: Русская литература в зарубежном восприятии: К юбилеям присуждения Нобелевской премии русским писателям (Международная научная конференция, Москва, 16-19 ноября 2009 г.). М.: Русский путь, 2011. С. 30-52.

The  paper  researches  the  contribution  of  the  first women  working  in  the  cinema  of  the  Central  Asian  region  in  the  late  1920-1930s,  to  trace  their  interpretation  of  the  problem  of  the  emancipation  of  the Oriental woman in their creative works, bringing the examples of the early films like the joint Kyrgyz-Uzbek film The Covered Van (1927), the following Tajik films When the Emirs Die (1931), The Roof of the World (1939) and Without the Paranja (Burqa) (1940), and the Turkmen film Dursun (1940).

Для советских людей обвал советской системы стал одновременно абсолютной неожиданностью и чем-то вполне закономерным. Это драматическое событие обнажило необычный парадокс: несмотря на то, что большинство людей воспринимало советскую систему как вечную и неизменную, они в принципе были всегда готовы к ее распаду. В книге профессора Калифорнийского университета в Беркли Алексея Юрчака система «позднего социализма» (середина 1950-х – середина 1980-х) анализируется в перспективе этого парадокса. Образ позднего социализма, возникающий в книге, в корне отличается от привычных стереотипов, согласно которым советскую реальность якобы можно свести к описанию, основанному на простых противопоставлениях -- таких как: официальная/неофициальная культура, тоталитарный язык/свободный язык, политическое подавление/гражданское сопротивление, публичная ложь/скрытая правда и т.д.

It  can  not  be  overlooked  that  sports,  in  its  journey  in  the  last  century,  exhibits an  important  institutionalism  in  the  creation  of  country's  image  and  the  state  of  life. Sport  as  a  social  phenomenon,  is  effective  in  shaping  the  socio-cultural  structure rather  than  being  evaluated  as  an  individual  phenomenon.  In  this  sense,  in  many  of  the modern  societies,  in  this  period,  the  sports  institutions  were  aimed  to  be  able  to  benefitfrom  state  policy.  Undoubtedly,  within  this  period,  the  sociological  meaning  assigned to  sports  in  Soviet  societies  has  an  importance  that  cannot  be  ignored  in  the  name  of change. In  the  study;  the  meaning  assigned  to  sports  has  been  examined  in  three  stages both  in  the  collective  development  of  sports  culture  and  its  existence  in  the international  arena  in  Soviet  society;  in  addition,  Spartakiada  and  Moscow  Olympics have  been  analyzed  socio-politically.

In this meditation, Anya Bernstein and Alexei Yurchak discuss Yurchak's essay, " The canon and the mushroom: Lenin, sacredness, and Soviet collapse, " which is published in the current issue. They elaborate on some points in the essay that are central for the understanding of the figure of " Lenin " and its role in Soviet history, take them in new directions, and link them to other topics that are relevant to anthropology. The themes discussed include sacredness and blasphemy; death, resurrection, and immortality; language, intentionality, and responsibility; voice, ventriloquism, and truth; and more.

Apogee and Break-up of the Thaw Mobilization Project in "Ilyitch Gate" by M. Khutsiyev and "Three Days of Viktor Tchernyshov" by M. Ossepyan

«Застава Ильича» (1963) Марлена Хуциева справедливо считается одной из вершин оттепельного кинематографа ¬– и именно в этом качестве представляет особый интерес с точки зрения исследования механизмов скрытого мобилизационного воздействия, свойственных последнему успешному советскому проекту, проекту пост-сталинскому, оттепельному, построенному (среди прочего) на переформатировании режимов пропагандистского воздействия на целевые аудитории. Особое внимание при анализе данного материала будет уделено способам непрямой инфильтрации смыслов и ценностей, имеющих мобилизационное наполнение, в открыто и декларативно приватные контексты. Фильм Марка Осепьяна «Три дня Виктора Чернышева» (1968), построенный как скрытая системная парафраза «Заставы Ильича», будет важен для анализа и как самостоятельный кинотекст, характеризующий новую эпоху, наступившую после окончательного провала оттепельного проекта, так и в качестве аналитической реплики исходного кинотекста, деконструирующей все его основные смысловые доминанты.

This article examines the process of establishing the image of ancient slave rebellion leader Spartacus in the early Soviet era, with a focus on the 1920s and 1930s. Although the image of Spartacus in Soviet historiography has been investigated by scholars, the process of acculturation and reception of his figure within toponymy, onomastics, sport, and history-writing has not been researched as a holistic approach of Soviet propaganda. This article traces how and why Spartacus's image became the primary figure of the classical antiquity in Soviet propaganda of the 1920s. The article argues that it was not Soviet historiography in the 1920s that shaped his image to be embodied in the Soviet narratives and public space. Rather, art, local toponymy, and sports created and promoted a particularly Soviet reception of Spartacus in the 1920s and 1930s which provided implications for socialist Central-Eastern European countries in the post-World War II era.

Advance article was published online on June 25, 2020 at
https://brill.com/view/journals/spsr/aop/article-10.30965-18763324-20201365/article-10.30965-18763324-20201365.xml?body=fullHtml-29622

The final version can be found at: https://brill.com/view/journals/spsr/47/3/article-p333_5.xml

Zur Sprache des Sowjetsystems (eine linguistische Sicht) Das offizielle Idiom der Sowjetmacht, hier " Newspeak " genannt, war keineswegs ein zufälliges Cluster heterogener stilistischer Merkmale, sondern ein konsequent auf eine übergeordnete semantische Polarisierung hin durchorganisiertes, einheitliches Ganzes. Die zentrale Achse ergab sich wie in jeder Propaganda aus der Scheidung der Eigenen von den Fremden bzw. der " good boys " von den " bad boys " , die dafür eingesetzten Mittel jedoch umfassten weite Bereiche ursprünglich wertneutraler Lexik, angefangen bei Pronomina wie alle oder jeder vs. einige oder manche, Adverbien wie immer vs. manchmal, Modalausdrücke wie müssen oder notwendig vs. können oder möglich und reichten somit weit in die Satzsemantik und Syntax hinein. Es scheint ein kühnes Unterfangen, den öffentlichen Sprachgebrauch der Sowjetunion (im folgenden der Kürze halber als Newspeak bzw. russ. novojaz bezeichnet) in den mehr als siebzig Jahren zwischen der Oktoberrevolution und dem Zusammenbruch 1991 in einer Gesamtschau zu würdigen: die Vielzahl der in Frage kommenden Genres, die häufigen Schwenkungen und Zäsuren innerhalb der offziellen Parteilinie, die wechselnden Feindbilder sowie die Diversität möglicher linguistischer Zugriffe vermögen die Aussichten eines solches Vorhaben erheblich zu beeinträchtigen. Um der Aufgabe dennoch gerecht zu werden, bedarf es eines möglichst einheitlichen und umfassenden methodischen Zugriffs. Aus diesem Grunde schlägt die vorliegende Studie einen ungewöhnlichen Weg ein: sie verzichtet auf eine generelle Charakterisierung des Forschungsstandes,1 die notgedrungenermaßen sehr verschiedene Akzente setzen müsste, da eine einheitliche und umfassende Gesamtschau fehlt. Damit kommen manche Autoren nicht zu ihrem Recht, die Bedeutendes zur Aufklärung von Teilaspekten des Phänomens geleistet2 haben. Stattdessen folgt diese Darstellung den Ergebnissen eines langjährigen Forschungsprojekts zur Geschichte der verbalen Propaganda in der Sowjetunion und Volkspolen, das einer einheitlichen theoretischen und methodologischen Konzeption verpflichtet war, einen großen Bereich unterschiedlicher Textgenres abdeckte und von 1986 bis 2009 insgesamt 43 Publikationen erbracht hat.3

Brawny male workers vs. bulging bourgeois men. Working-class mothers
burdened by the hardship of poverty and childcare vs. elegant upper-class
women enjoying a lifestyle of privilege. Such juxtaposed images of workers and the rich were prevalent in the visual culture of communism throughout the twentieth century, appearing on posters, illustrations, and other genres of political propaganda across countries and continents. Although these didactic propaganda images have rarely been considered in histories of modernism and the avant-garde, this article argues that they were among the key visual inventions of twentieth-century communist visual culture given their highly innovative aesthetics and juxtaposed structure that provided them a potential to become dialectical. Drawing on examples from interwar Europe and Soviet Russia, this article examines how didactic juxtapositions could become dialectical images, triggering political transformations while also making revolutionary class consciousness visible for the viewer.

In July 1941, the Soviet Union was in mortal danger. Imperiled by the Nazi invasion and facing catastrophic losses, Stalin called on the Soviet people to “subordinate everything to the needs of the front.” Kazakhstan answered that call. Stalin had long sought to restructure Kazakh life to modernize the local population—but total mobilization during the war required new tactics and produced unique results. Kazakhstan in World War II analyzes these processes and their impact on the Kazakhs and the Soviet Union as a whole. The first English-language study of a non-Russian Soviet republic during World War II, the book explores how the war altered official policies toward the region’s ethnic groups—and accelerated Central Asia’s integration into Soviet institutions.

World War II is widely recognized as a watershed for Russia and the Soviet Union—not only did the conflict legitimize prewar institutions and ideologies, it also provided a medium for integrating some groups and excluding others. Kazakhstan in World War II explains how these processes played out in the ethnically diverse and socially “backward” Kazakh republic. Roberto J. Carmack marshals a wealth of archival materials, official media sources, and personal memoirs to produce an in-depth examination of wartime ethnic policies in the Red Army, Soviet propaganda for non-Russian groups, economic strategies in the Central Asian periphery, and administrative practices toward deported groups. Bringing Kazakhstan’s previously neglected role in World War II to the fore, Carmack’s work fills an important gap in the region’s history and sheds new light on our understanding of Soviet identities.

ÖZET 1920'lerde İngiltere, Fransa ve İtalya gibi ortak düşman olan Batı Avrupa devletlerine karşı ittifak yapan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ve Sovyet Rusya arasında siyasi, askeri, ekonomik ve kültürel ilişkiler kurulmuştur. Sovyet teşkilatı VOKS'un büyük rol oynadığı Türk-Sovyet kültürel ilişkileri, II. Dünya Savaşı'nın başlarına kadar yoğun bir şekilde devam etmiştir. Sinema, tiyatro, müzik, resim gibi alanlarda sanatçı değişimleri, konser ve sergi gibi etkinlikler gerçekleştirilmiştir. Türk tiyatrocu ve oyuncu Muhsin Ertuğrul, bu dönemde Sovyetleri ziyaret ederek oradaki sanatı yerinde gözlemlemiş, filmler çekmiş ve Stanislavski, Meyerhold ve Eisenstein gibi önemli Sovyet sanatçılarıyla birlikte çalışmıştır. Türkiye'ye döndüğü zaman Gogol'un Evlilik ve Müfettiş, Tolstoy'un Anna Karenina, Dostoyevski'nin Budala, Karamazov Kardeşler ve Suç ve Ceza adlı Rus klasiklerini sahnelemiştir. Ertuğrul'un bu faaliyetleri, zaman zaman komünizmi Türkiye'de sanat faaliyetleriyle aşılamakta olduğu iddialarını ortaya çıkarmış olsa da, o bu iddiaları reddetmiştir. Sovyet sanatını en üst seviye olarak belirten ve Sovyet sanatından etkilenen Ertuğrul, Türk sineması ve tiyatrosunun gelişmesinde, Sovyetlerde geçirdiği yıllardaki tecrübelerinden faydalanarak kilit rol oynamıştır. ABSTRACT Political, military, economic and cultural relations were well established between Turkey and Soviet Russia, which allied against Western European countries like Britain, France, and Italy in the 1920s. Turkish-Soviet cultural relations carried out by the Soviet organization VOKS continued intensively until the beginning of World War II. Moreover, artist exchanges, concerts, and exhibitions in areas such cinema, theater, music and painting frequently took place. Turkish playwright and art was of the highest level of quality. Moreover, it was through him and his experiences that Soviet art ultimately a key role in shaping the evolution of Turkish cinema and theater.

Studiare e comprendere a fondo in che modo e attraverso quali politiche tre regimi autoritari, qualisono stati fascismo, nazismo e stalinismo, siano stati in grado di bilanciare in campocinematografico una duplice esigenza: propagandare in maniera efficace la propria ideologia e stringere le maglie affinché nessuno potesse remare contro le parole d’ordine veicolate. Ecco riassunta brevemente l’essenza di una tesi che, a partire da una ricerca bibliografica mirata, ha cercato di prendere in esame la relazione esistente tra totalitarismo e un’industria, quella cinematografica, configuratasi sin da subito come una potentissima arma a disposizione di uno Stato, quello totalitario, che, ben consapevole dell’importanza rivestita dalla manipolazione cinematografica, ha tentato, riuscendovi, di diffondere e radicare nelle masse la propria ideologia.

Referring to the preparation of Soviet diplomacy for the 3rd session of the UN General Assembly, this article examines the process behind the development of the political line of the Soviet delegation, as well as the principles of covering the “UN” theme by the press, informing the population and shaping public opinion on major international problems. On the basis of specifc material, the author demonstrates the principles of Soviet diplomats’ work on the preparation of analytical materials, the development of recommendations, and the implementation of propaganda measures at the UN in response to the changing international situation. Archival materials allow us to understand the attitude of the Soviet political elite to multilateral diplomacy and reconstruct the USSR’s assessment of the effectiveness of the organisation’s activities both in the feld of maintaining international security and in the non-political sphere. Referring to the analysis of materials from the Russian Foreign Policy Archive (AVP RF) and the Russian State Social and Political Archive (RGASPI), the author reconstructs the rationale behind the propaganda campaign in the Soviet press against Trygve Lie, the first UN Secretary-General, in connection with the publication of the annual report on the organisation’s work between 1947 and 1948. Coordinated criticism of the world’s highest-ranking diplomat became an integral part of the political game in connection with the settlement of the Berlin crisis, as well as an important element in the strategy of a massive propaganda offensive against the United States, aimed at portraying the Truman administration as the culprit of the imminent split in Europe and Germany.

На примере подготовки советских дипломатов к III сессии Генеральной ассамблеи ООН в статье рассматривается процесс выработки политической линии советской делегации, а также принципы пропагандистского освещения «ооновской» тематики, информирования населения и формирования общественного мнения по важнейшим международным проблемам.
Автор на конкретном материале показывает принципы работы советских дипломатов по  подготовке аналитических материалов, выработке рекомендаций и  реализации пропагандистских мероприятий в  ООН в  ответ на меняющуюся международную обстановку. Архивные материалы позволяют понять отношение советской политической элиты к многосторонней дипломатии, реконструировать оценку СССР эффективности деятельности организации как в области поддержания международной безопасности, так и в неполитической сфере. На основе изучения материалов Архива внешней политики РФ (АВП РФ), Российского государственного социально-политического архива (РГАСПИ) реконструируются истоки пропагандистской кампании против Трюгве Ли – первого Генерального секретаря ООН в связи с публикацией годового отчета о работе организации в 1947–1948 гг. Скоординированная критика самого высокопоставленного дипломата в мире стала составной частью политической игры в связи с урегулированием Берлинского кризиса, а также важным элементом стратегии массированного пропагандистского наступления на США, цель которого заключалась в представлении в качестве виновника назревающего раскола Европы и Германии политики администрации Трумэна.

Антирелигиозная пропаганда была одним из важных направлений идеологической политики раннего советского периода, и для её воплощения использовалось множество инструментов, в том числе сатира. Священная история, являющаяся основой авраамических религий, стала одним из ключевых объектов антирелигиозной сатиры. На формирование жанра влияли как внешние, так и внутренние факторы. В статье рассматриваются особенности антирелигиозного сатирического нарратива о библейской истории: основные авторские приёмы, сюжеты, специфика подачи материала. Кроме того, уделено внимание анализу внешних факторов, связанных с изменениями в политике партии.

The aim of this paper is to research the problem of the origin and spread of anti-religious satire in the Soviet propaganda of the 1920s. Anti-religious propaganda was one of the important areas of the ideological policy of the early Soviet period and many instruments were used to embody it, including satire. The aim of this paper is to research the problem of the origin and spread of anti-religious satire in the Soviet propaganda of the 1920s. Anti-religious propaganda was one of the important areas of the ideological policy of the early Soviet period and many instruments were used to embody it, including satire. Anti-religious satirical works were published in periodicals, as well as in collections. In addition, during this period, methodological manuals on anti-religious agitation were distributed, in which the satirical genre also played an important role. Of particular importance was anti-religious satire aimed at ridiculing the plots of Sacred history, since all Abrahamic religions are based on it. Due to the low education level of the population, this type of satire acquired a specific type. Some authors, for example, A. Loginov, tried to give their satirical works an enlightenment character, but this deformed satire as a genre beyond recognition. Others ridiculed the most famous Bible plots. However, both the first and second approaches had their limits, in the first case the satire lost its main features, and in the second, the material was quickly exhausted and the authors were forced to constantly repeat themselves. All this, combined with the decrees of the Soviet government against satire, led to the disappearance of the genre. Sacred history began to be considered exclusively in scholarly literature and less and less in popular publications. Discussions about the Bible did not become forbidden, despite the anti-religious nature of the Soviet regime, but were removed from the public sphere.

Анекдоты и "веселые рассказы" о Красной армии: комическая ситуация и комический сюжет (JOKES, SATIRE AND HUMOROUS SHORT STORIES ABOUT THE SOVIET RED ARMY: COMIC SITUATIONS AND COMIC NARRATIVES). Опубликовано в: | Published in: Сюжетология и сюжетография. Новосибирск: Институт филологии СО РАН, 2015. № 1. С. 38-53.

In this article literary and folk works collected in the book «Pjat v jablochko: 210 anekdotov, scenok, jumoresok, chastushek  iz  krasnoarmejskogo  byta» («Five  shots  in  the  eye:  210  jokes,
sketches, funny  stories, chastushkas  from  Red  Army  everyday  life»
(1929))  are  analyzed.  A  lot of  satire  and  humorous  texts  in  the  book  are  based  on  the  universal  comic  situations  connected with  the  army  by  whole  book  context.  Jokes  and  funny  stories  about  the  Red  Army  explore  the violation of the norm, but at creation of a plot authors are compelled to look for additional sources of  comic  effect,
because  the  strong  norm  dictated  by  army  rules  is  not  such  in  practice.  Comic conflicts are used not only for ridicule those who don’t want to take in care Red Army’s rules but also  for  accusation  all  old,
pre-revolutionary, symbolized as “dark peasant” trying to resist new,
soviet ,as which carrier the Red Army acts.