Hijras and gender in India

Bodies have always been a site of contestations, caught between realms of public laws and private desires. There have been studies focusing on the life of concealment by the LGBT community due to the laws made by the state, especially Sec.377 of Indian Penal Code. In recent times, the government has recognised the protection of the rights of transgenders, which surprisingly contradicts their fundamental rights. Employing Foucault's concept of the panopticon, the paper engages with the laws related to the LGBT community. It reveals how the state makes a distinction between acceptable bodies and unacceptable desires with an attempt to regulate the bodies of its citizens. The sexual state tries to demean their existence and control their destiny by making their private sexual conduct a crime. The paper argues that the realm of individual desires should not be subject to scrutiny by the public laws under the garb of morality and desirability. The article ends with possible strategies that need to be identified and undertaken by each stakeholder to ensure a life of dignity for people belonging to LGBT community.

INTRODUCTION EXCERPT ATTACHED. In 1865, the British rulers of north India resolved to bring about the gradual 'extinction' of transgender Hijras. This book, the first in-depth history of the Hijra community, illuminates the colonial and postcolonial governance of gender and sexuality and the production of colonial knowledge. From the 1850s, colonial officials and middle class Indians increasingly expressed moral outrage at Hijras' feminine gender expression, sexuality, bodies and public performances. To the British, Hijras were an ungovernable population that posed a danger to colonial rule. In 1871, the colonial government passed a law that criminalised Hijras, with the explicit aim of causing Hijras' 'extermination'. But Hijras evaded police, kept on the move, broke the law and kept their cultural traditions alive. Based on extensive archival work in India and the UK, Jessica Hinchy argues that Hijras were criminalised not simply because of imported British norms, but due to a complex set of local factors, including elite Indian attitudes.

This research explores the lived realities of transgenders who enter the Hijra community and the various forms of social exclusion that these individuals face and the ways in which they respond, thereby shaping their identity. It focuses on the lives of the transgenders that helps construct their identity as a 'hijra'. The symbolic interactionist perspective and labelling theory are used as theoretical anchors. Some of the main forms of exclusion that the respondents spoke of are familial ostracisation, physical and verbal abuse, forced sex, extortion of money and materials by the police and arrests on false allegations; restricted access to education, health services and public spaces and a severe curtailment of livelihood options. One of the significant coping mechanisms is the process of becoming members of a hijra community and enrolling in a 'guruchela' relationship. In exploring the nuances of this turn and the experience of exclusion, the study contributes to a discussion on the implementation of affirmative action of the state.

Cultural categories related to sexuality and gender vary considerably cross-culturally. While Western cultures categorize people primarily in terms of sexual attractions (i.e., gay, straight, bisexual), many cultures distinguish between groups based on additional issues such as gender role presentation and position preference in anal sex (i.e., insertive/receptive). The current study gathered data on three categories of natal males in Mum-bai, India—hijra, kothi, and panthi (N = 93). Hijra are androphilic (sexuallyattractedtoadultmen),typicallysexuallyreceptive,trans-gender, sometimes castrated, and live in fictive kinship networks that are hierarchically organized. Kothi are also androphilic, typically sexual receptive and relatively feminine but less so than hijra; unlike hijra, kothi are never castrated. Hijra and kothi were understood by some participants to be mutually compatible, and so three groups were identified—those endorsing hijra only (n = 11), kothi only(n = 22), and both hijraandkothi(n = 22).Panthi(n =38)are themasculineinsertivepartnersofhijraandkothi.Measuresemployed wereself-reportandviewingtimemeasuresofsexualattraction,sexual behavior and position preference, self-described masculinity/femi-ninity, recalled childhood gender atypicality, gendered occupational preferences, and gender presentation milestones (i.e., wearing female clothes, castration). All hijra and kothi groups were found to be exclusively androphilic in viewing time and self-reported sexual attractions, and to be gender-atypical on all measures. Panthi were found to be relatively male-typical and to have a bisexual pattern of viewing time and self-reported sexual attractions. Kothi were found to be less extreme in their female typicality and to report less female gender presentation milestones than hijra or hijra/kothi. Most hijra and hijra/kothi and all kothi said that they were not castrated. Contrary to the manner in which they are socially defined, a third of panthi report having been receptive in anal sex, and a third of all hijra andkothi groups report having been insertive at some time.

Through analysis of Tamanna (Mahesh Bhatt, 1997) and Matru Ki Bijlee Ka Mandola (Vishal Bhardwaj, 2013), as well as adaptations of traditional stories such as the Mahabharata, this paper discusses the past, present, and future of transgender representation in Hindi cinema.

This research study investigated the processes of social exclusion and legal recognition of hijra in Dhaka, Bangladesh, focusing on experiences in accessing work and health services. The goal of this study was to explore how official recognition of hijra as a third gender shaped experiences of social exclusion, following the passing of a new policy allowing individuals to legally register as a third gender. Fifteen interviews were conducted with hijra and five interviews were conducted with key informants. Thematic analyses of interviews were conducted to better understand processes of social exclusion of hijra. Findings demonstrate that while the Bangladeshi government reports that they officially recognize hijra as a third gender group, hijra have not actually been able to legally register under this category at local government offices. Additionally, systemic discrimination prevents them from being able to find gainful employment or fully access health services. Without legal protections for their civil rights, hijra lack the ability to make legal claims of discrimination. These findings suggest that: (1) increased vocational and training opportunities should be offered to hijra, (2) healthcare providers who interact with hijra in medical settings require greater sensitization to work with this community, and (3) legal advocacy is needed to ensure the protection of hijra's civil rights, including their ability to legally register as a third gender person and change their legal names, as is currently allowed by Bangladeshi law.

This article begins by examining multiple drafts of a parliamentary legislation that aims to
provide rights and reservations to transgender persons in India, so as to trace the ways in
which hijras have been absorbed into the discourse of nationalism. The most current draft
of this bill, ‘The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill of 2016’ shows that despite
claims to protect transgender citizens, the state uses the discourse of nationalism to justify
the increased governmentalisation of hijra bodies and lives. I bring attention to the state’s
insistence on the distance between homosexuals and hijras and the active endorsement of
Sexual Reassignment Surgery to argue that the legislations are consolidating heterosexuality
rather than making space for queer citizens. The project of heterosexualisation marks the
disjuncture between colonial and contemporary ambitions of policing hijras, which have
remained remarkably consistent and centred around their economic activity of begging.
Based on ethnographic research conducted in rural Odisha, I question the glossing of hijras’
practice of seeking alms or challa as begging, to show how limits of nationalism are drawn
and render hijra forms of being as incommensurable with the state.

Hijra (Transgender) Community in India is the most backward community which is rejected and socially excluded from participation in any social activity. It is forced to live on the fringes of Indian society. They are rejected, ridiculed, hooted and jeered at wherever they go and any relation with them is seen as taboo. They live on the margins of Indian society and earn their livelihood by chuckling "badhai" (blessing) songs on ceremonial occasions and occasionally engage in sex. Their everyday experience is filled with Stigma, shame and harassment leading to a strong rejection of their identity which further makes them extremely vulnerable to violence, sexual assault, molestation and rape. The present paper attempts to study the life, culture, desire, trauma and pain of transgender exclusion at the hands of dominant culture as well as their silence in expressing themselves through two hijra autobiographies The Truth about Me by A Revathi and Me Hijra, Me Luxmi by Laxmi Narayan Tripathi.

This chapter questions the emphasis on metropolitan spaces in common histories of the Indian LGBT movement and shows how semi-urban and rural networks of communities like kothis, dhuranis and hijras were crucial to the emergence of the LGBT movement in West Bengal and Eastern India.

Similar to many parts of South Asia, hijras in Pakistan define themselves as a distinctive gender that is neither men nor women. This article explores hijra identity in Pakistan by focusing on the creative appropriation of Sufi discourses, practices and organisational forms by hijras to construct a spiritual gender identity for themselves. The political significance of this Sufi-informed identity can be located at two different levels. One is the level of the self. I argue in this article that engagement with Sufi concepts, such as faqiri and mast, is central to the construction of a dignified and powerful image of the hijra self that challenges the marginalised status assigned to hijras. The second level of analysis is concerned with the hijra community’s connection with Sufi networks. My argument here is that basing their community, which is cut-off from society and rejects the blood-ties based model of the family, on the model of Sufi groups allows hijras to legitimise their alternative social organisation. However, even though, Sufism offers hijras a possibility to access power, this does not mean that their spiritual claims are always recognised or that a spiritual gender identity does not have its own limitations.

This chapter responds to Lawrence Cohen's provocation to study the intersection of sexuality and poverty and the ways in which each comes to invoke the carnality of hijra bodies. More specifically, it tracks hijra aspirations toward reproduction, the future it promises even when granted mythically, and the narratives of constant failure that accompany that aspiration. I end by discussing the resolutions that are negotiated, which can be seen as an allegory for what is survivable. The ethnography that follows studies the forms of relating between hijras and their lovers in rural Orissa and offers some thoughts on the position of the hijra in a world that is seen to offer little by way of care or sustenance. It describes scenes from the everyday with the purpose of tracing the figure of the pregnant hijra and her baby to show how it is invoked by the hijras either to provoke laughter in the audience that inevitably gathers around them, or to flirt with and seduce men. The baby is also mentioned in myths and in the narratives that hijras weave about themselves. I claim that hijras can be understood as standing in a metonymic relationship between their local moral world, with its imagination of a future, and their desire for sex with men. By studying the different ways in which the baby figures in a variety of conversations, I hope to show how the baby signals anxieties found in the reproductive futurity that progeny offers, which hijras see as denied to them.

This article introduces the Kinnar Akhara, a recently established transgender religious organization that stems from the hijṛā tradition, a religiously syncretic subculture of transgender individuals in India. The Kinnar Akhara was established in 2015 by Laxmi Narayan Tripathi, a transgender activist and at the time a hijṛā leader, together with other hijṛās. Their purpose was to legitimize the presence of hijṛās (now labeled kinnars) and that of transgender people among the Indian population. To obtain this, they evoked a past Hindu religious identity, challenging the male-dominated and change-resistant patriarchal world of the akhāṛās, while also questioning the Islamic legacy of the hijṛā traditions. The article analyzes the Kinnar Akhara as a form of Selective Sanskritization of the hijṛā tradition and as a form of Religious Feminism. It further highlights the complexity of this religious movement, which harnesses local and global dynamics and challenges cultural and social structures.

Providing spiritual ‘safe spaces’, the Sufi shrine-world throughout the Indian Subcontinent is generally open to those who do not identify with conventional gender categories. Ajmer Sharif Shrine (dargāh) in the northern Indian town of Ajmer in Rajasthan is renowned for being particularly ‘inclusive’. It accepts all pilgrims without discrimination, including the so-called ‘third gender’, often referred to as hijras or kinnars, terms that transgress the socially-defined binary gender divide. Marginalized, and often socially stigmatized, these groups are naturally drawn towards liminal spaces such as Sufi dargāhs which encourage the transcendence of socio-religious boundaries. This paper explores certain typological aspects of traditional Sufi ritual and belief that make it particularly receptive to hijras, and the way in which hijras in turn appropriate and reconfigure Sufi religious belief to negotiate the tension between the liminality of their lived experience and the exclusive duality of the society around them. As well as utilizing fieldwork undertaken at the 808th ʿurs festival in 2020, the paper also draws upon the experiences of the fictional protagonist Anjum of Arundhati Roy’s second novel The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, together with those of Mona Ahmed (1937–2017), the inspiration behind Roy’s novel and the most famous hijra of Delhi.

Hijras are male-to-female transgender individuals living in the form of community since centuries in Pakistan. Present study was planned to explore belief in myths related to hijras along role of participants’ gender and one’s concept of “who are hijras” in these beliefs. Current study is cross-sectional and survey method was used for data collection. Convenience sampling was used for sample selection. Myths related to Hijras Scale was used for data collection from sample of 350 individuals with age 18-65 years. Findings show that out of 12 myths, belief on 4 myths were strongly held by the sample that included belief in their forcibly taking away child born with sexual deformity (intersex); having strength in their curses and blessings; shunning their demands bring adversities to the person; and hijras not liking anybody interfering in their social errands. Women had strong belief in myths as compared to men and those who believed that hijras are intersex they had more strong belief in myths than their counterparts. Findings are discussed in cultural context.

The males who have sex with males comprise of many identities, gender constructs, and communities in India. The present research has attempted to study the sexual attitude difference in different male same sex practitioners. For this purpose five different Kothi-identified MSM (men sex with men) categories i.e. Ariyal Kothi, Koripese Kothi, Dupli Gupti, Hijra and Parikh were studied. Sexual Attitude Scale (SAS) developed by Hendrick and Hendrick (1987) was used. Total 700 participants were interviewed who were selected by snow ball technique. Two regions of India (West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh) were explored for conducting research. For analyzing the data One way ANOVA was used. The result revealed mean scores of permissiveness and instrumentality were lower among Ariyal Kothis and Koripese Kothis than other MSM categories. Scoring of sexual practice was moderately higher in Hijras and besides Hijras, scoring of other groups was overlapped each other. The mean score of Communion was also high in case of Hijras.

Key words- Same sex sexuality, Sexual attitude, Permissiveness, Kothi

Religion-related stigma and discrimination towards transgender are common phenomena in the current world. Despite the legal recognition of hijra, those people were denied basic civil and human rights such as marriage or inherent property rights. Like many colonized countries, Bangladesh legal system has its roots in British colonial legacy. But, in case of marriage or inherent property law, Bangladesh follows the religious law of Islam. The Quran or Hadith do not have a specific guideline concerning transgender, and the Muslim countries do not follow any homogenous law due to the contextual cultural construction. This paper argues, without addressing the cultural practices of Islam, the proper conceptualization of transgender identity is not possible. Although it is also the case, only the Islamic perspective, will give us a narrow understanding of hijras who are one of the transgender communities in Bangladesh. To do so, this paper will analyze the dynamic relation between Islam an...

In questo saggio si parla di: oggetti capelluti, mana, sciamani, arte e ornamento, "Atmosphères" di György Ligeti, indianə trans e subcultura Hijra, teoria matematica delle categorie. E poi di: Claude Lévi-Strauss, Marcel Mauss, Ferdinand De Saussure, Bruno Latour,  Platone. E molto altro.

This article explores how the hijras and kinnars of India use mythological narratives in identity-formation. In contemporary India, the hijras are a minority group who are ostracised from mainstream society as a result of their non-heteronormative gender performances and anatomical presentations. Hijras suffer discrimination and marginalisation in their daily lives, forming their own social groups outside of natal families and kinship structures. Mythological and literary narratives play a significant role in explaining and legitimising behavioural patterns, ritual practices, and anatomical forms that are specific to hijras, and alleviating some of the stigma surrounding this identity. In this article, I focus on certain narratives that hijras employ in making sense of and giving meaning to their lives, including mythological stories concerning people of ambiguous gender and myths associated with Bahuchara Mata. I argue that these ontological narratives serve to bring hijra identity into being and play a crucial role in constructing and authenticating hijra identity in modern India.

In the post-1857 colonial era, the Indian social and legal landscape underwent a seismic shift, caused by evermore direct and forceful British rule in many spheres of life, including human-animal and gender relations. This paper provides a brief analysis of this shift through the prism of colonial control of both human and canine pariahs in the Raj, which was fraught with conflicts, debates and moral crises. Since early colonial times, the word 'pariah' in the English language has come to denote any person or animal that is generally despised or avoided. It is derived from the Paraiyar (sing. Paraiyan), a low-caste group found in the southernmost part of the Indian subcontinent, which probably owes its name to the Tamil word for a drum (parai). For British colonial masters, however, the word 'pariah' was applicable to all of the lowest Indian castes, gender and human outcasts in general and, curiously perhaps, to India's street dogs. The inherent complexity in the making of the colonial subject-be it the gendered, classed and racialised 'human' or, indeed, the non-human 'animal'-is an often acknowledged fact, which certainly might pose a challenge for historical comparativists. This brief article takes up that challenge and, in doing so, proposes an unorthodox look into the social and political aspects of 'pariahdom' in postcolonial studies and beyond. It simultaneously discusses the word 'pariah' in a somewhat trans-historical context-one in which its curious 'social etymology' and cross-cultural and cross-species semantics point out a type of exclusionary human consciousness.

This essay analyzes narrative scenes and aesthetic choices in Because We Have a Voice Too, an activist play staged at Bangalore Pride 2012. By linking the experiences of hijras and transmen, the play enables solidarities across gender through an overarching critique of patriarchy. The connections made between FTM and MTF experiences evidences the challenges facing transmen, who are often left out of LGBT Indian discourses, and articulates hijra narratives within a specifically trans optic.

The Supreme Court has issued notices to the centre and state governments asking for responses on why such a category as "third sex" should not be created for transgender people. The question starts from an inappropriate positioning of establishing hierarchies in gender and implied gender roles. Mainstreaming the so-called "sexual minorities" by creating a separate category will lead to stigma and discrimination, rather than encourage pluralistic expressions in gender.

This article juxtaposes various sets of narrative accounts to explain the theological underpinnings of liberal explanations for accommodating queer sexuality in India. First, the article looks at contemporary Bollywood films in which hijras are often inserted into the plot to bring the villains to justice, sometimes by castrating them. This seeming contradiction, in which queer personhood is made life-affirming, reveals the complex ways in which hijras have been redefined as legitimizing forms of historical queerness in South Asia. Their role, it is argued, is better understood not through an ontological notion of generosity but through the particular dramaturgical position of the sutradhar that the Hindu-Muslim theology of South Asia makes available. The sutradhar is the one who holds (dhar) the strings (sutra) of the dramatic plot. The voicing and enacting of the moral position with which queer ethics have been associated, both in film and in life, are drawn from this character. Given that the long documented history of hijras has made them quite intelligible to South Asian people without the need for translation, this article argues that debates of queer sexuality must go beyond the civilizational terms of “West and the rest” and explore the theological material available for the crafting of queer personhood and ethics.

This research project focuses on the relationship between corporeality and the feeling of sacredness, based on the performance of hijras, the third Indian genre. The focus of the whole discussion is the relationship between the uses of the body and hijra identity. The body is a construction of the relationship of the individual and the world around him. This research therefore proposes to place itself between the contributions of anthropology of the body and the religious. Indian reality is a space where religion is a total social fact which crosses the fields of identity, politics, family relations and gender. In a context in which transexuality is perceived from Hindu mythology, how can we categorize the relationship between the hijra genre and the uses of the body? What is the relationship of the body with religious devotion? It is about problematizing the relationship between the body, its modifications and the performance of hijras in the city of Bangalore, in the south of India. We start from the assumption that the body is an agent of agency within the construction of the hijra identity, everything being the object through which the identity is staged on the streets of big Indian cities. The artistic performances of this subject are inserted in a context of use of the body starting from the learning provided by a special structure and hierarchical of the group. Representations of the sacred Hindu cross the body and its representation at the center of a religious structure in which the body is perceived as the materiality of sacred devotion to the goddess. It is from the contributions of anthropology of the body and the religious that we seek to make an ethnography with the community of hijras in the city of Bangalore.

Keywords:  Hijra. India. Anthropology of the body. Sacred. Hindouism.

The late twentieth-century economic liberalization that transformed India from a License Raj to a so-called NGO Raj paralleled a burgeoning interest in Indian hijra communities, aided by discourses about gender/sexuality rights circulating via transnational NGO networks. The opening decades of the twenty-first century witnessed the emergence of multiple life histories written by NGO-based hijra activists that were read as representing authentic hijra life; for instance, A. Revathi’s The Truth about Me and Laxminarayan Tripathi’s Me Hijra, Me Laxmi. Despite the linkage between autobiography and autonomous personhood in metropolitan literary cultures, these texts were read as testimonials of hijra communitarian experience. As one reviewer put it, autobiography “positions the reader as an anthropologist of hijra life.” A closer examination reveals that these works do not present evidence of hijra experience in all its raw immediacy. I will argue, instead, that like the testimonio, the nascent genre of hijra life history presents an idealized time line of movement from exploited subaltern to respectable professional social activist while the actual lives described by it don’t follow such a straightforward trajectory. The subject positions of woman, transgender person, disciple, migrant sex worker, employee, citizen, and author in these writings offer more diffuse genealogies of hijras’ political consciousness. Hijra activists both inhabit and resist incorporation into normative conceptions of belonging by leveraging their embeddedness within multiple competing filial and affiliative networks, from their natal families to their adopted imagined communities to their activist coalitions. Their writings are better read as autoethnographies of activism and enable us to rethink the role of NGOs in queer political life.

As a mother delivers her child and family members become aware of this, happiness spreads around to see the boy or a girl. But if the child falls in none of these categories, everyone's response is different, particularly in Indian context. A third gender (any gender other than boy or girl) child is not acceptable to the family. Such children are born from normal parents but are discarded usually. Such a strong abhorrence for hijras is so common that even if we talk about them, we imagine someone crossing by with loud makeup, cracked voice and clapping in a distinct manner. This is how we have conditioned our minds about transgender people. It is an irony that the people who are considered auspicious and so, are called for giving blessings to new-borns or newlyweds, are the same people who live their lives as an outlaw. This behaviour stems from the ignorance of people to understand them as they are, to realise how they feel, what problems they face and then cooperate them in lifting their status up. Education is a powerful tool to bring any change in society and teacher is a craftsman. For making efforts towards gender equity in the society, educating transgender people become the first and foremost step. This paper highlights the major problems faced by transgender people, need of their education and curriculum reforms needed for their inclusion.

Queer theory that studies on the equality and freedom of non-normative sexual identities in contrast to traditional gender binary came into view in the 1990s. Identity of eunuchs or hijras that had been sidelined for long time by the essentialists under their theoretical discussions gained some momentum at the hands of queer theorists. Mahesh Dattani, one of the most popular post modern Indian dramatists has dealt with queer issues in many of his plays. The present paper tries to bring into surface the non- entitative identity of hijras through the lens of queer theory taking into consideration his most popular play Seven Steps Around the Fire. Along with depicting the helpless and miserable status of non-normative transgender or hijras in our present day society in comparison to hetero-normative sexualities, the dramatist has well presented the marginal status of present day hijras in Indian social set up through the development of action and the verbal conflicts among the characters. The present paper tries to explore the plight of hijras along with bringing into surface many hard and hidden realities of hijra community in India from the perspective of queer theory.

The perception of different gender identities has been the subject of a strong debate in Social Science discussion forums. In several non-Western societies, gender identity is based on and built on a sacred and mythical experience that permeates the dichotomies of the Western world. An example is the hijras, a community considered as the “third sex” who live in the region of the former Indian sub-continent. The purpose of this article is to present how this community has been seen in international literature, in addition to exposing the struggle for the recognition of their fundamental rights as citizens of national States that dialogue between fundamentalism and secularism. Based on a bibliographic review, analysis of legal texts and research on various international and Indian communication channels, I will discuss here the trajectory of a community that still lives in a space whose limits are religion, the state and violence.

El 25 de novembre del 2018, amb motiu del Dia Internacional per a l’Eliminació de la Violència Masclista contra les Dones, la Comissió Dones i Ciència del Consell Interuniversitari de Catalunya (CIC) va emetre un manifest en què afirmava que “urgeix comptar amb una judicatura competent en l’aplicació del marc legal en aquesta matèria, uns serveis mèdics que sàpiguen detectar les situacions de violència, uns serveis educatius que posin en pràctica la coeducació, una planificació de les polítiques públiques que adreci les causes socioeconòmiques de la violència, uns mitjans de comunicació i unes produccions audiovisuals que no banalitzin la violència masclista, unes tecnologies de la informació que garanteixin la seguretat de les dones i una formació humanística que qüestioni des de l’arrel els estereotips i prejudicis de gènere”. Lluny de ser una política sectorial, l’abordatge de la violència masclista comprèn molts tipus de polítiques i d’actuacions tant d’actors públics com privats, i la multifactorialitat de les seves causes exigeix ser tractada des de les diferents titulacions universitàries. Amb l’objectiu de contribuir a formar professionals competents en la lluita contra les violències masclistes, la Unitat d’Igualtat de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra (UPF) ha coordinat l’elaboració de fitxes docents sobre l’abordatge de la violència masclista. Aquest treball està en línia amb la legislació específica d’àmbit estatal i català sobre igualtat de gènere i sobre erradicació de la violència envers les dones i amb l’objectiu del Segon Pla d’Igualtat de la UPF de transversalitzar la perspectiva de gènere en la docència. Els recursos docents que trobareu en aquesta publicació parteixen de la identificació de diverses assignatures de cadascuna de les titulacions de grau impartides a la UPF en què es podrien desenvolupar resultats d’aprenentatge relacionats amb la prevenció, la detecció i l’atenció a les dones en situació de violència masclista, així com d’altres qüestions relacionades amb la discriminació que pateixen les dones pel sol fet de ser-ne o amb la discriminació que pateixen les persones amb orientacions sexuals o identitats de gènere no normatives. Concretament, les més de trenta fitxes docents elaborades per professores de la UPF o per col·laboradores externes plantegen diferents temes per tractar en el marc d’una o diverses assignatures, suggereixen activitats de seminari per desenvolupar i proporcionen diferents tipus de referències (bibliogràfiques, recursos audiovisuals i bases de dades). Així, doncs, aquestes fitxes docents són d’utilitat tant per al professorat a l’hora de preparar les seves assignatures com per a l’alumnat a l’hora d’elaborar els seus treballs de recerca.

This 'Introduction' paper, along with the 'Gender Kit', was created to clearly explain and clear up debate on the subject of gender by using definitions, logical deductions and cross-cultural examples.
This is especially for the average people who are confused, seeing the contradictions and incoherence in Western (and globalizing) trans* and gender discourse, and is a work that thus helps reframe it.
Read this ‘Introduction’ to get a rounded understanding of the contradictions used and an overview of gender.

This paper, along with the Gender Kit, is a free resource that can be used by organizations, programs, studies, researchers, courses etc.

For more, visit: genderexplained.wordpress.com