Geoploitics

El proceso de la Certificación de drogas como variable dependiente de la Guerra de las drogas y su desarrollo/evolución como dispositivo de control de drogas en el marco de las relaciones internacionales hegemónicas de los EE.UU. sobre los países de su influencia en especial el caso colombiano.

a. Cuando el consumo interno crece. Se buscan causas externas. Se aplica las doctrinas: del enemigo externo y de seguridad nacional. SE ERIGE COMO MECANISMO UNILATERAL rompiendo la estabilidad regional.
b. Los países productores, focos de oferta son los culpables del consumo y muerte de miles de jóvenes en EE.UU., por lo tanto, deben ser atacados o imponerles sanciones por su negligencia en la producción de drogas ilícitas.
c. En lo que respecta a la seguridad nacional, los traficantes son invasores de las fronteras del país y son una amenaza a la sociedad. Por lo tanto, deben ser combatidos con todo el peso de la ley. (guerra de las drogas)
d. El argumento que se usa para concretar el dispositivo puede decirse que se basa en un trasvase de un concepto técnico a uno político.
e. La Certificación, ha hecho mucho daño a las relaciones multilaterales y en otros momentos también ha hecho saltar las alarmas para mejorar las políticas de drogas de los países.

Dr. Ts. Batbayar's latest work "Mongolia and Major Powers 1950-2000" Volume 2 was just published in Ulaanbaatar by the Institute of History and Ethnology, Mongolian Academy of Sciences. The book covers the period of 1950-2000 when the Mongolian People's Republic was caught between two world camps and two immediate neighbors, the USSR and the PRC, in their cold was struggle.

La región de Medio Oriente es reconocida a nivel global por sus reservas comprobadas de Petróleo, especialmente en los países ubicados la zona del golfo pérsico. Actualmente, asistimos a una competencia económica por ganar influencia y asegurar la provisión de este valioso recurso. Las tensiones que se originan de ésta competencia, son históricos. Desde la primera posguerra mundial, cuando los intereses europeos desembarcaron en el territorio del antiguo Imperio Otomano imponiendo con su pluma el sistema de Estados moderno en la zona, ha perdurado el interés por acceso a los yacimientos. El objetivo del trabajo consiste en analizar el hecho de que a este objetivo histórico de las grandes potencias, en la actualidad se suma el avance de potencias emergentes como China y Rusia, que embisten esta misma competencia por avanzar y asegurarse la provisión de esta materia prima crucial.

Статья посвящена Сэму Хьюстону – американскому политику, главнокомандующему армией Техаса и президенту Техаса и его вкладу в становление независимой Техасской республики от войны за независимость Техаса от Мексики до его вхождения в состав США.

Borders are spaces, geographical datum in which politics become explicit. This not only manifests in their spatial organization but also —and primarily— through the transactions, exchanges, blockages and movements that in their quotidian performance hint towards the much more complex set of power relations that operate at them. Borders are, as defined by Stefano Harvey, “mechanisms of administering labour, useful not to distinguish but to move populations from one side to the other” Taking as premises geographical, political and economic standpoints how can we read the border? Studying and approaching this arena from the geographical and spatial point of view necessarily implies a problem of scale. Studying and approaching it from a political point of view involves questions of history; and when economy is inserted within the equation, the consideration of labour and goods is inevitably central. These approaches are by no means clearly separate from each other, on the contrary, they relate to the extent of being impossible to address individually without taking the others into account. This research enters into the notion of the border by including these three points of view within what has been defined as operative dimensions. The choice of the term dimension derives from the fact that it is generous enough in its possible meanings to suggest a sense of magnitude, proportion and scope but also of quality, importance and extent. Seas, territories and sites are essentially the three dimensions or categories that organize the research. Each provides symbolic and literal representations of both the physical and geographical components of the Haiti-Dominican Republic border (as well as its regional and global contexts) and the more abstract system of forces that determines the current condition of this complex space.

Author analyzed transformation of the geopolitical status of Donbass. Its natural result is the appearance of the Donetsk People's Republic on the political map of the world. It is noted that Donbass is a geopolitical field where there is a struggle between different actors of geopolitical relations and their agents. This situation causes such needs of the foreign policy of the DPR as the restoration of territorial integrity, integration with Russia, defense cooperation with the LPR.

Статията разглежда въпроса за това, доколко е било дипломатически възможно поддържането на относително нормални двустранни контакти между две напълно различни като социално-политическа система и пространствено влияние държави, каквито са България и САЩ, във време на все още тлееща глобална конфронтация през втората половина на 80-те години на ХХ век. Формулиран по този начин, въпросът може би звучи абсурдно, но, всъщност, отговорът далеч не е очевиден и еднозначен.

“Congress of Vienna 2015” will include a discussion of security issues in Europe. This note challenges the
participants in the Congress to explore shared interests and mutual benefits - and an ambitious paradigm shift to
a new overall economic and security relationship – as well as to found and sustain the cessation of hostile actions
in and over Ukraine.
The postwar relationship with Russia has involved:
• the initial exclusion of the USSR from NATO in light of the fundamental purposes of NATO, and
the ideological confrontation of the time;
• continuing failure to include Russia in a restructured North Atlantic and European security architecture
when the USSR and the Warsaw Pact were dismantled and Russian political reform was underway –
whether seen today as justified by policy logic or as a “missed opportunity”;
• President Putin’s articulation of guiding criteria for Russian policy:
o foreign policy - seeking respect as a geopolitically-equivalent power to the U.S.;
o military policy – nuclear capacities, self-sufficiency and equality with the U.S.; and
o regional policy - ‘entitlement’ to a sphere of influence in its region (the “near abroad”) in the
light of of that region’s importance to the Russian economy – despite its conflict with full selfdetermination
and national selection of political, economic and security alliances by and for the
countries in Russia’s ‘near abroad’;
• Mr Putin’s characterization of NATO’s expansion as a violation of these principles, and a threat to Russia’s
interests;
o escalating mutual distrust and damage to the relationship between NATO and Russia, and
inadequate attention to alternatives to economic and military confrontation, which has widening
impacts and limited exit options;
o Putin’s suggestion of a good faith dialogue from basic principles – the intent and genuineness of
which has not been tested.
The tensions and violence in Ukraine has undermined an ability to rethink these relationships fundamentally.
Rebuilding of sufficient trust in representations made on each side, confidence in adherence to agreed rules,
rechanneling of domestic political narratives and dynamics away from confrontation, and containment of
offending actions, will require considerable political determination. NATO members in the region - and a few
other governments - will press their allies for protection. A stable solution, to exclude further threats, will likely
require reciprocal steps over time.
A carefully-constructed, high level ‘track-two’ dialogue on the economic and security issues might prepare the
ground for formal negotiations. The ambitious vision would include exploration and development of the
principles for:
• A trade and investment pact embracing the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union countries, producing
mutual economic gain and removing, or greatly reducing, Moscow’s economic rationale for confrontation
with Europe.
• A North Atlantic, European, Eurasian security pact from the Atlantic to the Urals and eastward beyond,
replacing the still contained, but continuing, costly conflict, and tensions in Eastern Europe.

Why has it become so fashionable in Europe to think in terms of " geopolitics " ? Why is this tendency dangerous , and how do we defy it? As we face the disintegration of the European system built on the Helsinki Accords and the specter of a new Cold War, it is worth reexamining the forgotten legacy of Central European dissents who presented a brilliant critique of geopo-litical thinking. Their heretical, unorthodox approach to international affairs could today be described as liberal geopolitics.