Doric dialect

This paper discusses  the problem of continuity between ancient Pythagoreanism and the pseudo-Pythagorean writings, which began to appear after the death of the Pythagorean school ca 350 BC. Relying on a combination of temporal, formal and substantial criteria, I divide Pseudopythagorica into three categories: 1) early Hellenistic writings (late fourth – late second centuries BC) ascribed to Pythagoras and his family members; 2) philosophical treatises written mostly, yet not exclusively, in pseudo-Doric since the turn of the first century BC under the names of real or fictional Pythagoreans; 3) writings attributed to Pythagoras and his relatives, which continued to appear in the late Hellenistic and Imperial periods. I will argue that all three categories of pseudepigrapha contain astonishingly little that is authentically Pythagorean.

This dissertation, originally published in 1995, was the first ever systematic survey which sought to establish the numbers of speakers of the Scots language. The results were tested in a much larger survey in 1996 by the General Registers Office for Scotland and the findings sustained. It was because of these surveys that Scots eventually made it onto the National Census in 2010.

The language of the some 130 votive steles found in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta is not homogeneous. Among the late documents, several have been written in the Attic-Ionic Koine, whereas many others present a dialect known as neo-Laconian or late Laconian. Neo-Laconian emerged particularly from ca. 140 CE and, surprisingly enough, it is not attested in other contemporary inscriptions outside these dedications. According to some scholars, the dialect is an archaistic and artificial feature of the agonistic inscriptions connected to a certain Spartan renaissance. Other experts contend that the local dialect allegedly replaced the prevailing Koine for sociolinguistic reasons. In this paper I will study the interaction between the Koine and Laconian in the sanctuary from the 4th c. BCE down to the 3rd c. CE. I will also try to show that the people who wrote these documents did not master fluently the contemporary local dialect and deliberately sought, through imitation, to endow their documents with an archaic and neat Spartan appearance.

"Настоящая статья посвящена разбору перевода отрывка
Евангелия от Иоанна (20: 19–25) на цаконский диалект новогреческого языка. Традиционно считается, что цаконский — это единственный из современных диалектов, напрямую восходящих к древнегреческому (лаконскому диалекту). Помимо указания на особенности перевода, в статье описаны основные черты цаконского.

In our paper we analyze the translation of an extract from the
Gospel of John (20: 19–25) in Tsakonian. This is the only Greek
dialect that was not radically changed in the period of Koine and
preserved some Doric features. Our analysis does not content just with differences between the translation and the original, but also provides necessary information on phonetics and morphological peculiarities of Tsakonian."

According to ancient scholars, Rhintho the phlyacographer wrote his φλύακες in the Greek dialect of Tarentum, which is scarcely attested both in inscriptions and in literature. In this paper, we attemp to improve our knowledge of the aforesaid dialect, through the linguistic analysis of some words ascribed by ancient lexicographers to Rhintho, viz. ὀλίος, σάννορος, Δίς, κομάκτωρ and κάρκαρον.

The Syracusan epithet of Aphrodite Εὐδωσώ (Hsch. ε 6774 Latte-Cunningham) is discussed as to its meaning and its etymology. To this last purpose, the onomastic set Δωρώ, Δωτώ, Δωσώ is considered.Furthermore, a survey on -ώ(ι) nouns is given with respect to their derivational pattern and to the alleged link with Doric dialects. Just the evidence concerning Corinth and Syracuse turns out as relevant and an occurrence of Δωσώ as an epithet of Aphrodite is pointed out in a fragment by Theodoridas of Syracuse.

Über die Entwicklung des Vokalismus in den dorischen Dialekten ist schon viel geschrieben worden, doch fehlt nach wie vor eine einheitliche und allgemein akzeptierte Theorie. Der vorliegende Aufsatz zielt darauf ab, eine kohärente und einheitliche Erklärung für die unterschiedlichen dorischen Langvokal-Systeme und ihre Entwicklung zu bieten. Hierfür werden sowohl die sogenannte zweite Ersatzdehnung im Inseldorischen und Elischen als auch die Monophthongierung der ehemaligen Hiatvokale und deren Wirkung auf das phonologische System analysiert. Beide Phänomene sind von großem Belang für den Übergang von einem media-System zu einem severior-System, der hier anhand der Theorie der Neutralisierungen so erklärt wird, dass das archaische siebenstufige dorische System in gewissen Dialekten durch die Tendenz zur Abschaffung des Kontrastes zwischen halbgeschlossenen (/e:/ und /o:/) und halboffenen (/ɔ:/ und /ɛ:/) Vokalen vereinfacht wurde. Außerdem werden im Laufe des Aufsatzes weitere komplexe Aspekte des dorischen Vokalismus wie die sogenannten dorischen Ersatzdiphthonge, die kyrenäische <E>-Schreibung, der elische /æ:/-Laut oder die zentralkretischen Langvokale diskutiert.

The Doric dialects display several special features regarding the vocalism which distinguish them from the other Greek dialects. One of these differences consists in the result of the contraction of /a/+/e/: Long open /εː/ in Doric in contrast with long /aː/ in Attic-Ionic. Nonetheless, several forms of the word ἆθλον / ἄεθλον in some Doric dialects do display an apparently unlikely Dorian contraction to /aː/. Thus, after a brief explanation about the development of hiatus and vowel contractions in Greek, we shall analyse the evidences for the contraction for the /awe/ sequence in Doric, specially concerning the term ἆθλον, in order to establish the development of the /a/+/e/ hiatus and the nature of the contraction of this word.

The morphological and semantic interpretation of ἀδηίζω on the Theran ‘pact of the first settlers’ (SEG 9, 3.39, Cyrene, 370-360 BCE) is controversial. In this paper, after discussing other previously proposed hypothesis, I will argue that ἀδηίζω derives from an unattested *ἀδεής ‘invisible’, a determinative compound derived from *deih2- ‘appear, seem’. The deadjectival ἀδηίζω is therefore semantically equivalent to ἀδηλόω and ἀφανίζω ‘render invisible’

La temprana desaparición de la /w/ en la mayoría de los dialectos griegos supone la posibilidad de utilizar este fonema como una especie de comodín a la hora de proponer etimologías y desarrollos fonéticos. Así, en algunas obras de relevancia del siglo pasado como Bechtel (1923) sobre los dialectos dorios, encontramos diversos términos caracterizados como dialectales para los que se presupone una waw de la cual, en el mejor de los casos, la única evidencia es una glosa de Hesiquio o algún término dentro o fuera del griego con el que compararlo. Analizamos aquí algunos de ellos y su verdadero valor para el estudio de la dialectología doria.

The early loss of /w/ in most of the Greek dialects implies the possibility of using this phoneme as a kind of «wild card» when searching for etymologies and proposing phonetic developments. Thus, in some relevant works of the past century about the Doric dialects, such as Bechtel (1923), we find different, apparently dialectal, terms whose reconstruction requires a waw sound, the only evidence with which to compare it being, at best, a Hesychian gloss or a Greek or Indo-European term. Here we shall analyse some of these cases and their true dialectological value.

L’analyse des exemples d’<ευ> et <ηυ> pour <εω> dans les dialectes doriens montre qu’une interprétation phonologique est à écarter. L’anthroponyme rhodien Κλεύνυμος pour Κλεώνυμος relève d’une fausse lecture et le gén. sg. Μενεσθεῦς n’est pas l’avatar phonétique de Μενεσθέως, mais du génitif dorien attendu Μενεσθέος. On montrera aussi que diverses analogies morphologiques expliquent de façon satisfaisante, d’une part, les noms Τιμοκρηῦν = Τιμοκρέων et Ἑρμοκρηῦν = Ἑρμοκρέων de Télos et les participes ἐποικοδομηῦν = ἐποικοδομέων, ναυκλαρηῦν = ναυκλαρέων de Dodone et, d’autre part, le subjonctif χρηῦνται = χρέωνται, attesté aussi à Dodone.

A surprizing finding - by mrs Nicole Laneres - from the sanctuary of Maleatas in South Cynouria, shed new light in the history of the region and the beginning of Spartan expansion in the west coast of the Argolic Gulf. Combined with data from the recent systematic research in South Cynouria (The South Cynouria Archaeological Project), the votive halter dedicated by the Lacedaemonian athlete TIRON at the sanctuary of Maleatas, constitutes a tangible evidence for a late 7th - very early 6th c. BC perioikic status of Prasiai and an early expansion of Sparta to the east coast north of the Zarax mnts, 50 years before the Battle of Champions and the annexation of Thyreatis.