China Domestic Politics

For citation: Igor DENISOV. (2016). Chinese and Western Values in Modern Political Discourse in China. Social Sciences, 47(002), 70–79. doi:10.21557/ssc.46698029


The article deals with ideological and political processes in China under Xi Jinping. The author formulates several methodological approaches to evaluating the policy of the " 5th generation " leaders, thoroughly analyzes the starting points of Xi Jinping's modernization project, and concludes that the course for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation represents an attempt to continue the tasks of domestic modernization while preserving the national identification codes and the stability of traditional political mechanisms. Proclaiming the consolidating concept of the Chinese Dream was in many ways prompted by the necessity to find a reliable basis for social consensus. In the author's opinion, the recent ideological campaigns (from the criticism of constitutionalism to propaganda of the " core socialist values "), are intended to form a value basis of the unique Chinese Way. The West, in turn, is used as the External Other both by the representatives of the liberal wing of the party and by the advocates of conservatism. Overcoming the binary opposition " China—the West " marks the new era in the history of China's development and would signify the emergence of a new Chinese identity.

Статья посвящена анализу идеологических концепций «пятого поколения» руководителей КНР. Автор полагает, что современную идеологическую ситуацию в Китае определяют три исторические травмы – «столетнее унижение», «культурная революция» и крах КПСС. Идеология Си Цзиньпина представляет собой идеологию реформ, служащих усилению возможностей адаптации КПК к меняющимся условиям. Ключевые слова:
Китай, Си Цзиньпин, идеология, реформы
Abstract.
The article examines the ideological concepts of China’s fifth generation of leaders. The author argues that the current ideological situation in PRC is guided by three historical traumas – century of humiliation, cultural revolution and CPSU’s fall. Xi Jinping’s ideology is the ideology of the reforms aimed at the strengthening party’s ability to adapt
to the changing environment.

Oggi, in seguito all’imponente crescita economica della Cina e alla sua ritrovata influenza nell’arena internazionale, il termine ‘meritocrazia’ è tornato in voga nel dibattito politico con una tournure del tutto nuova. Infatti, il sistema cinese di selezione della pubblica amministrazione pone le basi su una complessa macchina meritocratica difficile da comprendere fino in fondo. Diventare un funzionario pubblico in Cina, e perseguire successivamente un percorso verso posizioni di leadership, è forse oggi una delle carriere più lunghe e complicate al mondo. Una vasta conoscenza in ambito accademico e professionale, nonché grande dedizione e assoluta conformità alla linea politica del Partito comunista cinese, sono solo alcuni degli elementi che compongono l’insieme di requisiti necessari ad intraprendere una ripida ascesa nella gerarchia del Partito-Stato cinese. Questo lavoro si propone dunque di presentare tale modello, analizzando l’origine storico-culturale del fattore-merito come criterio di base per selezionare il talento politico in Cina, e gli effetti di tale importanza negli attuali processi di reclutamento e promozione del personale politico e amministrativo. Ciò che risulta è un sistema che fa della meritocrazia il suo più grande punto di riferimento, ma che al contempo deve fare i conti con una pressante corruzione difficile da arginare.

Review of Domestic Politics in China in 2014. Hong Kong protests, Anti-corruption drive, Rule of Law; what it is and what it is not. Is Xi Jinping really as powerful as we think or only an insecure leader seeking control? Will the change that he seeks be too much for the  party to handle without an implosion?

Many observers view China's overseas Confucius Institutes as the most visible symbols of China's growing soft power, and a tool for the country to expand its international influence and advance its public diplomacy agenda. The institutes were first established in 2004, with the first institute opening in Seoul. The primary goal of these institutions is to promote Mandarin Chinese language learning. Other functions include promoting Chinese culture and developing positive opinions of China within a global setting. Maria Wey-Shen Siow reviews the establishment of Confucius Institutes worldwide, and considers what role they have, and potentially could have, as an instrument of Chinese soft power.

Efforts at finding the next Politburo members have, since the mid-1970s, been at the center of Chinese Elite and leadership studies. From the late 1980s onwards, leadership selection has become more institutionalized. This allows scholars to narrow down their search to more “propitious” elements in order to try to predict who might ascend to the Politburo. Consequently, this article ponders if it was possible to differentiate these individuals from their less “promotable” counterparts upon their entry into the Central Committee between 1992 and 2012. Based on statistical reassessment of variables commonly found in the literature, the article argues that soon-to-be Politburo members were already displaying a different profile than that of their counterparts 5 to 10 years before their entry into the Politburo. This article does not seek to establish a perfect predictive model rather than circumscribe the profile-type and environment in which these rising Elites can be found. Lastly, the latter opens a discussion on what to expect from the results as well as competing profiles found inside the Central Committee.