Carpathian Basin

The term “terramare sickles” was introduced in 1971 by Amália Mozsolics for those sickles where the angle between the tang and blade is obtuse. She also compared the sickles from the Carpathian Basin that have more than two ribs on the tang to the Italian sickles, later pointing out that difference. Concern about the appropriateness of the term has already been expressed by Margarita Primas. Because of the characteristic saddle-shaped transition between the outer tang rib and dorsal rib the term saddle-shaped tanged sickles is instead proposed. This paper presents the typology, chronology, and distribution of saddle-shaped tanged sickles.
The typology is based on the form of the sickle, the number and direction of the tang ribs and blade ribs, the presence or absence of a hole in the tang, and the position of the casting point. So far only one saddle-shaped sickle with five tang ribs is known. Sickles with four tang ribs are less numerous as well. The most numerous are the groups with three and two tang ribs and the group with two ribs on the tang and a hole in it.
The first saddle-shaped tanged sickles appear in the middle Bronze Age (BA C2). They most frequently are from the earlier phase of the Urnfield period (Ha A1), while in the later phase (Ha B1) they represent an exception.
Saddle-shaped tanged sickles with three tang ribs are widespread throughout the Carpathian Basin with a concentration in its eastern section. Those with two ribs on the tang are widespread in its western part, in Slovenia and northeastern Italy, while sickles with two ribs on the tang and a hole in it are found mostly in northeastern Italy. On this basis, it is concluded that term terramare sickles would be proper only for the latter.

Keywords: Bronze Age, Urnfield period, Italy, Western Balcans, Carpathian Basin, terramare, sickles, typology, chronology, distribution

This paper proposes a diachronic analysis of the landscape and land-use during the Late Iron Age in the eastern parts of the Carpathian Basin from the perspective of collective mobility and identity changes. The analysis focuses on the natural environment of cemeteries and settlements, as well as on the social mechanisms which determined the connections and communications of the communities from the 4th to the 2nd century BC.

In: I. Moldáv‒magyar régészeti kerekasztal konferencia Kelet-Európa kora középkoráról. Kisinyov, 2015. június 10–11. Szerk. Türk, A.– Budai, D. [szerk.] - Дергачёва, Л. В.–Рабинович, Р. А. Budapest 2021, 317–346.
ПЕРВЫЙ МОЛДО-ВЕНГЕРСКИЙ АРХЕОЛОГИЧЕСКИЙ КРУГЛЫЙ СТОЛ, ПОСВЯЩЕННЫЙ ВОПРОСАМ РАННЕГО СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЯ ВОСТОЧНОЙ ЕВРОПЫ Кишинёв, 10–11 июня 2015 г. Szerk. Türk, A.– Budai, D. [szerk.]–Дергачёва, Л. В.–Рабинович, Р. А. Budapest 2021, 317–346.

""»Hammerbeile« – zu einer speziellen Variante der Schäftung von bronzezeitlichen Tüllenbeilen
Im nordwestlichen Karpatenbecken ist eine Reihe von Tüllenbeilen mit eingesetzten, gelochten bronzenen Stangen bekannt, sog. »Hammerbeile«. Diese kehren das Tüllenschäftungsprinzip zu dem einer Axt um. Anhand europaweiter Analogien wird festgestellt, dass es sich bei diesen Objekten um bronzene Umsetzungen hölzerner Zwischenfutter handelt, die eine geläufige Form der Schäftung von Tüllenbeilen gewesen sein dürften. Theorien, die Tüllenbeile mit bronzenen Zwischenfuttern eine typologische und funktionale Mittlerrolle zwischen späten Nackenscheiben- sowie Schaftlochäxten und den frühesten Tüllenbeilen zusprechen, sind abzulehnen. Dies bestätigen auch die typologisch und in ihrer räumlichen Verteilung von den »Hammerbeilen« abweichenden Funde früher Tüllenbeile Südosteuropas, die zudem zeitlich vor den Hammerbeilen liegen.

»Hammer axes« – a special method of shafting Bronze Age socketed axes
In the northwestern part of the Carpathian Basin there is a distinctive group of socketed axes with inserted, perforated bronze bars, dating from Bz D to Ha B1. These so-called »hammer axes« invert the principle of shafting a socketed axe into one used with regular axes. Based on analogies throughout Europe, it is argued that the perforated bars are indeed conversions into bronze of wooden sleeves used regularly for shafting socketed axes. As a consequence, theories promoting »hammer axes« as a typological and functional link between late forms of Carpathian axe types and the earliest socketed axes are rejected. This is further underlined by the forms and the distributional pattern of early southeastern European socketed axes which moreover appear much earlier than the »hammer axes«.

»Haches marteaux« – à propos d’une variante spéciale d’emmanchement de haches à douille de l’âge du Bronze
Une série de haches à douille dont le manche est composé de barres de bronze provient du Nord-Ouest du bassin des Carpathes, elles sont connues sous le nom de »haches marteaux«. Ces dernières inversent le principe d’emmanchement entre douille et œil. Sur la base de comparaisons européennes, on peut constater que ces manches en bronze composent une évolution de manches en bois intermédiaires. Les théories mettant en rapport les haches à douille avec des emmanchements intermédiaires en bronze pour leur attribuer un rôle d’intermédiaire typologique et fonctionnel entre les dernières haches à douille, une forme tardive de hache des Carpathes et les premières haches à œil sont à rejeter. Ceci est également confirmé par la typologie et la répartition des »haches marteaux« qui apparaissent plus tardivement que les haches à douille du Sud-Est de l’Europe. L. B.""

The present paper wants to bring to the attention of researchers, who have as subject of study the material remains of the Iron Age communities from Transylvania, some objects kept in the collections of the Gherla History Museum (Cluj County). Therefore, in the centre of this paper are three objects-a bent sword, a slashing knife and a horse bit-that were part of the museum's permanent exhibition, but they did not attract so far the attention of any researcher. In the present state of research, no details are known regarding the date, the exact location and the context of discovery. The Register of Inventory only records the fact that the pieces were discovered in the area of the city of Gherla. The biggest concern about these objects is whether they were discovered together or are coming from two or three different contexts.

The division between the dimensional groups of blade weapons is conditional and, probably, the boundary between them can vary from one epoch to another. The analysis of variation series of such features as “total length” and “blade length” showed the heterogeneity of the sample (more than 800 ex.) and the existence of several functional standards. Five groups were distinguished: daggers (with a blade length of up to 21 cm), short swords (21-37 cm), average swords (38-53 cm), long swords (54-75 cm) and extra-long swords (with a blade length in excess of 75 cm). Mapping of spearheads and axes also made it possible to reveal some regularities. It became obvious that it is possible to build a typological grouping of regions on the basis of the contents of weaponry and move from small cultural groups to cultural blocks, enclaves, communities of people who preferred similar types of weapons. The counting of the degree of similarity by the method of classification by unequal features was demonstrated by several such enclaves: “Carpathian” one, where the greatest degree of similarity was manifested between Western Podolian, Transylvanian and Moldavian groups. The main types for this enclave are a dagger or a short sword and an axe. The next, “Steppe” block includes the Lower Danube, Lower Dniester, South Carpathian and South Danubian groups, in which the spearheads and average or long swords are widely distributed. The third, “Western” block united the Hungarian and Polish groups, for which the axes and spearheads are more characteristic.

The 2016 revision excavation of tumulus IV in the Kaptol-Čemernica cemetery in the Požega Valley resulted in new insights into this very important monument. It was established that, rather than containing five graves (with the largest of them square in shape, belonging to a high-ranking warrior), the tumulus contained a monumental wooden burial chamber holding two wooden boxes, and a ritual corridor (dromos) extending to the south. The material found in the grave originates from various sources. The Greco-Illyrian helmet and greaves were produced by Greek workshops, while the horse gear is associated to the Carpathian Basin, and the axe to the southern Pannonian region, or southeastern Alps. The multi-headed pins and pottery generally belong to the Eastern Hallstatt Circle, while belts of the Libna type can be associated with the Lower Carniola. The discovered material originates from various periods. While the axe and horse gear belong to the very beginning of the Hallstatt period, the Libna-type belt and multi-headed pins are later, and the most recent objects found in the grave-the Greco-Illyrian helmet and greaves-belong to the second half or the end of the 7 th c. BC. Even though the small number of new finds has not considerably modified the grave inventory, it has allowed its new interpretation.

Preliminary report on the excavation of the Sarmatian cemetery at Csanádpalota–Country Border, Motorway M43, Site 56

Site 56, Motorway M43 is located south of Csanádpalota. The total excavation area was situated between stream Krakk and the Hungarian-Romanian border. The Móra Ferenc Museum conducted here preventive excavation between 26 October 2010 and 30 August 2011, and between 29 November and 7 December 2012. In the central zone of the excavated area, a Late Sarmatian cemetery with 53 inhumation graves was discovered.

The total number of skeletons that can be examined by archaeological and anthropological methods is 49. Out of 53 graves, human remains were found in 51 burials, there were no bones in two graves. Out of 49 burials, 19 belonged to men, 12 to women, 12 to children, and one adult’s gender could not be determined. Most of the dead were oriented to the south. The grave pits had regular shape with a rectangular plan and rounded corners.

Five burials (9, 22, 35, 37, 48) belonged to the largest graves of the cemetery. The graves were 300–350 cm long, 130–180 cm wide and over 5 sq.m in size. At the bottom of four graves, there were remains of timber structures. Based on our analysis, the timber imprints in graves 35 and 37 could have belonged to a bier or funerary stretcher, on which the deceased was placed for transportation and finally buried with it. In the case of the largest timber frame (grave 48), a burial chamber or bier with sidewalls can be suggested.

In the cemetery, 11 graves were surrounded by a circular ditch, with a diameter of 10–13 m. In these graves, mainly adults were buried, but in one case a child was found. Traces of funeral feast could be traced in the circular ditches: numerous pottery fragments and animal bones (dogs and horse).

Most of the graves were robbed, probably in Antiquity. 66 percent of the graves were looted, but many pieces of inventory could be saved during the excavation. Jewelry and costume items include earring fragments, various types of pendants, and silver, bronze, or iron brooches. A small number of beads of various shapes, colors, raw materials, and sizes were found. Among the beads, a rare mosaic ornament of glass beads was also found. Besides, round, oval, square, and D-shaped buckles emerged from the graves. Objects of everyday use included spindle whorls, iron knives, bone needle holder, and bronze pincers. 25 vessels were identified in the cemetery. In most cases, they were placed by the feet of the dead, by one, rarely by two (in graves 24 and 48). According to these findings, the cemetery was used in the Late Sarmatian Period, dating from the first half of the 4th century to the beginning of the 5th century.

The present paper challenges the previously held view, that warfare is the domain of men. Looking at funerary inventories of the earlier Bronze Age of the Eastern Carpathian Basin of anthropologically identified women interments, the regional embodiments of a female personhood are sought. Jewellery, pottery sets or their lack, weapons/tools of the deceased and the variety of their materials all play a role in negotiating identities of the living. Moreover, the funerary context engages the individuals in a constant re-remembering, hence actively re-negotiating social standing, meaning of embodiments and ultimately identities. Social-ranking based on funerary inventories and the recognition of embodiments of a female engendered warriorhood allows for the reinterpretation of warfare in practice. As bellicose women are recognised the constitution of society from the misty southeastern Europe is further elucidated.

A rescue excavation was carried out in 2013 close to the village Megyaszó, with some new finds that can enrich the Tumulus
culture research. At the excavated area, 10 cremation burials and a feature belonging to some kind of funerary practice were discovered.
Furthermore, four pits and a small part of a ditch were unearthed as well. The features found at the field suggest that a new, partially
explored cemetery and a fairly excavated settlement could have been found. The following article is based on my bachelor degree thesis
from 2015.
Late Bronze Age, Tumulus culture, cremation burials, settlement, North-eastern Hungary

Few parts of Europe witnessed so many population shifts in a few centuries as the Carpathian Basin in 400–900 CE. In this macro-region along the middle Danube, Pannonians, Romans, Goths, Gepids, Longobards, Avars, Bulgars, Slavs, Franks and many others came and went. This is an intriguing test case for the relationship between ethnic identities constructed in texts, cultural habitus attested in the archaeological record, and genetic profiles that can now be analysed through ancient DNA. What was the impact of migrations and mobility on the population of the East-Central-Europe? Was the late antique population replaced, did it mix with the newcomers, or did its descendants only adopt new cultural styles? To what degree did biological distinctions correspond to the cultural boundaries and/or ethnonyms in the texts? If pursued with methodological caution, this case study will have implications beyond the field. HistoGenes will analyse c. 6,000 samples from graves with cutting edge scie...

késő császárkorból és kora népvándorlás korból származó lószerszámokat általában
csak egy adott lelőhely publikálásánál ismertetik, illetve korszakolják. Érdemes azonban
ezeket a tárgyakat együtt elemezni, mivel sok mindent elárulhatnak az összehasonlítás során. Az
analógiáik felkutatásával bizonyossá válhat, mely területeken keresztül érkeztek a leletek a Kárpát-
medencébe, illetve milyen hatások érhették őket. Feltűnő, hogy a tárgytípusok zöme keleti
területekről származtatható. Az analógiák alapos vizsgálata fontos lehet a népek vándorlásának,
a kereskedelemnek és az egymásra hatásnak az alaposabb megismeréséhez.

The Stefkowa hoard and its connections with the upper Tisa basin. The
specific nature and connections of the Stefkowa hoard (SE Poland), originating from the Middle Bronze Age, have long been noticed by Polish archaeologists. The “imported” character of the assemblage has also been indicated many times by Professor Blajer. In this paper author reassesses the typology and chronology of the finds from Stefkowa and their counterparts (e.g. Nyíregyháza-Bujtos II, or Mali Heivtsi I hoards), especially the battle-axes with a disc on the butt, and analyses remote connections reflected by these bronzes. The hoards from Stefkowa and Mali Heivtsi I probably mark the easternmost flank of a communication route which led from the upper Tisa basin in two directions: to the west through northern Hungary and Slovakia, Moravia, and the Bohemian Basin and next along the Elbe River to the North Sea, and to the north, to the upper Vistula basin (San) and next along the Vistula to the Baltic coasts.

Twenty-two Late-Copper-Age decorated cross-footed bowls from the Trieste Karst (north-eastern Italy) and the Deschmann's pile dwellings (Ljubljansko barje, Slovenia), recently investigated using X-ray computed microtomography (microCT), have been studied and chemically analysed using non-destructive prompt gamma activation analysis (PGAA). The main aim of our research was to determine whether the cross-footed bowls found in the Trieste Karst were locally produced or if they might have been imported from central Slovenia or even from more distant regions. The PGAA results, combined with the microCT ones, have shown that only 1 bowl from the Karst might have been imported from Ljubljansko barje, while other 4 Karst vessels were most probably imported but not from central Slovenia. In more detail, K2O contents, higher than values reported from local Karst and Slovenian soils, have been recorded in two of these Italian bowls. The Karst bowls represent, according to their morphology and rich ornamentation manly consisting of cord impressions, a special variant of cross-footed bowls with relevant typological comparisons in the Carpathian basin (Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic). A possible central European origin of some Karst bowls would be in agreement with high K2O soil contents in some areas of the Czech Republic. Cross-footed bowls from the Trieste Karst might be considered as evidence of long distance connections, movements of ideas, artefacts and/or even movements of people, triggered by large-scale migrations from the north Pontic steppe region to central Europe, revealed by recent genetic studies.

Prior to the establishment of contemporary linguistic science nad archaeology, historians only used written sources and were not interested in linguistic interactions, whereas archaeological material had not yet been discovered. The situation changed in the mid-19th century when the studies on comparative and historical linguistics and archaeology broke new ground in Hungary. Since the early 20th century, the theory suggested by Hungarian turkologists concerning the interactions between the Ancient Turkic and Ancient Hungarian languages has had a decisive influence on historical concepts. The influence has remained until the present day. Historians and archaeologists do their best to consider the results of linguistic studies. The most important questions in terms of linguistic contacts are "where?" and "when?" The two major theories which formed in the 20th century were as follows: 1. The Middle Volga region, 7th-9th centuries, 2. Cis-Caucasia and Cis-Kuban, 5th-8th centuries. Later, these theories were further supplemented by the western outskirts of Khazar Khaganate. At the same time, the newest concept features alternative options, e.g. from Cis-Cuban to Carpathian Basin. However, the concept does not include the Middle Volga region as a possible location of linguistic interctions. The results of new archaeological studies suggest that the Hungarians populated the Middle Volga region until the second half of the 9th century, and presumably settled in the territory between the contemporary Samara and Orenburg. Then, they eventually migrated to the region between the Donets and the Southern Bug in the 9th century (or as early as the 8th). This conclusion has been confirmed by the chronology and typology of findings, as well as written sources. The report focuses on the following mahor issues of linguistic interactions: 1. The area of Turkic languages (dialects) in Eastern Europe in the 6th-9th centuries, 2. The dynamics of these linguistic contacts between the Ancient Turkic and Ancient Hungarian languages.

The main goal of this study is to analyse and compare from the chronological, typological and contextual point of view the published glass vessels from La Tène contexts discovered in the middle Mureș valley. Archaeological studies have shown that glass vessels were discovered so far only in contexts related with the Dacian horizon. In archaeological literature, glass vessels discovered in “barbarian” contexts are considered luxury wares. Some studies concerning the La Tène sites from the middle Mureș Valley have shown the presence of several types and functional categories of glass vessels in settlements and fortresses belonging to the Dacian horizon. The vessels were usually found within or outside the fortresses, on inhabited terraces, within or nearby workshops, dwellings, tower-houses, pits and ritual contexts. Starting from a database, the present study aims to synthesize and discuss the archaeological material based on functional categories, types, chronological intervals, contexts of use, origin and patterns of consumption.

Bronze cauldrons of the Scythian time are a rather rare find in the Northern Black Sea region, especially on its western borders. Scythian bronze cauldrons in the west area are concentrated in three main regions: Bukovina Podolia (Iacobeni, Avrămeni, Ivane-Puste, Shvaikivtsy), the Lower Dniester (Răscăieții Noi, Nikolskoe, Dubăsari, Cioburciu), and the Lower Danube (Ograda, Castelu, Scorțaru Vechi, Mresnota Mogyla, Ostrivne). Some Scythian cauldrons have no reliable archaeological context. Nevertheless, in combination with the same “stray” finds like the Scythian statues, the finds of Scythian cauldrons mark the Scythian presence, most likely, not earlier than the late 6th century or even the turn of the 6th-5th centuries BC. There is a significant chronological difference between the northern (forest-steppe, Bukovina-Podolia) group of cauldrons and the southern (steppe, Lower Danube-Lower Dniester). At the same time, a chronological priority is characteristic of the first, where the cauldrons are known since the middle of the 7th century BC. Bronze cauldrons (with their carriers) penetrate the steppe region 150-200 years later, as well as the “military” burials that appear in the western steppe regions no earlier than the middle of the 5th century BC. Most of the burials with cauldrons (and, apparently, the stray finds) are dated back to the second half of the 5th century BC. Then, at the early 4th century BC their quantity is reduced and after the first quarter of the 4th century BC, they will completely disappear from the cultural practice of the population of the steppes of the North-Western Black Sea region.

The hoard was discovered in 2010 on the southern slope of the hill of Gradišče. It is composed of two tanged sickles. Comparable sickles are found almost exclusively in Ha B1 hoards. The sites where most of these hoards were discovered are widespread in the area between northeastern Italy and the Danube.
The article also presents the typology, chronology, and distribution of tanged sickles with two ribs on the unperforated tang, where the inner rib fluidly passes into the blade rib and the outer rib into the dorsal rib.

Framing the background of the Hungarian Conquest – The Carpathian Basin

By the end of the 9th century the Hungarian Conquest changed radically the political surface of Central Europe. That’s why this process has been discussed for a long time and from many aspects. The humble aim of this paper is to frame this process from the aspect of the reception area, facing the lack of primary sources and the diversity of their interpretations. The Avar Khaganate collapsed after 822. What happened with its population? Extincted, assimilated or survived? What does it mean „Avar” after the Avar Period? From the ethnic aspects the Avar Khaganate was not a homogeneous empire. Even those people who’s ancestors came from the steppe had different ethnic origins. After the Avar Conquest (568) two waves of immigration reached the Carpathian Basin: Kutrigurs (ca. 595) and Onogurs (ca. 670) moved in. Moreover the Avar state had Slavonic inhabitants, too. Some scholars asserts that after the end of the Avar Period the surviving Avars were assimilated by Slavs, but the facts and circumstances confute this theory. On the one hand there were no power to force the Avars to change their own identity. Bulgaria possessed only a small south-eastern region of the Carpathian Basin, the „Great Moravian Empire” had never existed: this term was born by misinterpretation of term „Megale Moravia” which actually means ’Elder Moravia’. On the other hand several Avars can be identified in the written sources during the 860s and even after. While in 863 their western group turned to Christianity in Pannonia, the first Hungarian raids attacked the Eastern Frank Empire in 862. This year probably means the starting phase of the Hungarian Conquest. It is quite important to emphasize that there is no data for conflicts between Avars and Hungarians. On contrary: while the new conquerors attacked Bulgaria, Elder Moravia and Karinthia, their attitude was peaceful towards the Avars. This is one of the aspects that helps us to understand, how could the Hungarian Great Principality occupy and reorganize so easily the Carpathian Basin by the end of the 9th century.