Bipolarity

Funções executivas correspondem a um conjunto de processos cognitivos, de forma integrada, que permitem ao individuo desenvolver metas, direcionar comportamentos, avaliar a eficiências das tarefas realizadas, rever estratégias ineficazes para torna-las mais eficientes, capacidade de resolver problemas imediatos, de médio e longo prazo. Essas habilidades estão comprometidas em uma diversidade de condições clínicas assim como no transtorno bipolar. Recentes estudos têm demonstrado prejuízos nas Funções Executivas em indivíduos com Transtorno Biopolar. Este artigo teve como objetivo oferecer uma revisão não-sistemática com o intuito de apresentar resultados de trabalhos recentes sobre como as funções executivas são comprometidas no individuo com Transtorno Bipolar. Alterações nas estruturas cerebrais são identificadas por meio de biomarcadores específicos em indivíduos com o Transtorno de Humor Bipolar.

Corrected and authorized English translation
Revue française de science politique (R.F.S.P.) published my article “Systèmes partisans compétitifs: quelle divergence entre Duverger et Sartori?“  in no 3/2015 (Revue française de science politique, 2015/3, (Vol. 65), p. 451-471, ISBN : 9782724634181, DOI : 10.3917/rfsp.653.0451, https://www.cairn.info/revue-francaise-de-science-politique-2015-3-page-451.htm).
In the article, I prove in detail that contemporary literature – not only the American/English one but also even the French one – completely misinterprets a particular feature of the work of French political scientist, Maurice Duverger (1917-2014): his typology of pluralist (competitive) party systems. Whereas the contemporary literature claims that Duverger confines himself to a simple classification of pluralist party systems: bipartism-multipartism, I thoroughly document in my article that since 1951 Duverger formulated a much more sophisticated typology of pluralist party systems.
There is an official English translation of this article in the English electronic version of Revue française de science politique (“Competitive party systems: Where do Duverger and Sartori diverge?“, Revue française de science politique, 2015/3, (Vol. 65), p. 451-471, ISBN : 9782724634181, DOI : 10.3917/rfsp.653.0451, http://www.cairn-int.info/article-E_RFSP_653_0451--competitive-party-systems.htm). However,  I was not provided with the proofs of this official translation. Hence, the official English translation of my article contains errors and inaccuracies. That is why I am making available a corrected English translation in which the errors and inaccuracies are removed. Please do use this corrected and authorized English version of my article (or my original in French, of course).

Cet article se propose d'esquisser une métapsychologie de la psychose en se focalisant uniquement sur la description des processus psychiques qui sont caractéristiques de chaque pathologie, ce qui permet de dégager leur logique propre, et de montrer à chaque fois la dimension spatiale ou temporelle dont le patient fait abstraction. En effet, les discours et les comportements de la psychose nous apparaissent souvent comme incohérents, et pourtant, ils suivent des processus psychiques qui sont à la fois logiques et spécifiques à chaque pathologie, tel est du moins ce que cet article se propose de montrer en s'appuyant sur des vignettes cliniques. Il s'agira de voir comment l'expérience mal acquise de l'espace et du temps conduit les patients psychotiques à suivre des logiques imaginaires, que les logiciens appellent aussi des logiques formelles, parce qu'elles ont la particularité de faire abstraction d'une dimension spatiale ou temporelle de l'expérience, tandis qu'en pareille situation, les patients névrosés suivent des logiques empiriques. Ainsi, chaque pathologie de la psychose suit une logique imaginaire qui lui est propre : le processus psychique spécifique à l'autisme suit une logique trivalente ou floue, celui de la schizophrénie suit une logique hypothétique ou non-monotone, celui de la paranoïa suit une logique répétitive ou fractale, et celui des troubles bipolaires suit une logique associative, ce que l'on appelle respectivement dans la clinique de la psychose l'indifférenciation, l'hallucination, la systématisation, et le discours logorrhéique du coq à l'âne.

We are living in times of unprecedented globalisation. Instead of making the world multipolar, history is being repeated as corporates blur the sovereign boundaries and indulge in the cartelization of resources. The world has always been at war over resources behind the façade of trade, politics, religion and ideology. Though the global order has evolved, the key has always been geography for “he who controls the geography, controls the resources and has the power to dictate both war and peace”. History is testament that whenever new borders are drawn, the seeds for future conflict are sown.

Hence while globalisation has brought a high degree of connectivity between polarised countries, communities etc.; the revenge of geography has ensured kingdoms being ground to dust, empires dismantled, democracies overthrown and communist movements created etc.; evolving the global order to where we are today.

This theory of territorial reminiscence and its impact on countries, communities and ideologies is at the core of The New Global Order authored by Naveen Tomar, Navroop Singh and Himja Parekh, which attempts a global mapping from the 12th century Ottoman Empire (the key to chaos in Middle East and the world today); 14th century Eurasia through the European and Russian Orders; to China (as the challenger to the United States) and India’s rise in the 20th and 21st century respectively against an order led by Great Britain and currently the United States. As geopolitics is the sum total of state actions that affect the entire world, the book also draws parallels between it and international security. The book is divided into 6 parts - The Ascendance of Chaos (Middle East), War on Terror (USA), Eurasia, The Rise of The Chinese Dragon, The Indian Subcontinent and the last discussing the tools shaping The New Global Order.

The key in shaping The New Global Order lies in creating two contrasting poles and bringing them into conflict. The thirst for power and ego will do the rest. The book explains how these poles were created and analyses the current global order, the contrasts in the emerging Beijing Consensus vs. the Washington Consensus and then discusses the tools of transition. They are Narco-Terror, Petrodollar, Climate Change, Water Wars including Virtual Water, The Surveillance State, The Military-Industrial Complex and Communism. Narco-terror cripples countries, the Petrodollar maintains the US Dollar as the global reserve currency, Climate Change and Water Wars help in carrying out political and economic warfare while The Surveillance State enables PsyOps, propaganda and cyber warfare. The Military-Industrial Complex shapes foreign policy by creating chaos; and the secrets of technology transfer between warring nations to ensure its relevance as a powerbroker are also elaborated. Lastly, the book discusses Communism, the most important tool of the future beyond a form of governance and ideology that will gradually erase the geographical boundaries and lead towards the creation of a Godless Society. The result will be The New Global Order or The Global Corporate State that has already begun via the mega trade deals/economic unions.

The book further explores the trends in this transition by region and also highlights Next Generation Warfare, Islamic Communism, Transnationality of Communist International and the rise of Christian Terror in an emerging bipolar world with new players. It concludes with discussing the evolution of The New Global Order through the three founding pillars of Global Geopolitical Order, Global Geoeconomic Order and Cartelization of Resources. Martin Luther King said, “We are not makers of history, we are made by history”. With the current churning in geopolitics that is shaking the Peace of Westphalia, The New Global Order provides an in-depth view of what lies ahead and how nations can prepare themselves for a world that will be highly globalised yet exclusive.

Starting from the general concept of "bipolarity", the present work focuses on the essential aspects of the disorder defining the clinical and diagnostic contexts, laying the foundations for correct differential diagnosis, without neglecting the neural characteristics elaborated in the scientific community. The discussion concludes with the best therapeutic approaches suggested on the subject, hypothesizing that borderline disorder may be the evolution of bipolar disorder.

This essay covers the main characteristics of two main schools of thought in international relations theory: classical realism and neo-realism. The essay attempts to give contemporary politics examples in order to enhance the idea that neo-realism, in fact, serves as the best representation of how modern states behave in the field of international affairs. This paper implies that state-actors have a desire for power stronger that their will to cooperate with other state-actors. This theory is seen to hold since the US left the Paris Agreement due to reasons of self-interest. In addition, countries continue to invest considerable amount of funds into their military and defence sectors in order to maintain their positions in politics. The concepts of unipolarity and bipolarity are examined and are then compared with the current US-China relations. By reviewing theory and examples, this paper concludes that, indeed, neo-realism gives a credible account of contemporary state governance.

This book is an introduction in a double sense. It is intended to introduce beginners in philosophy to the idea of philosophical nonsense and the problems it raises. But it is also addressed to professional philosophers, most of whom seem virtually unaware of the issue.

Certain philosophers, here called ‘nonsensicalists’, believe that much philosophy (philosophical questions as well as assertions) is simply nonsense in the strict sense of being meaningless. They proceed as though it were an established fact that there is such a thing as philosophical nonsense and the notion were quite unproblematic. By contrast, many other philosophers proceed as though either they had never heard of it or it were quite obvious that there is no such thing.

There can be little doubt that what the nonsensicalists are saying is of great importance – if they are right. But there are at least eight questions that must be addressed before anyone is in a position to start hunting down philosophical nonsense and they have all been woefully neglected.

The idea of philosophical nonsense goes back to Thomas Hobbes at least and yet its history remains largely unresearched.

In view of the neglect of the problems raised by the notion of philosophical nonsense, even by professional philosophers, it is not unduly optimistic to suggest that it is a topic to which relative newcomers to the subject might make a contribution.

Ludwig Wittgenstein thought that good philosophy unties the knots in our thinking that bad philosophy has put there and must make movements as complicated as the knots it unties. Is the notion of philosophical nonsense an essential aid to this – as Wittgenstein himself thought – or just another knot?

El mundo vive una compleja y difícil transición. Emergen nuevos actores, las relaciones de poder se reconfiguran y retornan viejas narrativas para explicar las acciones de los estados. La narrativa de un mundo unipolar como sistema liberal internacional liderado por los Estados Unidos y Occidente, se agota ante estas nuevas realidades, entre otras razones por el debilitamiento de estos actores. La narrativa de un mundo bipolar retorna bajo la consigna de una "nueva Guerra Fría", esta vez entre los Estados Unidos y China. Y sin embargo, la invasión rusa de Ucrania muestra que ambas narrativas son insuficientes para servir de guía en esta transición. El mundo es más complejo y las incertidumbres son mayores y múltiples.

Stimulated by T. P. Uschanov’s paper ‘The strange death of ordinary language philosophy’, I try to reach a balanced assessment of Gellner’s notorious book and also to decide where Gellner stands on the notion of philosophical nonsense.  Some of the things he says suggest that he rejects the notion but he neither clearly formulates what it would have to be nor gives much in the way of argument that there could be no such thing.  One gets the impression that when philosophers he does not like – Wittgenstein and Oxford ordinary language philosophers – use it, it is unacceptable but not necessarily when philosophers to whom he is less hostile – Russell and the logical positivists – do so.

AMERICAN STUDIES SEMINAR, 2007
THESSALONIKI, GREECE

On 2/11/2023 ALL MY TWITTER ACOUNTS WERE SUSPENDED.
THIS CAME AFTER I STARTED PUBLICIZINFG INFO ON THE BIGGEST EVER RECRUITING/INTELLIGENCE CRIMINAL NETWORK IN GREEK ACADEMIA SET UP BY USEmbassy Athens and  f. U.S. Ambassador to Greece Geoffrey R. Pyatt! Following this I have been denied access to my LINKEDIN account, MY SOCIAL MEDIA & EMAIL ACCOUNTS WERE COMPROMISED!

2024 update
Criminal Networks of Impunity in Greek Academia
PART I
In 2019 the University of Macedonia (Thessaloniki, Greece) Rector ordered an investigation after I publicly denounced a number of issues regarding transparency and criminal academic networks in academic affairs as well as massive cheating during final exams.
All these years the university authorities and at a later stage the Council of the institution did nothing to publicize the findings of the investigation despite my continuous requests. This very fact sets issues of rule of law and academic order.
In the meantime, I have been consistently targeted in many ways, while my car has been vandalized several times inside the university parking lot. I asked the then Dean (and former Rector) I. Kouskouvelis to take measures and condemn these acts, yet, his response was that this was Not falling within his administrative duties. I guess it was not within his moral, academic obligation to support a fellow academic under attack, either. This is indicative only of the level of democracy I have been cherished for years in University of Macedonia.
In an academic environment where students’ youth organization affiliated to Nea Dimokratia and PM K. Mitsotakis enjoy TOTAL IMMUNITY and IMPUNITY in massive cheating cases publicly acknowledged by students themselves in social media.
Eventually, it was the very same criminal milieu (DAP-UoM) that pulled the strings to change the Department of International and European Studies course load and turned every single obligatory course in 2nd, 3rd, and 4th years to ELECTIVE. Practically there is no obligatory course in the aforementioned years of study.
The initial proposal for this radical change was made by the then Dean I. Kouskouvelis honoured by today’s university authorities despite the fact that he is an INSTIGATOR TO A CRIME committed by a student upon his request. The student started collecting signatures in Google demanding my removal from the department a very aim set by DAP-UoM for years now. Eventually he was forced to confess in Court that its was I. Kouskouvelis who asked him to do so!
The aforementioned Dean, f. Rector and f. Head of the Department was a member of the local criminal network of Tectonic Hall of Thessaloniki, Greece. It is worth mentioning that he was acquitted in almost a dozen high profile legal cases (setting NGOs).
DAP-UoM (the New Democracy ruling party youth organization in tertiary education) had been enjoying full protection in all kinds of illegal behaviour. Hundreds (at least) have cheated during final exams, yet NO INVESTIGATION took place whatsoever! For years they allowed students to open books and simply copy info and answers during the exams (!) without a single student being punished!
Instead of an investigation the Rector of University of Macedonia Katranidis ordered an investigation against me for publicizing these acts. A punishment, an intimidation act for doing my duty as a Head of the Department.
Unlawfulness does Pay (indicative incidents-everything is documented)
1. A student carrying notes in the final exam room refused to handle his exam paper after he was caught cheating. Instead, he pushed back the exams supervisor, run to the exit and disappeared. NO student dared testify as they were intimidated. Students told me they knew who this person was, yet, they were afraid to speak up.
2. During class evaluation the forms were collected by an unknown student who had never been in class. The student picked up the forms and disappeared. I asked the Department Secretariat to inform me on his identity, yet, they refused to assist me on the grounds of this was personal data” not to be disclosed!
3. On another occasion a student filling in the evaluation form for that year’s classes was forced (upon my insistence) to reveal that he was NOT A STUDENT of the department. Eventually he admitted being a student of another university (Aristorle). The aim of this scam was evident. To under-evaluate me and “prove” that I was not good at my academic work. This is how the corruption system operated and the way they target those who refuse to be their tools. Had I let him participate in the evaluation process he would have made derogatory comments to justify insufficiency in teaching. This is a common practice for those outside the criminal network. In one case a high-profile university official told me that he had been using this scum to harm and dishonor those who just refused to operate as his puppets.

An Academic Institutional Crisis

Some critical issues arise from this clientelistic environment

Some critical questions that need answers
1. Is impunity a “local” (institutional failure), national issue or is it the outcome of blatant interference of power networks operating in universities? The answer is a common secret and I would not try to answer it because of a major and revealing lawsuit to come.
2. What was the meaning and purpose of an INGOGNITO visit to the Department of International and European Studies and the University of Macedonia of the then US Ambassador to Greece G. Pyatt? This is a multi-million-dollar question that NO-ONE dares to bring forward. Is it customary for an ambassador to SECRETLY visit a university department without academics knowing about this “odd” visit? The question becomes a real puzzle taking into consideration the ANONYMOUS Greece revelation that a network of counter-information with the aim to supposedly deal with Russian influence in the city was built on the pillars of University of Macedonia, ELIAMEP and a number of journalists. They denied everything, yet, some facts cannot be explained. Nor can there be an explanation as to why the university authorities did not support my demand to provide an answer to why my university office was bugged. Why was I forced to deliver the monitoring device to the police? Why didn’t the only witness to the incident didn’t testify?  The answers to these questions may be found in the operating of USA Embassy in Athens and the way to “deal with” those who refuse to be recruited.
3. One more important issue. On speaking out about corruption and clientelist, un-meritocratic networks in the university a DEFAMATORY campaign against me started with individuals at the institutions spreading rumours of me being mentally sick! This is classic intelligence practice applied by secret services particularly by the US. Is this related to the incognito visit of f. US Athens ambassador to the UoM? It appears that he had a “preference” to the institution. In the process I had to file a lawsuit against a colleague at the department (Bitzenis) as he was involved in communications mails with defamatory content (he suggested that I was mentally sick and should seek help). To this day justice has NOT BEEN DONE and my lawsuit is STILL PENDING. I dispose of sms corroborating this standard intelligence practice of character assassination.
4. What is the relation between f. Rector I. Kouskouvelis and USEmbassy Athens? How did the f. Rector I. Kouskouvelis use his structural power as a freemason member of the local Tectonic Hall (a criminal network) to persecute all those who stood up for meritocracy, equal treatment, transparency and those exposing clientelist networks? His cooperation with DAP (New Democracy Youth Organization) is well-known as well as the huge clientelist network they built. In a sms sent to me by a New Democracy party official he underpins that “he is capable of everything” meaning he is extremely dangerous for anyone who stands in his way

Edward Witherspoon distinguishes Wittgenstein’s conception of nonsense from Rudolf Carnap’s.  The latter does not fully take into account the fact that, if something really is nonsense, it has no more meaning than ‘Ab sur ah’ and therefore cannot have any logical properties.  He finds the Carnapian conception even in professed Wittgensteinians such as Peter Hacker and Gordon Baker who think of themselves as rejecting it.  My question is where this leaves the notion of PHILOSOPHICAL nonsense.  Could anything that was utterly devoid of content play the crucial deceptive role that nonsensicalists, including Wittgensteinians, assign it?  Could it ever be detected if it did?

В монографии представлены теоретические подходы к оценке многополярности и соотношения сил на международной арене. Анализируются как объективные, так и субъективные факторы восприятия соотношения сил на мировой арене, доминирующие в современном международно-политическом дискурсе. Рассматривается существующая иерархия в системе международных отношений и ее возможные изменения. Приводятся основные методологические противоречия при оценке баланса сил и пути их преодоления. Проведен сравнительный анализ потенциала жесткой и мягкой силы основных государств мира на основе более 30 различных показателей в пост-биполярный период. Оценка потенциала отдельных государств дополняется анализом стратегических треугольников, региональных интеграционных группировок, клубных форматов и международных альянсов.
Издание рекомендуется для специалистов-практиков в области внешнеполитической экспертизы, а также для магистров и аспирантов, специализирующихся на изучении международных отношений.

В монографии, подготовленной коллективом авторов под руковод­ством Л.С. Белоусова и А.С. Маныкина, анализируются причины, ход и последствия Второй мировой войны – самого крупного вооруженного конфликта в истории человечества. В центре внимания – роль и место Второй мировой войны в процессе трансформации системы международных отношений, которая в результате приобрела биполярный характер. Подробно рассмотрены события и на периферии этой системы. Авторы вносят свой вклад в изучение проблем ис­тории международных отношений, которые до сих пор остаются предметом острейших дискуссий.

Fifty years after Nixon's visit to Beijing humanity is in front of a new rigid and dangerous bipolar system. A new opening to China can mitigate the tensions of the new Cold War and create a more flexible and adaptable multipolar system instead of a the rigid forthcoming fierce antagonism between the Euroatlantic World and the unified Eurasia.

According to a widespread interpretation, in the Investigations Wittgenstein adopted a deflationary or redundancy theory of truth. On this view, Wittgenstein’s pronouncements about truth should be understood in the light of his invocation of the equivalences ‘p’ is true = p and 'p' is false = not p. This paper shows that this interpretation does not do justice to Wittgenstein’s thoughts. I will be claiming that, in fact, in his second book Wittgenstein is returning to the pre-Tractarian notion of bipolarity, and that his new development of this notion in the Investigations excludes the redundancy-deflationary reading. Wittgenstein’s thoughts about truth are instead compatible with another interpretative option: Wittgenstein remains faithful to his methodological pronouncements, and he merely presents us with (grammatical) platitudes about the notions of “true” and “false”.

free access here: http://rdcu.be/Acd0

For people with Bipolar Affective Disorder, a self-binding (advance) directive (SBD), by which they commit themselves to treatment during future episodes of mania, even if unwilling, can seem the most rational way to deal with an imperfect predicament. Knowing that mania will almost certainly cause enormous damage to themselves, their preferred solution may well be to allow trusted others to enforce treatment and constraint, traumatic though this may be. No adequate provision exists for drafting a truly effective SBD and efforts to establish such provision are hampered by very valid, but also paralysing ethical, clinical and legal concerns. Effectively, the autonomy and rights of people with bipolar are being 'protected' through being denied an opportunity to protect themselves. From a standpoint firmly rooted in the clinical context and experience of mania, this article argues that an SBD, based on a patient-centred evaluation of capacity to make treatment decisions (DMC-T) and grounded within the clinician–patient relationship, could represent a legitimate and ethically coherent form of self-determination. After setting out background information on fluctuating capacity, mania and advance directives, this article proposes a framework for constructing such an SBD, and considers common objections, possible solutions and suggestions for future research.

Soğuk Savaş boyunca, uluslar arası sistemin iki kutuplu yapısı ve bazı devletlerin elinde bulunan nükleer silahlar, sorunlu bir barışın sürdürülmesini sağladı. İki kutuplu dönem sona yaklaşırken, sistemde yaşanması muhtemel yapısal değişiklikler sorgulanmalıdır. Sovyetler Birliği’nin dağılmasının ardından, Rusya kendine yetebildiği ve başka büyük güçler henüz ortaya çıkmadığı için, iki kutupluluk, değişmiş bir biçimde de olsa sürmektedir. Rus gücünün azalmasıyla, Birleşik Devletler artık başka bir ülke tarafından denetim altında tutulmamaktadır. Güç dengesi teorisi, diğer devletlerin, kendi başlarına veya uyum halinde, Amerikan gücünü dengeleyeceklerini öngörür. Uluslararası sistemin yapısındaki muhtemel değişiklikler göz önüne alındığında, üç siyasi birimin büyük güç konumu kazanabileceği öngörülebilir: Almanya veya Batı Avrupa Devleti, Japonya ve Çin. Bu ülkelerin sağladığı ilerlemeye rağmen, Birleşik Devletler önümüzdeki dönemde hem ekonomik hem de askeri olarak lider ülke olmaya devam edecektir.

The Notion of Bipolarity is an Anti-Psychopathology
In her thesis of 2013, Anne Fayol takes the historical background, which we have studied and traced back in 2009 (Manie, Melancholy and White Factors, pp. 94-99), according to which the biologist psychiatrists are today at an impasse conceptual and clinical, which consists of talking and treating “bipolar disorder” instead of manic-depressive psychosis.
The main obstacle to such an approach is the fact that the etiology of psychosis is not the “democratic” and consensual combination of psychic factors, psychosocial factors and organic factors. It is precisely with respect to this question of etiology that we advance the formalization of the blank factors as being one of the elements belonging to the non-organic, non-genetic, non-cerebral psychic system, yet weaving the links between generations.
For us, the unconscious weaving that blank factors represent is indeed one of the places where a true psychological etiology of psychosis takes root.

La Notion de bipolarité est une anti-psychopathologie
Dans sa thèse de 2013, Anne Fayol reprend l’historique, que nous avons étudié et retracé en 2009 (Manie, mélancolie et facteurs blancs, pp. 94-99), selon lequel les psychiatres biologistes se trouvent aujourd’hui dans l’impasse conceptuelle et clinique qui consiste à parler et à traiter de « troubles bipolaires » au lieu de psychose maniaco-dépressive.

InterAção-Após 5 anos da defesa de sua Tese, como você percebe a polaridade do sistema inter-nacional, atualmente? Layla Dawood-Minha tese de doutoramento-intitulada "China versus the United States: is bipo-larity back? A study of internal balancing as a possible source of international systemic change" 1 , defendida em março de 2013, sob orientação dos professores William Wohlforth (Dartmouth College) e João Pontes Nogueira (PUC-Rio)-buscou identificar possíveis mudanças na polaridade do sistema internacional inaugurado com o fim da Guerra Fria. A tese partiu da hipótese de que o crescimento econômico chinês e, especialmente, os esforços de modernização das forças armadas chinesas caracterizavam um comportamento de balanceamento interno por parte da China, resul-tando na transformação da estrutura unipolar em bipolar. Não obstante, a referida hipótese foi ape-nas parcialmente comprovada: por um lado, verifi-cou-se que o comportamento chinês poderia ser positivamente classificado como balanceamento interno; por outro lado, os esforços chineses ainda não eram suficientes para produzir como resultado a bipolaridade sistêmica. Em outras palavras, o ba-lanceamento interno empreendido pela China ain-da se mostrava pouco efetivo na produção de mu-danças na estrutura internacional contemporânea. Neste ponto, algumas ponderações se fazem ne-cessárias: o fundador do Realismo Estrutural, Ken-neth Waltz 2 , indicou que, para figurar como polo no sistema, um Estado deveria pontuar bem em todos os recursos de poder; notadamente, econô-mico, tecnológico e militar. Contudo, a contagem do número de polos no sistema internacional não é uma tarefa trivial. O próprio Waltz falhou em apresentar critérios claros para a identificação em-pírica de um polo. De modo a lidar com essa dificuldade, a tese partiu de alguns entendimentos, a saber: 1) o poder econômico e a capacidade política (que re-mete ao direcionamento dos frutos do crescimen-to econômico para as finalidades públicas) são es-senciais na caracterização de um Estado como polo ; 2) contudo, o crescimento econômico deve ser acompanhado de um crescimento militar suficien-te para fornecer ao polo ascendente∕desafiante chances consideráveis de sucesso numa eventual grande guerra contra o polo estabelecido; 3) por grande guerra entende-se um confronto no qual estão em jogo objetivos considerados vitais por ambas as partes (polo ascendente e polo estabele-cido) e em que, consequentemente, o uso da tota-lidade dos recursos de poder é contemplado pelos beligerantes. Até 2013, com base em dados provenientes 1 DAWOOD, L. I. A. (2013). China versus the United States: is bipolarity back? A study of internal balancing as a possible source of international systemic change. Tese (Doutorado em Relações

El siguiente trabajo busca delinear los límites de la definición de bipolaridad tomando en cuenta distintas conceptualización del poder con respecto a la República Popular China.

The following work seeks to delineate the limits of what bipolarity means taking into account different conceptualizations of Power with respect to the People's Republic of China.

Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği (SSCB)'nin dağılması, Soğuk Savaş düzeninin ve iki kutuplu uluslararası sistemin son bulmasının ardından kaleme alınan makalesinde yazar 'iki kutupluluk' kavramının sıklıkla kullanılmasına ve uluslararası ilişkiler teorilerinin merkezinde yer almasına karşın iki kutuplu sistemin ne anlama geldiğinin, diğer sistemlerden farkının ne olduğunun tam olarak açıklanmadığını iddia etmektedir. Makalenin, iki kutupluluğun tanımlanmamışlığını, iki ve çok kutuplu sistemler arasındaki farkın iyi açıklanmamışlığını gözler önüne sermeyi; iki kutupluluğun farklı bağlamlarda farklı şeyleri ifade etmek için kullanılıyor olduğunu ortaya çıkarmayı amaç edindiğini belirtmektedir. Yazara göre iki kutupluluk kavramının devletlerin davranışlarını tanımlamak için mi yoksa açıklamak için mi kullanıldığı muğlaktır ve bu nedenle iki kutupluluk ile çok kutupluluk arasındaki ayrım hakkında yazılanların çoğu bu muğlaklıktan nasibini almaktadır. Bu nedenle yazar makalede ilk olarak savaş sonrası dönemde ortaya çıkan iki kutupluluk konseptinin gelişimini, çeşitlenen anlamlarını incelemekte ve açıklayıcı bir kavram olarak kullanımını eleştirmektedir. İkinci olarak, İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dönemi tanımlamak için geleneksel güç dengesi teorisinden faydalanan farklı bir yolu tartışmakta, diğerlerinin iki kutuplulukla açıklamaya çalıştığı beklenmedik devlet davranışlarını alternatif bir açıklamasına girişmektedir. Ardından, savaş sonrası uluslararası sistemin farkının geleneksel askeri gücün dağılımına değil de nükleer silah teknolojisine dayandığı tezinin devletlerin Soğuk Savaş boyunca davranışlarını açıklamakta tatmin edici olmadığını tartışmaktadır.

โลกในยุคหลังสงครามเย็นเป็นโลกที่ถูกขับเคลื่อนภายใต้อุดมการณ์เสรีนิยมประชาธิปไตยและระบบเศรษฐกิจแบบทุนนิยม กล่าวอีกนัยหนึ่งคือเป็นโลกที่ถูกควบคุมและจัดระเบียบโดยสหรัฐฯซึ่งผงาดขึ้นเป็นมหาอำนาจหนึ่งเดียวในการเมืองระหว่างประเทศภายหลังจากการล่มสลายของสหภาพโซเวียตในช่วงต้นทศวรรษที่ 1990 โดยภายหลังจากการสิ้นสุดของสงครามเย็นได้ปรากฏให้เห็นการก่อกำเนิดระเบียบโลกชุดใหม่ตลอดจนการเปลี่ยนแปลงขั้วอำนาจทางการเมืองระหว่างประเทศ จากรูปแบบของสองขั้วอำนาจ (Bipolarity) สู่ขั้วอำนาจเดียว (Unipolarity)  ซึ่ง John Lewis Gaddis เรียกการเปลี่ยนแปลงครั้งสำคัญนี้ว่าเป็นการสิ้นสุดของสันติภาพอันยาวยาวนาน 

คำถามสำคัญซึ่งกลายเป็นข้อถกเถียงในหมู่ผู้ศึกษาความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างประเทศคือ ระบบโลกแบบขั้วอำนาจเดียวหรือระเบียบโลกใหม่ภายใต้การควบคุมของสหรัฐฯจะมีความยั่งยืน คงทน มีเสถียรภาพและก่อให้เกิดสันติภาพหรือไม่ การตอบคำถามข้างต้นอย่างเป็นระบบจำต้องแยกพิจารณาคำถามออกเป็น 2 ประเด็นได้แก่  (1) ประเด็นด้านความยั่งยืน คงทนและมีเสถียรภาพของระบบขั้วอำนาจเดียว  และ (2) ประเด็นการนำไปสู่สันติภาพภายใต้ระบบขั้วอำนาจเดียว โดยบทความนี้จะมุ่งตอบคำถามและเสนอข้อถกเถียงครอบคลุมทั้งในประเด็นด้านความยั่งยืนและความมีเสถียรภาพของระบบขั้วอำนาจเดียว ควบคู่กันไปกับการพิจารณาประเด็นด้านสันติภาพ

ข้อถกเถียงหลักของงานชิ้นนี้วางอยู่บนข้อเสนอที่ว่าระบบขั้วอำนาจเดียวเป็นระบบที่ไม่ยั่งยืนและปราศจากซึ่งเสถียรภาพ แต่ระบบขั้วอำนาจเดียวภายใต้การนำของสหรัฐฯก็มิได้บั่นทอนการเกิดสันติภาพหรือนำไปสู่การเพิ่มขึ้นของความขัดแย้งเฉกเช่นข้อเสนอของ Nuno P. Monteiro  ทั้งนี้การตอบคำถามข้างต้นเลี่ยงมิได้ที่จำต้องอาศัยกล่องเครื่องมือหรือทฤษฏีทางความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างประเทศในการคลี่คลายความสลับซับซ้อนของชุดคำถามและปรากฏการณ์ทางสังคม  ซึ่งเครื่องมือที่บทความนี้เลือกใช้เพื่อทำความเข้าใจประเด็นเรื่องเสถียรภาพและสันติภาพภายใต้ขั้วอำนาจเดียวคือแนวคิดเรื่อง regime


*หมายเหตุ: ไฟล์บทความนี้ยังไม่ใช่ไฟล์ที่ได้รับการแก้ไขแล้ว โดยยังมีข้อความที่ผิดพลาดดังนี้

หน้า 32

1. คอลัมน์ที่ 2 (ด้านขวา) พารากราฟแรก บรรทัดที่ 4 - การเปลี่ยนแปลงสำคัญในสภาพแวดล้อมระหว่างประเทศ แก้เป็นการเปลี่ยนแปลงครั้งสำคัญในสภาพแวดล้อมระหว่างประเทศ 

2. คอลัมน์ที่ 2 (ด้านขวา) พารากราฟที่ 2 บรรทัดที่ 6 - Napol แก้เป็น Napoléon Bonaparte 

3. ตรงบรรทัดที่ 4 ของหัวข้อ ความยั่งยืนคงทน และมีเสถียรภาพ - การเปลี่ยนแปลงสำคัญในสภาพแวดล้อมระหว่างประเทศ แก้เป็นการเปลี่ยนแปลงครั้งสำคัญในสภาพแวดล้อมระหว่างประเทศ

; It is easy to say that the silent majority of the American public, who never run in the election, ran for the 2020 presidential election, which received about 150 million votes, even more. This is unprecedented in US election history. Understanding why and how this silent population came to a political event requires a study of political psychology in American society. But this discussion tries to analyze this political event from a political-cultural perspective. This article seeks to explain the role of political culture in the recent US elections and how it differs in terms of differences in political cultures. Under this pretext, the role of political culture in domestic and foreign policies in the world will be discussed.

The purpose of the current investigation was to examine the personality predictors of bipolar disorder symptoms, conceptualized as one-dimensional (bipolarity) or two-dimensional (mania and depression). A psychiatric sample (N=370; 45% women; mean age 39.50 years) completed the Revised NEO Personality Inventory and the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory -2. A model in which bipolar symptoms were represented as a single dimension provided a good fit to the data. This dimension was predicted by Neuroticism and (negative) Agreeableness. A model in which bipolar symptoms were represented as two separate dimensions of mania and depression also provided a good fit to the data. Depression was associated with Neuroticism and (negative) Extraversion, whereas mania was associated with Neuroticism, Extraversion and (negative) Agreeableness. Symptoms of bipolar disorder can be usefully understood in terms of two dimensions of mania and depression, which have distinct personality correlates.

The idea that bipolarity is more stable than multipolarity has become dominant in the last decades. However, few studies have used historical cases of bipolarity for supporting or contradicting this theory. This paper briefly describes all the known cases of bipolar systems in history, with their duration, the distribution of power, and major wars. It then compares the occurrence of major war under both bipolarity and multipolarity. The results of this study show that bipolar systems are more unstable than multipolar ones.

Cet article se propose d'esquisser une métapsychologie de la psychose en se focalisant uniquement sur la description des processus psychiques qui sont caractéristiques de chaque pathologie, ce qui permet de dégager leur logique propre, et de montrer à chaque fois la dimension spatiale ou temporelle dont le patient fait abstraction. En effet, les discours et les comportements de la psychose nous apparaissent souvent comme incohérents, et pourtant, ils suivent des processus psychiques qui sont à la fois logiques et spécifiques à chaque pathologie, tel est du moins ce que cet article se propose de montrer en s'appuyant sur des vignettes cliniques. Il s'agira de voir comment l'expérience mal acquise de l'espace et du temps conduit les patients psychotiques à suivre des logiques imaginaires, que les logiciens appellent aussi des logiques formelles, parce qu'elles ont la particularité de faire abstraction d'une dimension spatiale ou temporelle de l'expérience, tandis qu'en pareille situation, les patients névrosés suivent des logiques empiriques. Ainsi, chaque pathologie de la psychose suit une logique imaginaire qui lui est propre : le processus psychique spécifique à l'autisme suit une logique trivalente ou floue, celui de la schizophrénie suit une logique hypothétique ou non-monotone, celui de la paranoïa suit une logique répétitive ou fractale, et celui des troubles bipolaires suit une logique associative, ce que l'on appelle respectivement dans la clinique de la psychose l'indifférenciation, l'hallucination, la systématisation, et le discours logorrhéique du coq à l'âne.

BackgroundWe hypothesised that men and women who engage in extreme or high-risk sports would score higher on standardised measures of bipolarity and impulsivity compared to age and gender matched controls.MethodsFour-hundred and eighty extreme or high-risk athletes (255 males and 225 females) and 235 age-matched control persons (107 males and 128 females) were enrolled into the web-based case-control study. The Mood Disorder Questionnaire (MDQ) and Barratt Impulsiveness Scale (BIS-11) were administered to screen for bipolarity and impulsive behaviours, respectively.ResultsResults indicated that extreme or high-risk athletes had significantly higher scores of bipolarity and impulsivity, and lower scores on cognitive complexity of the BIS-11, compared to controls. Further, there were positive correlations between the MDQ and BIS-11 scores.ConclusionThese results showed greater rates of bipolarity and impulsivity, in the extreme or high-risk athletes, suggesting these measures are sens...