Anti-Immigrant Discourses

Summary: The paper analyses metaphorical linguistic expressions and their corresponding cognitive structures in online debates on the European Migrant Crisis. It provides an overview of the variety of mechanisms we use to talk and think about an important socio-political issue such as migration. The aim is to reveal the ideological background of metaphors identified in online migration debates in Bosnian / Croatian / Serbian languages.

La introducción del estatuto jurídico de irregularidad inmutable en la legislación chilena sobre extranjería o la profundización del proceso de criminalización de la inmigración.
RESUMEN
La categoría del "extranjero ilegal" es una construcción social dirigida a la criminalización de la inmigración. Es en función de un propósito utilitario que esta alteridad se construye a través de discursos antiinmigración. La promesa de explotación laboral es a menudo la razón que favorece su emergencia. En el contexto chileno actual es posible afirmar su instalación en el imaginario colectivo, como probada su expresión en la prensa escrita, cuestión que no posee reflejo jurídico. A la luz de la perspectiva teórica de la criminología crítica, se analiza la presencia de este discurso en artículos de diarios, en pleno período de campaña electoral (año 2016), con el que se prepara el terreno para el establecimiento de estatutos jurídicos que no permitan una fácil regularización. Sin embargo, el estudio de la legislación chilena en materia de extranjería sugiere que ésta no prevé un estatuto jurídico diferenciado, específico e inmutable. Observamos por el contrario una normativización del estatuto de legalidad que procura la recuperación del mismo en casos tales como la pérdida de los permisos de estancia o residencia, temporales o permanentes. Una modificación en la legislación tendente a la creación del estatuto de irregularidad administrativa inmutable podría suscitar la profundización del proceso de criminalización de la inmigración.
Palabras clave: Extranjero ilegal; Criminalización de la inmigración; Irregularidad administrativa; Extranjería; Discurso antiinmigración.

Birleşik Krallık’ta Haziran 2016’da gerçekleştirilen referandum sonucuna göre, Avrupa Birliği’nden “ayrılma taraftarlarının” oranı daha ağır basmış ve bu sürecin ardından Avrupa bütünleşmesinin geleceğine ilişkin tartışmalar farklı bir boyutta ele alınmaya başlamıştır. Avrupa şüpheciliğinin belirgin olduğu yerlerden biri olan Birleşik Krallık’ta referandum sonucunda %51,9’luk oranla Avrupa Birliği’nden ayrılma yönünde oy kullanılması şaşırtıcı bir resim çizmemekteyken, ayrılma kararında göçmen karşıtı parti söylemlerinin oldukça etkili olması ilginç bir tabloya işaret etmektedir. Çalışmada, Brexit sürecinde göçmen karşıtı söylemlerin hangi derecede etkili olduğuna yanıt aranmakta ve çalışma literatüre dayanarak ele alınmaktadır. Bu anlamda, göçmen karşıtlığının
araçsallaştırılmasında önemli bir örnek sunan ve sert Avrupa şüphecisi olan Birleşik Krallık Bağımsızlık Partisi’nin süreçteki söylemleri üzerinde yoğunlaşılmaktadır. Birlik olma anlayışında çokkültürlülük vurgusu artış gösterse de, göçmenlerin Avrupa Birliği üye devletlerinde ekonomik ve sosyal anlamda bir yük oluşturduğu üzerinde tezlerin sunulması ve göçmen karşıtlığının etki alanının genişletilmesi konusunda Brexit süreci somut bir çıktı sunmaktadır.

Resumen. El llamado uso público de la historia hace referencia a la práctica habitual por parte, entre otros, de instituciones del Estado y partidos políticos, de proyectar determinadas interpretaciones del pasado para fomentar valores y planteamientos ideológicos en el presente. El presente artículo analiza el comportamiento del partido Vox en este sentido, que ha sido objeto de algún enfoque periodístico, pero no académico, y que resulta particularmente relevante por varias razones. El partido destaca por la intensidad con la que recurre a referencias históricas en su comunicación política, así como por su énfasis preferente en hitos del pasado remoto de España, y en particular la Reconquista y el periodo imperial (particularmente siglos XVI y XVII). Se abordan en este estudio las variadas maneras en las que el partido Vox hace uso como instrumento político de una particular interpretación de la historia de España, que supone en buena medida la recuperación del relato histórico nacional conservador del siglo XIX, también dominante en los años del franquismo. El relato histórico que el partido asume ha sido por lo general descartado y abandonado por la historiografía académica contemporánea.

Palabras clave: Vox; derecha radical; uso público de la historia; nacionalismo; nativismo; inmigración; reacción cultural.

Vox and the use of history: a narrative of Spain´s remote past as a political tool

Abstract. The expression public use of history refers to a common practice by State institutions and political parties, of enhancing certain interpretations of the past with the aim to foster values and ideological stands in the present. This paper analyses the behavior in this sense of the political party Vox, which has been subject of journalistic but not academic approach, and which is particularly relevant for several reasons. Vox stands out for its intense use of historical references in its political communication, as well as for its emphasis on events from the remote past of Spain, such as the Reconquista and the Imperial period (particularly 16 th and 17 th century). This study analyses the diverse ways in which Vox appeals to a particular interpretation of Spanish history, which basically retakes the conservative historical national narrative of the 19th century, also predominant in the Francoist period. This historical narrative adopted by the party has however largely been discarded and abandoned by current academic historiography.

This paper, first, provides an analysis of contemporary anti-immigration activism in the United States, situating it historically and theoretically through an examination of nativism and vigilantism. Second, it merges insights from political process theory and structured ignorance theory to develop an historical account of three key preconditions that set the stage for and accelerated contemporary anti- immigration activism. In so doing this paper addresses fundamental empirical and theoretical gaps in political process theory and demonstrates how structured ignorance theory can help us better understand how shifting structural conditions promoted contemporary anti-immigration mobilization by generating perceptions conducive to conservative activism.

The rising significance of the far-right as political actors is one of the most noticeable political trends in Europe within the recent decades. It causes constant research activity aimed at the analysis of nature of public support of right-wing forces. However, the researchers, dealing with the issues of assessing the public support of the far-right in different European countries frequently have confront the problem of lack of relevant measurement tools, as well as efficient methodology for valid cross-country analysis. This stems not only from different “political background” and “political environment”, connected with political traditions and political practices, but also from the nature of public support of the far-right, having not only “overt”, but also “covert” component. Whereas “overt” component is on the surface and is good measurable (mainly by conventional tools such as polling), the “covert” one, encompassing the in-depth social sentiments, is hardly measurable. This p...

This study aims to find out the opinion of the immigrants about Turkish newspapers discourse on immigrants and the effects of this discourse on their willingness to communicate in  Turkish as a second langauge.  Firstly the discursive presentation of immigrants in the Turkish newspapers over 5 year period will be examined through detailed concordance and collocational analysis. This way, we will try to define how ideological strategies are lingusitically constructed in the newspapers.  Then we will interview with the immigrants about the newspaper discourse on immigrants  perceived by them and the effects of this discourse on their willingness to communicate in Turkish.
The materials used in this study are  opinion articles from six different elite newspapers and the interviews obtained from 50 immigrant university students. Drawing on  Reisigl - Wodak’s (2001)  Strategies of positive self- and negative other-presentation, quantitative - qualitative data analysis will be done. Results reveal that although all columinsts use  similiar linguistics devices in the representation of the immigrants, they  have different discursive strategies due to  their ideological viewpoints. Moreover the results show that  the immigrants consider that newspapers have active role in the production of  the discourse on immigrants and  their willingness to communicate in Turkish.

Key words: Turkish newspaper, immigrants, positive self-representation, negative other representation, discursive strategies

This study aims to find out the opinion of the immigrants about Turkish newspapers discourse on immigrants and the effects of this discourse on their willingness to communicate in  Turkish as a second langauge.  Firstly the discursive presentation of immigrants in the Turkish newspapers over 5 year period will be examined through detailed concordance and collocational analysis. This way, we will try to define how ideological strategies are lingusitically constructed in the newspapers.  Then we will interview with the immigrants about the newspaper discourse on immigrants  perceived by them and the effects of this discourse on their willingness to communicate in Turkish.
The materials used in this study are  opinion articles from six different elite newspapers and the interviews obtained from 50 immigrant university students. Drawing on  Reisigl - Wodak’s (2001)  Strategies of positive self- and negative other-presentation, quantitative - qualitative data analysis will be done. Results reveal that although all columinsts use  similiar linguistics devices in the representation of the immigrants, they  have different discursive strategies due to  their ideological viewpoints. Moreover the results show that  the immigrants consider that newspapers have active role in the production of  the discourse on immigrants and  their willingness to communicate in Turkish.

Key words: Turkish newspaper, immigrants, positive self-representation, negative other representation, discursive strategies

This book deals with the construction of the ‘other’ in European media at a time when the recently expanded EU is facing new political, economic and social challenges. The aim of the book is to document the diverse discursive forms of othering, ranging from differentiation to discrimination, that are directed against various ‘other Europeans’ in both institutionalized media and such non-elite semi-public contexts as discussion forums and citizen blogs. Drawing on data from British, Polish, French, Czech, Italian, Hungarian, Spanish and Estonian contexts, the individual papers investigate how various social groupings – regions, nations, ethnicities, communities, cultures – are discursively constructed as ‘outsiders’ rather than ‘insiders’, as ‘them’ rather than ‘us’. While most of the papers are grounded in linguistics and critical discourse studies, the book will also appeal to numerous other social scientists interested in the interface between language, media and social issues.

Abstract

The rising significance of the far-right as political actors is one of the most noticeable political trends in Europe within the recent decades. It causes constant research activity aimed at the analysis of nature of public support of right-wing forces. However, the researchers, dealing with the issues of assessing the public support of the far-right in different European countries frequently have confront the problem of lack of relevant measurement tools, as well as efficient methodology for valid cross-country analysis. This stems not only from different “political background” and “political environment”, connected with political traditions and political practices, but also from the nature of public support of the far-right, having not only “overt”, but also “covert” component. Whereas “overt” component is on the surface and is good measurable (mainly by conventional tools such as polling), the “covert” one, encompassing the in-depth social sentiments, is hardly measurable. This pose real problem for assessing the genuine amount of public support far-right forces taking into account the fact, that “covert” component is to be crucial in achieving that goal. In October 2020 to tackle this problem by the international group of researchers there was initiated the research project, aiming at development of the specific research methodology on the combination of traditional and “digital” research methods such as comparative analysis, expert interviews and “social media listening” (SML) for analysing the xenophobic and anti-immigrant sentiments in three European societies – in Germany, Poland and Russia as a “covert” component. The accomplishment of the research project is expected to provide not only the insights into specifics of the public support of the far-right in different European countries by assessing the “covert” component, but also help to assess its genuine (gross) scale as well as to single out the factors influencing the public support of the far-right by putting emphasis on the ongoing political and social processes. The research project is expected to deliver the information for elaboration of the gauges (indicators) for valid cross-country analysis of the far-right politics in different countries allowing to overcome some research “weak points” – ranging from huge differences in political traditions to scarcity of relevant data. The aim of this article is to present and discuss the elaborated methodological approach.

Title in Polish

Ocena skrajnej prawicy w Europie: analiza porównawcza nastrojów ksenofobicznych i anty-imigranckich w Niemczech, Polsce i Rosji

Rosnące znaczenie skrajnej prawicy jako aktorów politycznych jest jednym z najbardziej zauważalnych trendów politycznych ostatnich dziesięcioleci w Europie. Powoduje to aktywną działalność badawczą, której celem jest analiza charakteru poparcia społecznego sił prawicowych. Jednak badacze zajmujący się zagadnieniami oceny poparcia społecznego skrajnej prawicy w różnych krajach europejskich często borykają się z problemem braku odpowiednich narzędzi badawczych, a także skutecznej metodologii rzetelnej analizy przekrojowej. Wynika to nie tylko z odmiennego „tła politycznego” i „środowiska politycznego”, związanego z tradycjami i kulturą polityczną, ale także z natury poparcia społecznego skrajnej prawicy, mającego nie tylko „jawny”, ale i „ukryty” komponent. Podczas gdy „jawny” jest na powierzchni i dobrze mierzalny (głównie za pomocą konwencjonalnych narzędzi, takich jak sondaże), „ukryty”, obejmujący głębokie nastroje społeczne, jest trudno mierzalny. Tworzy to poważne problemy w ocenie rzeczywistego poparcia publicznego sił skrajnie prawicowych, biorąc pod uwagę fakt, że „ukryty” komponent ma być kluczowy dla osiągnięcia tego celu. Aby rozwiązać powyższy problem, w październiku 2020 r. miedzynarodowa grupa badaczy zainicjowała projekt, którego celem jest opracowanie specyficznej metodologii badawczej dotyczącej połączenia tradycyjnych i „cyfrowych” metod, takich jak analiza porównawcza, wywiady z ekspertami i monitoring mediów społecznościowych (metoda SML) dla właściwej analizy nastrojów ksenofobicznych i anty-imigranckich w trzech społeczeństwach europejskich – w Niemczech, Polsce i Rosji – jako komponentu „ukrytego”. Oczekuje się, że realizacja tego projektu badawczego nie tylko dostarczy wglądu w specyfikę powszechnego poparcia skrajnej prawicy w różnych państwach europejskich poprzez ocenę „ukrytego” komponentu, ale także pomoże ocenić jego rzeczywistą skalę, wyodrębnić czynniki wpływające na poparcie społeczne skrajnej prawicy, kładąc nacisk na toczące się procesy polityczne i społeczne. Co ważniejsze, przygotowany projekt badawczy ma dostarczyć informacji potrzebnych do opracowania wskaźników do ważnej, przekrojowej analizy skrajnie prawicowej polityki w różnych państwach. Pozwoli to przezwyciężyć problemy w niektórych „słabych punktach” badań – począwszy od ogromnych różnic politycznych aż po niewystarczalne odpowiednie dane. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie i poddanie dyskusji wypracowanego podejścia metodologicznego.

This study analyzes the correlation of rhetoric usage by members of Congress who were supported by the Tea Party political movement with changes in mainstream conservative political discourse. The rhetoric of these politicians after the Tea Party’s ascendance in the 2010 congressional elections was compared to the rhetoric used by the 2008, 2012, and 2016 Republican nominees to understand the correlation with other changes in conservative discourse. I studied this discourse shift using speech analysis to code for instances of negative discourse and establish a comparison
between these election years while also noting rhetorical shifts evident among mainstream conservative politicians.

The aim of this study is to address the competing narratives about Turkey's `open door policy` on Syrian refugees by analyzing two Twitter campaigns, which were launched against this policy. The `open door policy` refers to the humanitarian policy of allowing Syrian asylum seekers to enter Turkey without any paperwork expectations. My research questions are `How does the host society frame its arguments for and against the refugee policy in the Turkish case?`, `How are the Syrian refugees represented as a category in different policy narratives? `, and `Is there a convergence among the Turkish anti-refugee narrative and the broader Western anti-immigrant discourse?` For conducting this research, I mainly relied on the Qualitative Narrative Policy Framework. This methodology identifies competing narratives about policies through defining key elements of each narrative, consisting of a setting, characters, a plot and a moral of the story. In this study, I deconstructed the narratives of Turkish anti-policy and pro-policy camps based on these four elements. The main data consist of 200 tweets posted in2016 and in2017 under two anti-refugee Twitter campaigns. The sampling includes random Twitter users, politicians and celebrities who has impact on the social discourse. I collected, translated, coded and analyzed the most popular tweets posted under this debate. Later on, I conducted a discourse analysis based on a post-colonial critical perspective. As a result, I found out that the conflict between the anti-policy and pro-policy camps is rooted in a deeper polarization within the Turkish society. This polarization is based on the conflictive constructions of the Turkish national identity by the conservative and secular segments of the host society, rather than the refugees and their rights. Furthermore, the Syrian refugees are represented either as a homogenous category of `villains` or as a category of `victims` who lack agency. Both of these constructions reproduce the `subaltern` position of the refugees, whose existence is reduced to a discursive tool for supporting the political claims of two different camps within the host society.

Advances in social movement research conceptualise micromobilisation as – at least – a two-step sequential process in which willingness to participate must first be generated and then translated into actual participation. However, such research often ignores a more fundamental first step in this process: the generation of movement support. I address this gap by drawing on a nationally representative sample of adults in the United States – who either sympathised with or opposed anti- immigration activism – to identify individual attributes differentiating anti-immigration movement supporters and non-supporters. Perceptions of economic threat, waning confidence in political leadership, and prejudicial cultural beliefs about Latinos represent attributes differentiated movement supporters from non-supporters. Power devaluation theory is used as an overarching framework to meaningfully interpret these results. More generally, I argue that grievances play an important, yet under theorised role in jumpstarting conservative micromobilisation and that principles from power devaluation theory can help us understand the differentiation of movement support, irrespective of a social movement's political orientation.

This book deals with the construction of the ‘other’ in European media at a time when the recently expanded EU is facing new political, economic and social challenges. The aim of the book is to document the diverse discursive forms of othering, ranging from differentiation to discrimination, that are directed against various ‘other Europeans’ in both institutionalized media and such non-elite semi-public contexts as discussion forums and citizen blogs. Drawing on data from British, Polish, French, Czech, Italian, Hungarian, Spanish and Estonian contexts, the individual papers investigate how various social groupings – regions, nations, ethnicities, communities, cultures – are discursively constructed as ‘outsiders’ rather than ‘insiders’, as ‘them’ rather than ‘us’. While most of the papers are grounded in linguistics and critical discourse studies, the book will also appeal to numerous other social scientists interested in the interface between language, media and social issues.