Anti-Corruption Law

Відповідно до публічних відомостей, наданих міжнародною громадською організацією Transparency International, Україна посідає 130 місце зі 180 за рівнем корумпованості бюрократичного апарату влади.
Відтак, метою державної політики протидії корупції є виявлення та подолання її соціальних передумов і наслідків корупційних дій.

Одним із чинників боротьби з корупцією став Закон України від 07.04.2011 р. № 3207‑VI «Про внесення змін до деяких законодавчих актів України щодо відповідальності за корупційні правопорушення», яким встановлена кримінальна відповідальність за незаконне збагачення. Кримінальний кодекс України було доповнено ст. 368-2 «Незаконне збагачення». Чи є наведений склад ефективним засобом протидії корупційним явищам в Україні — питання сьогоднішньої дискусії.
Чинна редакція цієї статті передбачає кримінальну відповідальність за незаконне збагачення, що визначається як «набуття особою, уповноваженою на виконання функцій держави або місцевого самоврядування, у власність активів у значному розмірі, законність підстав набуття яких не підтверджено доказами, а так само передача нею таких активів будь-якій іншій особі». Отже, диспозиція цієї статті встановлює презумпцію винуватості особи у вчиненні нею злочину.

Розширене тлумачення поняття «будь-якій іншій особі», яке міститься в абз. 1 ч. 1 ст. 368-2 Кримінального кодексу України, є нетиповим для кримінального права України в контексті вимог ст. 19 Конституції України та створює передумови для протиправного втручання в особисте життя, право на яке гарантовано ст. 32 Конституції України за формальними ознаками.

Global transparency, good governance assessors and evaluation reports including empirical indicators have posited Nigerian corruption practices to attain exponentially unbearable and despicable decrees with inexcusable impunity. Successive governments have played lip service with different templates and models to curb corruption, but most have paradoxically promoted it through their actions or inaction as the case maybe. Nigerians have justifiably become so exasperated and frustrated at the recklessness with which public officials have handled governance and public finances. In response, the Nation has experimented varied strategies towards the mitigation of corruption practices and its negative impact on the society. These strategies have spanned the areas of legislation and policy innovation, the establishment of direct-intervention Institutions and indeed the promotion of Civil Society and Individual groups with the aim of putting to

Korupsi dalam beberapa tahun ini telah memperlihatkan kepada masyarakat Indonesia akan kesistematikan dan tingkat keparahan yang sangat tinggi, sehingga diperlukan upaya-upaya yang serius dan signifikan terhadap pemberantasannya. Hal inipun tercermin dalam konsideran UU No. 20 tahun 2001 tentang Perubahan atas UU No.31 tahun 1999 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi yang secara jelas menyebutkan bahwa ” tindak pidana korupsi yang selama ini terjadi secara meluas, tidak hanya merugikan keuangan negara, tetapi  juga telah merupakan pelanggaran terhadap hak-hal sosial dan ekonomi masyarakat secara luas sehingga tindak pidana korupsi perlu digolongkan sebagai kejahatan yang pemberantasannya harus dilakukan secara luar biasa

The fourth annual Academia against Corruption in the Americas (ACA) Conference will be held virtually on May 14-15, 2021. As the title suggests, this is an international, interdisciplinary forum for the academic anti-corruption community to share research results and teaching experiences. ACA has three main goals: 1. to enrich and promote multidisciplinary research on corruption and anti-corruption in the Americas. 2. to promote the inclusion of courses or sub-topics on corruption in university curricula, in special sessions on teaching (anti-)corruption. 3. to form a research and teaching network in the Americas. (See our group on LinkedIn and online directory.) There are three session types: 1. research on corruption and anticorruption, especially in the Americas 2. didactic tools and examples of teaching corruption and anticorruption 3. tools and exercises from civil society for research and class activities Languages: Submissions accepted in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and French. Presentations at the conference may be in English or Spanish. Submission: We invite professors, researchers, and civil society organizations from all disciplines to submit proposals at https://app.oxfordabstracts.com/stages/2232/submitter. Please send queries to Bonnie J. Palifka, bonnie@tec.mx.

In order to enhance the existing legal framework on asset recovery, the EU will have to apply a "no safe haven" policy to the proceeds of corruption and use all appropriate legal tools. We argue that a new EU instrument on asset recovery, modelled after the Swiss Law on Asset Recovery, would be a valuable addition to the EU legal arsenal against corruption, in compliance with its commitments under the UN Convention against Corruption. Such an EU instrument will deal specifically with the EU's power to block the assets of foreign politically exposed persons (PEPs) and eventually facilitate restitution of these assets. Following the model of Swiss law, a reversal of the burden of proof as to the origin of PEPs' assets could be introduced in the new EU instrument. Judicial review should be wide enough to ensure fairness to the affected PEPs, balancing the new powers of the Council of the EU.

There is ample academic writing and practical examples extending the principles of transitional justice to corruption. However, very little has been written on how a society's existing anti-corruption mechanisms may be utilised in a manner compatible with the wider transitional justice processes. In Zimbabwe, the new government is taking a more rigorous approach towards anti-corruption than towards the protection of human rights, which is apparent in its pursuing corruption crimes but not crimes which violate physical integrity, such as torture, disappearances and killings. Using Zimbabwe as an example, this paper proposes ways in which transitional authorities could rely on anti-corruption mechanisms, yet go beyond them by addressing endemic corruption under the broader transitional justice mechanisms. This synchronisation will ensure that corruption is not addressed in a silo but as part of a wider redress of gross human rights violations. Such an articulation is all the more important given that societies perceived to be highly corrupt also tend to be those with poor human rights records. Moreover, the new government has acknowledged the endemic nature of corruption and has relied on the need to address it to justify the military intervention-a ground that resonated across society and appeared to legitimise the intervention. If, therefore, the new government's anti-corruption campaign is

Le rapport au droit aux Etats-Unis est profondément différent de celui de la France, des pays d’Europe adeptes du « droit continental » et d’autres pays du monde. Il repose sur le « due process of Law » où le formalisme procédural joue un rôle considérable, avec des mécanismes de sanction automatique qui font peu de place aux circonstances et au contexte. Cela a conduit – et conduit – beaucoup d’entreprises a tomber sous l’empire du FCPA pour des pratiques qu’elles considéraient comme « normales » puisque tout le monde les pratiquait, parce que l’intérêt de l’entreprise – et donc de l’emploi – en dépendait, tout comme il était « normal » que les autorités ferment les yeux ou se contentent de prononcer des peines symboliques.
Aucune entreprise et aucun individu opérant sur les marchés internationaux, qu’ils opèrent ou non sur le territoire américain – la loi étant extraterritoriale – n’est à l’abri des sanctions très lourdes en amendes, en couts de procédure, voire en emprisonnement, de plus en plus utilisé comme garantie du paiement des amendes.
La loi FCPA est également devenue un outil d’intelligence économique qui soutient une stratégie d’influence des Etats-Unis, d’une part en infligeant des amendes plus fortes aux entreprises étrangères qu’aux entreprises américaines, et d’autre part en imposant des normes de compliance, mises en œuvre par des « moniteurs », imposés par l’exécutif américains  et payés par l’entreprise,  qui renforcent leurs capacités à définir les règles du jeu mondial.
Elle est en elle-même liée à une conception du fonctionnement de l’économie capitaliste et du rôle de la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis. Le XIX° et le XX° siècle ont été dominés par les lois anti-trust (depuis le Sherman Act de 1890), comme bloquant le développement. C’est une décision de la Cour suprême en 1971 qui a obligé IBM à séparer ses activités production de machine et de langage de programmation qui a permis de lancer le logiciel comme industrie autonome. Les années d’après la chute du communisme ont été consacrées à propager le système de libre-concurrence.
La corruption, du point de vue économique, apparaît comme un facteur négatif pour le développement qui favorise la rente et contrarie l’innovation. Du point de vue politique, la pratique de la corruption par les entreprises américaines apparait contraire aux valeurs de la démocratie américaine que la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis entend promouvoir, surtout depuis la chute du Mur. Enfin, cela s’inscrit dans la « destinée manifeste » des Etats-Unis de réguler l’économie de la Terre.

En el presente artículo los autores se encargan de desarrollar los elementos del delito de concusión en el Código Penal peruano. Se explica el origen histórico, los principales aspectos problemáticos en relación con los elementos objetivos, subjetivos, así como la situación de la víctima en el referido delito.

Enshrined in various international conventions, anti-corruption authorities (ACAs), i.e. public bodies with a specific mandate to combat and prevent corruption, play a pivotal role in national integrity systems. Nevertheless, a global overview of ACAs, embracing the diversity of anti-corruption strategies around the world, appeared to be lacking. Attempting to fill this gap, the French Anti-Corruption Agency (AFA), in partnership with the Council of Europe’s Group of States against Corruption (GRECO), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and the Network of Corruption Prevention Authorities (NCPA), carried out a global mapping of ACAs. This joint project gathered data from 171 entities in 114 countries and territories. The present article outlines the project’s features, examines its main conclusions, and discusses its implications for international cooperation and the development of the NCPA.

In bribery cases, compliance-based defense often implies substantial efforts and costs on the side of corporations for providing enforcement agencies with the facts of the case. In several jurisdictions, corporations and their private sector investigators shape those facts as they lay the ground for a negotiation-based enforcement action ever-more frequently. While public investigators do their own fact-finding missions, the financial consequences and the reputational stigma associated with bribery cases
place corporations with a clear interest in proactive cooperation with the public investigation. At the same time, private entities’ proactive involvement in the fact-finding exercise questions the public


monopoly on the investigative initiatives in criminal matters and, more subtly though, the very idea of State control on the law enforcement process. On several areas, peculiar kinds of public-private partnerships - featured by a hybrid approach to governance with voluntary monitoring activities and investigative strategies based on the acquisition and control of the private entities’ information assets -are gaining ground. However, in some European continental jurisdictions, which are anchored to a neat
distinction between the respective roles of the public authorities and private sector in law enforcement, legislators seem particularly wary of such an equal cooperation in the fact-finding exercise and, occasionally, law enforcement authorities even perceive it as an obstacle to evaluate and evidence allegations.

In this chapter, Simone Lonati and Leonardo Borlini discuss the normative implications and risks of the ‘privatization’ of investigations for bribery cases by analyzing the Italian corporate liability regime, that has not been substantially modified since Legislative Decree 231/01. Such assessment is conducted in the light of the US model, that has enjoyed an unparalleled success in pursuing enforcement actions against multinational firms for corruption and other offenses and whose practices and principles have
already been ‘exported’ in some European jurisdictions. Even if Article 112 of the Italian Constitution, namely the principle of mandatory prosecution, prevents the adoption of negotiated settlements as the U.S. pre-trial diversion agreements, this study analyzes the potential benefits and challenges of the implementation of forms of cooperation between authorities and corporations based on the provisions of Legislative Decree 231/01.

The main problem in this research: first, how far does the existence of the Judicial Commission realize a dignified Judge? Second, how is the Judicial Commission strengthening as an effort to build a clean and authoritative judiciary?The research method used is normative juridical to analyze research data. Data was collected through a review of data obtained from secondary data, primary and secondary legal materials. Secondary data research on legislation by means of vertical and horizontal synchronization, including conducting legal comparison methods with other countries. The results of the study found, first, that the legislation has largely regulated the position of the Judicial Commission but in practice it cannot be fully implemented because of the lack of regulation and technical understanding with the Supreme Court as the technical understanding of the verdict as a basis for alleged violations of the code of ethics. Second, strengthening the existence and contribution of the Judicial Commission by giving practical contributions to the Supreme Court in the form of increasing the competence and welfare of judges with the Judicial Commission budget, and establishing a joint task force with other law enforcement agencies in order to maintain and uphold the honor, dignity and conduct of Judges and form representatives of the Judicial Commission in the region.
Keywords: Judicial Commission, Judge Dignity, Judiciary, Prestigious

A reprovação e a prevenção do fenômeno da corrupção desafiam profundamente a teoria e a prática das ciências criminais em âmbito nacional e internacional. Os desafios levantados pelo fenômeno da corrupção podem ser agrupados segundo as três disciplinas das ciências criminais: direito penal e processual penal, criminologia e política criminal. Cada uma das disciplinas elucida uma perspectiva do fenômeno, na medida em que a torna perceptível ao seu objeto e metodologia científicos.  Certamente alguns problemas teórico-práticos convocam soluções interdisciplinares, que podem ser didaticamente alocadas entre as indagações mais próprias de uma específica disciplina.

O presente artigo busca abordar a questão da responsabilização na Lei nº 12.846/2013, também chamada de Lei Anticorrupção, a partir da defi nição de sua natureza jurídica e da delimitação de sua amplitude subjetiva. Antes disso, far-se-á rápida digressão para explanar o tema da Corrupção a partir de suas raízes históricas, demonstrando sua presença, desde os primórdios da colonização brasileira até os dias atuais. Destaca-se, assim, o liame temporal que acabou por desembocar na edição da Lei Anticorrupção como uma forma de completar o sistema legal pátrio de defesa da moralidade. No núcleo do artigo, questiona-se se a amplitude da referida lei também abarcaria a responsabilização das pessoas físicas responsáveis pelos atos lesivos defi nidos neste diploma ou se esta lei se restringiria apenas à responsabilização das pessoas jurídicas. Procura-se delimitar de forma mais objetiva os sujeitos ativos e passivos abarcados pela Lei Anticorrupção e como as sanções previstas se amoldam às especificidades de cada caso. Tudo isso visa a favorecer sua aplicação racional, sempre em homenagem ao princípio da segurança jurídica.

Аннотация. В предлагаемой статье проведен анализ понимания гражданского обще-ства, его роли в развитии государства и мониторинг правоприменения российского зако-нодательства об общественном контроле. В связи с принятием специализированного за-кона, в Российской Федерации впервые введены в правовой оборот такие понятия, как обще-ственный контроль, субъекты, формы, обозначены цели, задачи и принципы общественного контроля. Вступление в силу закона более года назад стало новеллой правоприменения. В настоящее время есть основания обобщать практики, которые позволяют выявить как по-ложительный опыт, так и отдельные недостатки, связанные с реализацией положения за-кона. Написание предлагаемой статьи стало результатом практической работы автора в данной сфере и учитывает как федеральный, так и региональный опыт. Ключевые слова: Конституция, государство, общество, право, контроль, законодатель-ство, государственное управление, конституционное право, правоприменение, мониторинг, гражданин, информация, прозрачность, эффективность, доверие.

В монографии изложены результаты проведенного анализа теоретических основ и практических аспектов противодействия коррупции на основе международного опыта и в Российской Федерации. Выявлен ряд проблем, связанных с осуществлением антикоррупционной деятельности государства и предложен ряд авторских решений, направленных на повышения эффективности борьбы с коррупцией.

Настоящая статья задумана с целью изучения исторических предпосылок глобализации антикоррупционного законодательства и существующих точек зрения в отношении причин ведущейся международной антикоррупционной кампании. В работе затрагиваются некоторые проблемные вопросы экстерриториального применения зарубежного антикоррупционного законодательства в отношении российских физических и юридических лиц. Делается вывод, что в условиях, когда правовые системы развитых стран соревнуются в экстерриториальном применении антикоррупционных норм, единственным способом сделать российское антикоррупционное законодательство международно конкурентоспособным является обеспечение эффективности его применения.

The present paper is designed to review a historical background leading to the globalization of anti-corruption law and different views concerning the current international anti-corruption campaign.  It also reviews legal concerns raised by the potential extraterritorial enforcement of foreign anti-corruption law against Russian legal entities and individuals. The paper concludes that, because the legal systems of developed countries compete to apply their anti-corruption rules extraterritorially, the only way to make Russia’s anti-bribery legislation more competitive is to ensure the efficiency of its enforcement.

An Anthology of International Anti-Corruption Experience (Selected Studies). Compiled with an Introduction and Commentary by Armen Aivazian. Edited by A. Aivazian & G. Yazichian. Yerevan, 2005, 368 pp.

Ժողովածուն թարգմանաբար ներկայացնում է նյութեր` արտերկրում կոռուպցիայի դեմ մղված պայքարի փորձից: Ընթերցողի ուշադրությանն է հանձնված միջազգային կառույցների և առաջատար հեղինակների մի շարք ուշագրավ վերլուծություններ ու գործնական նշանակություն ունեցող առաջարկություններ, որոնք առավելագույնս են համապատասխանում Հայաստանում հակակոռուպցիոն պայքար ծավալելու արդի պահանջներին։ Արծարծված խնդիրները վերաբերում են կոռուպցիայի հաղթահարմանը պետականաշինության գործընթացում և ժողովրդավարության ընդհանուր զարգացումների համատեքստում (Լի Քուան Յու և Սյուզան Ռոուզ-Աքերման), տնտեսության տարբեր ոլորտներում` էներգետիկայի, գյուղատնտեսության, մասնավոր հատվածի մեջ (Մաթիաս Ռութ, Ռոդնեյ Ֆինկ, Ռուսս Վեբսթեր), պետական ֆինանսների օգտագործման ընթացքում (Մայքըլ Շեֆըր), արդարադատության և կրթության բնագավառներում (Մերի Նոյել Փեփիս և Դեյվիդ Չեփմեն):
Նախատեսված է ՀՀ պետական ծառայողների, իրավապահ մարմինների աշխատակիցների, քաղաքական գործիչների, պատգամավորների, ինչպես նաև կոռուպցիայի դեմ պայքարում շահագրգռված բոլոր հասարակական կազմակերպությունների ու անձանց համար։

Ժողովածուն հրատարակվում է «Քարոզարշավ ընդդեմ Հայաստանում կոռուպցիան խրախուսող իրավական և սոցիալական պայմանների (հակակոռուպցիոն պայքարում հասարակական անհանդուրժողականության զարթեցում և մեթոդաբանական պատրաստվածության բարձրացում)» հատուկ ծրագրի շրջանակներում։ Ծրագիրը նախագծել և իրականացնում է «Ահաբեկչության դեմ պայքարի աջակցության կենտրոն» ՀԿ-ն` Եվրոպական Հանձնաժողովի «Ժողովրդավարության և մարդու իրավունքների եվրոպական նախաձեռնության» (The European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights) հովանավորությամբ։

У статті розглядається поняття громадського контролю у сфері запобігання корупції, надається перелік основних його елементів. Автор перелічує типові форми громадського контролю та здійснює їх подальший аналіз. Було запропоновано подальші шляхи вдосконалення заходів громадського контролю.

The research to date shows confl icting results about the eff ect of perceived corruption on political participation by the public. Corruption perception can mobilize, demobilize, or show no impact on political participation. The Brazilian Anti-Vote-Buying Law of 1999, one of the fastest laws ever to be approved in the country, is an example of how perceived corruption can increase public engagement. Using process tracing, the author tells this story identifying two sets of factors ranked according to their causal power (distal and proximal conditions) and further test the theory. The Brazilian population, who perceived corruption as high, learned about the antidemocratic aspects of vote buying and how to curb it. This 'informed' perception of corruption led people to politically participate by signing the popular initiative.

Статья посвящена вопросу о применении антикоррупционного законодательства США и Великобритании относительно украинских компаний. Содержит обзор основных положений антикоррупционного законодательства этих стран и предлагает украинским компаниям программу минимизации коррупционных рисков.

According to the European Commission COM (2014) 38 [final] Annex 8, Greece does not have dedicated legislation on the protection of whistleblowers in either the public or the private sector. The general labor law provisions against unfair dismissal and non-discriminatory
treatment of employees are also applicable to whistleblowers. Both Group of States Against Corruption (GRECO) and the OECD have stressed that the current framework for the protection of whistleblowers in Greece is insufficient. The Ministry of Finance, the General Inspector of Public Administration and other law enforcement bodies have put in place anonymous corruption reporting systems that have become increasingly popular in recent years. Also, civil society has implemented initiatives for reporting bribes or corrupt practices.
Moreover, several internationally active Greek companies have developed channels for whistleblowing as part of their general ethics and anti-bribery framework. The Government is currently working on draft legislation on comprehensive arrangements for the protection of
whistleblowers, as stipulated in the national anti-corruption action plan. Additionally, whistleblowing is to be promoted as part of the overall reform of tax administration, as agreed under the Memorandum of Understanding on Economic and Financial Policies.

O presente texto tem como objetivo abordar o fenômeno da corrupção no Brasil sob uma perspectiva voltada para os efeitos deste mal sobre o país, especialmente no tocante à corrosão da democracia e do Estado de Direito e em relação às violações de direitos humanos que provoca. Primeiramente são analisados alguns dados estatísticos acerca da corrupção no país e, na segunda parte do trabalho, procura-se demonstrar como a corrupção tem atuado de forma aniquiladora no Brasil, buscando-se chamar a atenção para a necessidade de uma intensificação das ações de prevenção e combate da prática, uma vez que se trata de uma doença que destrói as partes saudáveis e bem intencionadas da política, e que tem sido implacável e onipresente na história brasileira, especialmente quando se tentou ignorá-la.

The present text aims to address the phenomenon of corruption in Brazil from a perspective focused on the effects of this evil on the country, especially in relation to the corrosion of democracy and the rule of law and in relation to the violations of human rights that it causes. Firstly, some statistical data on corruption in the country are analyzed and, in the second part of the paper, we try to demonstrate how corruption has been annihilating in Brazil, seeking to draw attention to the need for intensification of prevention actions and combat of practice, since it is a disease that destroys the healthy and well-intentioned parts of politics, and which has been implacable and omnipresent in brazilian history, especially when one tried to ignore it.

The article deals with anti-corruption declaration of income of persons authorized to perform state functions in Ukraine and the CIS countries. It reveals the differences in the mechanism of anti-corruption declaration. The CIS countries have different systems of regulatory authorities, and in some of them there is no legal requirement of publishing declarations. Absence of liability for illegal enrichment throws doubts on the fulfillment of anti-corruption declaration of its purpose. The implementation of international standards on anti-corruption declaration and the fight against corruption will contribute to real results in this area.

The third annual Devolution Conference to be held this week in Meru County is a golden opportunity for assessing the impact of devolution in Kenya. This year`s theme is premised on the promise of devolution with a focus on consolidating the gains after the transition period (2010-2015). It is worthwhile to recall that the Constitution of Kenya 2010 (CoK 2010) was ratified by Kenyans on the August 4 th , 2010 via referendum after many years of clamor for constitutional change. The promulgation ushered a new governance framework in Kenya's, social, political and economic spheres. Indeed, one of the major accolades was the adoption of 47 devolved autonomous governments but interdependent (with national government) as provided for in Chapter 11 of the constitution. Article 174 on the aims of devolution may be summarized into a five point scorecard: equitable sharing of national and local resources throughout Kenya; empower the communities to manage their own affairs and to further their development; to protect the interests and rights of the minorities/marginalized; enhance participation of the people in the exercise of state powers and in decision making and to facilitate effective service delivery. A key component of this strategy is the understanding of development as not only implying economic growth but also persistent and measurable social improvements for the poor and resource-weak groups in our counties. Principally, these should result into improvements of the range of poverty associated symptoms. The assessment of the devolution should also be based on specific historical trajectories. Devolution faced three major challenges at inception: inadequate developmental policy that facilitates and promotes economic growth and structural transformation; lack of development programmes that are democratic in a manner that makes it derive legitimacy through popular participation; and the absence of social inclusiveness that ensures equitable entitlements to citizens leading to the exclusion of critical capacities and constituencies of the Kenyan population. The relationship between national and county governments has also been a central theme of post-2010 period. This has been examined from many angles: the nature and relevance of the relationship in pursuit of common goals; challenges of contemporary leadership; resource impediments to the projects of development in counties; the precise meaning of the terms " autonomous " and " interdependent "

Every year, corruption causes human suffering on a scale that should shock the conscience of the international community.

The World Bank estimates that more than $1 trillion is paid in bribes every year.  The UN Office on Drugs and Crime estimates that multinational criminality moves $2.1 trillion per year across borders.  According to Global Financial Integrity, over the past decade, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia alone have lost a collective $517 billion through illicit financial outflows.

Corruption not only decreases economic efficiency, but also undermines fundamental human rights. The public wealth lost to corruption could eradicate extreme hunger and poverty across the world.

While most countries have established a legal framework to fight corruption, they often struggle to enforce their laws in practice. Far too frequently, perpetrators are able to vitiate their national judicial systems and shield themselves from the rule of law, in direct proportion to the scale of their illicit wealth and power.  As a result, the worst perpetrators of corruption can be the least likely to face national justice.

As a result, in February 2013, GOPAC’s worldwide network of parliamentarians unanimously resolved to seek the widespread adoption of international legal instruments and strategies, to apprehend, prosecute, judge, and sentence perpetrators of Grand Corruption, the gravest forms of corruption, across borders.  Towards this end, GOPAC’s members have also mandated the organisation to explore how Grand Corruption could be deemed a crime at international law, and whether Grand Corruption should be considered a Crime Against Humanity.

У статті розглядається феномен корупції у приватному секторі. Аналізуються основні нормативно-правові акти, що визначають поняття корупції в приватній сфері. Досліджено основні форми приватноправової корупції. Запропоновано декілька напрямків взаємодії громадськості та бізнесу у заходах щодо запобігання корупції у приватному секторі.

The Coming to Terms with Political Corruption and Office Abuse Cases in Poland and the German Democratic Republic during the 1980s. A Historical-Sociological Study.

During the 1980s state socialist Poland and East Germany were a scene of coming to terms with the fallen party leaderships of Edward Gierek and Erich Honecker. The fallen leaders and their confidants faced charges, among other things, of political corruption and office abuse. The events, which happened during transformative periods (1980/1981 in Poland and 1989/1990 in the German Democratic Republic) produced anti-corruption mindsets, discourses and activities and influenced the transformative periods’ dynamic and contributed to the demise of the system.

The applicant studies official documents, summaries of popular moods, legal proceedings and personal materials of top political figures. He analyzes the build-up of structures of the elite political corruption and the coming to terms with them during transformative periods in Poland and the German Democratic Republic during the 1980s. He seeks similarities and common patterns of revolutions. The goal of the project is to show unknown aspects of Polish-German and state socialist history.

В статье раскрываются основные аспекты экспертно-аналитического обеспечения противодействия коррупции. Дан анализ ключевых проблем, связанных с проведением антикоррупционной экспертизы, работы экспертов и современных административных процедур, направленных на минимизацию коррупционных возможностей при принятии и реализации управленческих решений. Представлены основные направления противодействия коррупции. The article describes the main aspects of the expert-analytical support to counter corruption. An analysis of key issues related to the anti-corruption examination of experts, and the modern administrative procedures to minimize corruption opportunities in the adoption and implementation of management decisions. The author presented the main directions of anti-corruption

The main problem in this research: first, how far does the existence of the Judicial Commission realize a dignified Judge? Second, how is the Judicial Commission strengthening as an effort to build a clean and authoritative judiciary?The research method used is normative juridical to analyze research data. Data was collected through a review of data obtained from secondary data, primary and secondary legal materials. Secondary data research on legislation by means of vertical and horizontal synchronization, including conducting legal comparison methods with other countries. The results of the study found, first, that the legislation has largely regulated the position of the Judicial Commission but in practice it cannot be fully implemented because of the lack of regulation and technical understanding with the Supreme Court as the technical understanding of the verdict as a basis for alleged violations of the code of ethics. Second, strengthening the existence and contribution of the...

Convencionalmente se cree que un problema central a resolver es que el neoliberalismo ha erosionado el pacto fundacional de 1917. En este trabajo argumentamos que el principal problema no es la ideología neoliberal, sino la corrupción y la ausencia de una agenda anticorrupción transversal en dicho texto. Argumentamos que el daño que hace la corrupción no es
solo de tipo moral, sino también jurídico. Y el tipo de daño jurídico que la corrupción llega a infringir puede tener el efecto de subvertir la validez y normatividad de un pacto constitucional. Este daño también tiene un trasfondo moral.

The paper delineates and addresses the impact of section 171 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999 CFRN) as amended on the security of office of the heads of anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) and the fight against corruption in Nigeria. One of the key pillars for securing the independence of ACA is securing the tenure of office of the ACAs through appointment and removal procedures. Such protection enables the head to effectively discharge his function without fear or undue influence. To guarantee this, the anti-corruption law usually provides for the procedures for appointment and removal of head of ACA. Where the appointing authority of the head of ACA is the President, a confirmation of the appointment by the Senate is required. The appointment of Mr. Ibrahim Magu under section 171 CFRN after two rejections of confirmation of his appointment by the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria upon recommendations by the President calls for assessment of section 171CFRN in order to delineate and address the impacts of this section on the security of office of the heads of ACAs in particular and the ACAs in general in Nigeria. Therefore, this paper using content analysis and case study approaches examines the provisions of section 171 of the Constitution, the impact of the section on appointment of heads of ACAs. The paper finds that section 171 is an erosion of the security of office of the ACA and independence of the ACA in Nigeria. In offering the ways forward, the paper recommends among others things, the amendment of section 171 to include the head of ACA among appointments that require the confirmation of the Senate and a clear provision stating that appointment in an acting capacity made by the President should be for a maximum of one year and not renewable. Also, the removal of head of ACA at all times should be subjected to the confirmation of the Senate.

Dealing with the ‘soft’ issues that undermine service delivery at all levels
Prof. Peter E Franks
This paper will provide a broad analysis of the current crisis of public servicing in South Africa, highlighting the so-called soft issues that have proved so intractable over the past twenty years.
The issues of implementation had been raised since the mid 90’s for instance Franks, Glass, Craffort and de Jager (1996).  Numerous new systems were implemented including an attempt to reward excellence which collapsed when as the Minister of Education at the time Naledi Pandor pointed out, that they all evaluate each other as excellent. Performance Management was attempted but also fell foul of the same comraderie among the cadres.
Following the publication of the National Development Plan, the Minister of Finance, publicly acknowledged the intractability of these issues and challenges when he said in his 2013 Budget Speech to Parliament: “There are also too many people who have a stake in keeping the system the way it is. Our solutions, hitherto, have not matched the size and complexity of the challenge. As much as I want, I cannot simply wave a magic wand to make these problems disappear. This is going to take a special effort from all of us in Government, assisted by people in business and broader society. And it will take time. But we are determined to make progress.”
It is a critical moment for South Africa, wherein, if the challenges faced are not confronted at their root, that is radically, they will continue to undermine the technical efforts to deal with the symptoms.  At root are issues of conflicts of interest, and confusion of values. A primary confusion is that of adhering to a constitution and a national democratic revolution at the same time.  Another confusion, is what Mr Ben Mthembu, then Chairperson of the Public Service Commission, described as a, “…lack of clarity on what constitutes good practice and what is not acceptable” (2013). He provides an example:
“In African culture we believe in taking care of people who are important to us, by ensuring they are fed and provided with opportunities.
We know this has limits, but what are they?
It is important that we have a conversation about how far well intentioned and good-hearted cultural practices should extend in the professional realm and where they must stop”.
There are many other, so called soft issues, such as the notion of participation which unless carefully managed can easily be misused and manipulated in the service of partial interests and even corrupt practices.
South Africa needs to face these challenges in all their complexity and be careful not to reduce, basically, political, values, cultural  and social problems to legalistic and technical solutions.