Ancient Iranian Mythology

در زیر خیمه نامهای ضحاک و اژی دهاک، خدایان، آشور و مردوک و نین گیش زیدا و اینشوشیناک و پادشاه بابلی از جمله  آگوم کاک رمه و آستیاگ (آژدهاک) پادشاه ماد یکی شده اند. ولی اژی دهاک بابلی مخاصم جمشید (ابالگاماش) همان ریموش (مارجهنده) پسر سارگون اکدی است.

بررسی  اخبار راجع به سمیرامیس و نینوس (فاتح نینوا) در خبر کتسیاس و دیودروس نشان می دهد که در این باب اخبار مربوط به سه فاتح آشور، شمشی اداد پنجم، کیاخسار و کوروش و همچنین سه ملکه آشور با نامهای شامورامات، آمیتیس و تومیریس در هم آمیخته و وقایع مربوط به آنها به صورت یک فاتح آشور به نام نینوس (فاتح نینوا) و یک ملکه به نام سمیرامیس (ملکۀ بور) در آمده است.

Drawing on a wide range of sources, including folkloric, mythical, religious, literary, and scientific materials, the author investigates various beliefs and ideas about earthquakes in the highly seismic Iranian Plateau. The study compares Persian beliefs attributing earthquakes to subterranean creatures or divine will with those of other cultures. Notably, Zoroastrian apocalyptic literature presents the demon Chashmag, meaning 'well' or 'spring,' alongside Ahriman as the shaker of the earth. While it is challenging to establish a direct lexical link between springs and seismic activity, the natural connection between the two warrants further investigation supported by additional evidence.

H. Borjian 2007. “Earthquake in Persian Beliefs and Legends” (in Persian), Nâma-ye Farhangestân, Winter1385, serial number 32, pp. 6-25.

This article examines a pair of closely connected episodes in Herodotus’ account about King Cambyses. The deranged Persian monarch kills the Apis, the sacred bull of Memphis, by striking the animal on its thigh with his sword; subsequently, he perishes after wounding himself on his own thigh with the same weapon. In fact, no Apis seems to have been slain during Cambyses’ reign in Egypt. The Herodotean story is a historical legend, i.e. a fictional narrative attached to a historical figure of the recent past. This fictitious creation presumably originated from elite circles of Egypt and Persia, who were hostile to Cambyses and wished to slander him. Iranian religious and mythical motifs are especially prominent in the narrative. The ritual slaying of bulls, regularly connected with figures of Iranian legend and cult, such as Yima and Mithra, has been distorted into an act of madness, so as to denigrate the hateful king. The story of Cambyses also presents a series of parallels with the religious crimes and death of another impious monarch, Amar-Sin of Ur, as described in a Babylonian historical work, the Weidner Chronicle. Possibly a religious legend akin to that of Amar-Sin was used by the Persian enemies of Cambyses as raw material for their defamatory storytelling. This case offers a good example of a piece of fiction which has infiltrated Greek historiography and has been absorbed into the largely legendary Herodotean portrait of an archetypical oriental autocrat.

Ancient Iran Cosmology, Mythology, History by Iraj Bashiri presents Iran's pre-Islamic history within the context of both its complex cosmology and rich mythology. The book uses the concept of farr to show how authority, finding guidance in the cosmic realm, organized the lives of Iran's her-saints in the mythic realm. It also discusses how historical monarchs organized their hierarchical societies according to the dictates of Ahura Mazda.

The book is divided into three parts. The first part examines cosmology, concentrating on Ahura Mazda and the Ahuric order that emanates fro him. The next section addresses mythology and describes how the rulership of hero-saints promoted the far, culminating in the unique creed of Zoroaster. The final section tells the history of pre-Islamic Iran. It begins with a study of life on the plateau, moves on to the stages of empire and concludes with the rule of the Parthians and Sassanids.

My notes (rather rough from a stylistic point of view) for my postgraduate seminar on the Persian and Egyptian stories in Herodotus. The subjects covered include:

A. Herodotus and his relations to the Near East and Egypt. Herodotus' travels in Egypt and Asia. His sources of information, and the way Herodotus used them in order to compose his work.

B. General information on ancient Iran, the land, its peoples and their history. Ancient Iranian languages, mythology, and oral tradition. The remains of the literature of ancient Iran: the Zoroastrian Avesta, the Sasanian religious, wisdom, and narrative writings. The Iranian national mythology, its codification in the Sasanian chronicle "Xwaday-Namag"; the offshoots and adaptations of the Sasanian chronicle in the Muslim historical works of the Middle Ages (Tabari, Bal'ami) and in Firdausi's "Shahnameh". Brief overview of the literary traditions of other Eastern peoples (Sumerian and Akkadian, Hebrew, Indian); the contribution of these literatures to the reconstruction of the Iranian literary tradition. Herodotus' sources on ancient Achaemenid Persia, on Persian culture, history, and narrative traditions. The royal connections and courtly character of Herodotus' Persian sources.

C. General information on ancient Egypt, the land and its people, its history over almost three millennia. The ancient Egyptian language, its writing systems and materials of writing. Overview of the ancient Egyptian literature: its history and genres, with emphasis on the narrative works (royal historiography and Königsnovelle, tales and short novels, narratives of adventure, novellas of everyday life and piquant humour, historical novellas, mythical compositions, literary fairy tales, tales of ghosts, magic, and wizards). Herodotus' sources on ancient Egypt, on Egyptian culture, religion, and history. The Greeks of Egypt, the Graeco-Egyptians, and their relations with Herodotus. The kinds of priestly personnel and other Egyptian functionaries that Herodotus could have contacted and questioned in Egypt. The popular and low-brow character of much of Herodotus' Egyptian material.

El Shahnamé  o Libro de los reyes es la épica nacional de Irán. Es un libro fundacional y una obra maestra creada por el poeta persa Hakim Abol Qasem Ferdousí (siglos X-XI), una epopeya como pocas en el ámbito de la literatura universal. El presente trabajo posibilita una aproximación profunda a esta obra con el fin de llenar parte de los vacíos de investigación en América Latina en relación a la literatura persa y su influencia sobre la literatura occidental. Además, desde una perspectiva de Hermenéutica Cultural, Hermenéutica del Mito y el Símbolo y Hermenéutica de lo Literario, ofrece herramientas semióticas para una interpretación más certera de esta obra maestra.

منظور از ایل هفتواد مارپرست شاهنامه در اصل همان هپتالان (هفت آلانها؟) بوده اند.

مطابقت هپتالان با گروههای شرقی آلان

طبق نوشتهٔ هرودوت، در نزد ماساگتها (آلانهای غربی خبر آمیانوس مارسلینوس) هر مردی یک زن به عنوان همسر می‌گیرد، اما زنان به همگان تعلق دارند. یونانیان این رسم را به سکاها نسبت می‌دهند، حال آنکه این رسم نه به سکاها بلکه به ماساگت‌ها تعلق دارد. هر مرد ماساگت که زنی را بخواهد به جلوی کلبهٔ او ترکش خود را می‌آویزد و با خیالی آسوده، با او درمی‌آمیزد.

متقابلاً در جامعه هپتالان (هفت آلان) چند شوهری رسم بود. برادران یک زن مشترک داشتند و زنی که شوهرش برادر نداشت یعنی زن تک شوهر کلاه یک گوشه بر سر می‌کرد. زن چند شوهردار کلاهی داشت که تعداد گوشه‌های آن متساوی با تعداد شوهرهای وی بود در لباس هم وابسته به تعداد شوهرها پوپک دوخته می‌شد. دربارهٔ این عرف و عادت که هم‌زمان با چندزنی در بین والیان معمول بود، بسیاری مآخذ چینی خبر می‌دهند.

گروه خیون (منسوبین به گراز) در درون اتحادیهٔ قبایل هپتالان، نیاکان خُلج ها/غلزایی ها به نظر می رسند:

आखु m. Akhu (khu, khi) hog
कोल m. kola hog
घृष्वि m. ghRSvi (ghlzai) hog

Kavis/Kayanids are amongst the most important building-blocks of the ancient Iranian culture. The Avestan texts reveal the royal character of Kavis. However, myths of Kauui-Usan/KayUs reveal a Proto-Indo-Iranian inheritance. It is argued that the Avestan texts hint to distinguishing legends of Kauui-Usan/KayUs not to be an integral part of the proper Kayanid dynasty. Also, it is argued that the house of Kauui Vištāspa of the Old Avestan period antedate considerably the proper Kayanid dynasty, which is to be placed in the Young Avestan period. The enumerated traits of the Kayanid dynasty in particular Kauui Haosrauuah in Avestan texts lead to an appreciation of their role in the genesis of Iranian nationality. The historiography evident in the Avestan texts and the place of the Kayanid dynasty in it make it probable that this ideological historiography originated from the Kayanids. In other words, unification of Iranian countries under Kauui Haosrauuah and victory over Turiias were seen as the ultimate encounter of dualism of good and evil mirroring the slaying of Aži Dahāka by Θraētaona. In post-Avestan period, KayUs who was probably the eponym of the Kayanids was diffused into the dynasty. Likewise, the house of kauui Vištāspa was thought of a minor branch of Kayanid dynasty, post-dating the main dynasty and similarly as national Iranian kings. As such, representation of Kavis as a continuous dynasty evident in the Middle Persian and the Perso-Arabic literature is an outcome of evolution of the oral tradition amongst Iranians.

This is a study of how the most important goddess of pre-Islamic Iran, Anāhitā, was transformed over time. Possibly having roots in the prehistoric river goddess(es) of the ancient proto-Indo- European peoples of the fifth millennium BCE or earlier, she emerges by the late Achaemenid period as one of the three principal deities of the Iranian pantheon, alongside Ahura Mazdā and Miθra.
An important Avestan hymn, the Abān Yašt, is composed in the honor of Anāhitā, establishing her role within the Zoroastrian religion. During the course of this process, she acquires additional functions, presumably from preexisting goddesses in the regions where Iranians came to live. Variations on the Iranian Anāhitā are found in the religious cultures of neighboring lands, such as Armenia, Bactria, and Sogdiana. With the coming of Islam, her cult disappeared, yet numerous aspects of it survived in female figures from Persian literature and through folk tales and rituals, usually Islamicized, which are often connected with water. This  study aims to schematize these variations over time and space, in order to trace Anāhitā’s development as a major figure in Iranian religion and the constantly evolving mix of her roles and attributes within culturally diverse communities throughout Greater Iran.

The article represents a segment of global research emanating from the visual images of the Slavic deities, mostly manifested on archaeological finds, in this particular case, early Slavic artefacts (the plates of a cult character, and the so-called radiate-headed fibulae) found in the Balkans. By analysis of the iconography and symbolical features of these finds, the author attempts to define a type of mythical picture of an “anthropomorphic firmament with the phases of a solar cycle”. By its Slavic analogies, he follows this mythical picture through to the 19th century. Then, by use of iconographic analogy, and by comparison of visual images, attributes, and functions (the comparison is foremost made to the Iranian-Avesta god Z’rvan), the author suggests that this image should be identified as a mythical picture of the Slavic god Svarog who is manifested as the anthropomorphic sky. Finally, the author connects his proposed hypothesis with the known written sources, toponyms and etymological definitions related to the theonym Svarog.

Bahram V (Gur) calls himself the grandson of Shamiran-Shah who is an unknown figure. Some of western and Iranian resources have reported the marriage of Yazdegerd, Bahram’s father, to a Jewish woman. This research aimed at answering some questions: Did Yazdegerd marry a Jewish woman and was she Bahram’s mother? Who is Shamiran-Shah, whom Bahram introduces as his matrilineal ancestor? This research, after a brief look at the resources and methods of Iranian historiography, based on historical and geographical resources, examined the reigns of Yazdegerd and Bahram Gur and study various views on Yazdegerd's marriage to a Jewish woman and the so-called Shamiran-Shah. The results showed that Shamiran is not a name for human beings but rather an ancient region that can be identified as the mythological “Iranvij”. So, Shamiran-Shah is the Iranian king in that cold land, i.e. Jamshid. Referring to Shamiran-Shah as his matrilineal ancestor, Bahram had emphasized his nationality as an Iranian and the antiquity of his family - perhaps because his merits for ruling had been questioned by the nobles and clerics - as he had already shown himself as an Iranian through his patrilineage.

نظر قدیم: نام عجم و جم در نام و القاب سپیتمه جمشید و مُغ (هوم عابد) به هم می رسند. عجم می تواند از آگمه سنسکریت به معنی مؤبد سرودهای دینی اخذ شده باشد.

نظر جدید: با توجه به واژهٔ اوستایی مَئیدیه
(مَئیذیه) به معنی درخور و شایسته و ملایم، نام ماد مترادف نام قبیلهٔ مادی آریزانتیان (قبیلهٔ نجبا) و واژهٔ معرّب عجم (اَجَم) است:

माध्य adj. mAdhya meet, fit, middle
आर्य adj. Arya noble
अजम  ajama .—a (A Great, grand, noble.)

آنزو (زروان، سیمرغ) خدای باستانی بزرگ بومیان کهن فلات ایران بوده است:

مطابقت زروان با سائینی (عقاب، شاهین، آنزو)

द्रावण adj. drAvaNa putting to flight

स m. sa  bird
ष m. sha heaven
इन adj. ina mighty

An: heaven
zu: wise storm bird

در باب مطابقت زروان با  آنزو گفتنی است:

زروان، خدای دیرین، که پدر اهورمزدا و اهریمن به‌شمار می‌آمد، تنها زمان بی‌کران نبود؛ مانند سیمرغ  آنزو (مرغ دانای آسمان) که صاحب الواح تقدیر خدایان شده بود، مظهر تقدیر و سرنوشت نیز محسوب می‌شد. نام دیگر سومری او ایم دوگود موشن (مرغ توفان) بوده است. ظاهراً کوه کارنو (شاخ) که مکان آنزو محسوب است همان قلۀ دماوند کوهستان البرز مکان سیمرغ شاهنامه است.

Abstract : By compiling Slavic, Caucasian, Tatar, Armenian, Iranian and Indian myths or folktales, this article seeks to show the existence of a particular type of mythological narrative, in which a demonic creature sought to seize sovereignty over the world before being defeated by the champion of the opposing camp, who was allowed to cheat, while the demonic creature believed to protect itself by diving into a lake. In several of the versions discussed, the lake is frozen and the demon ends up beheaded.

Keywords : Satanail, Duryodhana, Afrāsīāb, David de Sassoun, Soslan.

Résumé : En compilant des récits slaves, caucasiens, tatars, arméniens, iraniens et indiens, le présent article s’attache à montrer l’existence d’un type particulier de récit mythologique dans lequel une créature démoniaque cherche à s’emparer de la souveraineté sur le monde, avant d’être vaincue par le champion du camp adverse, lequel a été autorisé à tricher, tandis que la créature démoniaque a cru se protéger en plongeant dans un lac. Dans plusieurs des versions abordées, le lac est gelé et le démon finit décapité.

Mots-clés : Satanail, Duryodhana, Afrāsīāb, David de Sassoun, Soslan.

کوه هوکر و اوشیدم و اوشیدرن  اوستا همان کوه مقدس سبلان ایرانیان است.
سوبینا نام اردبیل در نقشه های بطلمیوسی

در نقشه های بطلمیوسی در شمال شرقی آذربایجان  شهری به نام سوبینا cubina (زیبا و با شکوه) دیده میشود که به نظر می رسد همان اردبیل (شهر مقدس) یا خیاو (محل چشمهٔ خوب) باشد:

शोभिन् adj. sobhin splendorous
शोभिन् adj. sobhin splendid
शोभिन् adj. sobhin resplendent with
शोभिन् adj. sobhin brilliant
शोभिन् adj. sobhin beautiful
शोभिन् adj. sobhin beautified by

आर्थ adj. Artha  respectable
आर्थ adj. Artha  noble
आर्थ adj. Artha  honourable
पल्ली f. palli city

نام اردبیل در کتاب پهلوی شهرستانهای ایران به صورت آمل (عالی و با شکوه) به عنوان زادگاه زرتشت به شمار رفته است:

अमूल्य adj. amUlya  excellent

نام اردبیل در کتیبه رازلیق سراب آرگیشتی دوم پادشاه اورارتویی هم به صورت روتومانی (رَئوَت مانی) ذکر شده که باز به همین معنی چشمه خوب یا خانۀ و شهر با شکوه است.

نام چشمۀ سرئین اردبیل هم به صورت اوستایی سرئه-یون به معنی چشمۀ زیبا است:

srao: beautiful
योनि m.f. yoni  fountain

داستان آداپا توسط مغان بابلی به داستان آدم و حوا تبدیل شده است و اولاد آدم و حوا تا اولاد نوح در اساس پادشاهان ماد (کیانی) هستند.

در کتب پهلوی شکل نام «نخستین مخلوق» اِوَک-دات آمده است و این در اوستایی می توانست به صورت اَاِوَ- دام (نخستین مخلوق) بیان گردد که به سادگی می توانست به آدم تبدیل گردد. خیلی ها معنی عبری سرخ و خاکی را برای آن قبول ندارند و از این روی ریشۀ نام آدم را نامعلوم اعلام کرده اند:

پیرامون واژۀ آدم (ویکیپدیا):
ریشه واژه عبری اَدم روشن نیست.

This paper wants to investigate why Fereydun’s mace was bull-headed. Since this weapon has a prominent role in our epics and it has been used by most of our champions, it seems important to find out the origin of this bull-headed weapon. So there is a brief explanation about mace and all kinds of it in the texts of different periods in Iranian culture and some Indo-European cultures, in order to achieve this goal. Then there are some textual evidences in Iranian’s mythology about the role of this weapon in Fereydun’s stories, ranging from Avestan texts to the texts of the Islamic period. In order to clarify the discussion, some evidences from Hindi mythology especially the Vedic ones has been provided. Then a suggestion has been provided about why Fereydun’s mace is bull-headed based on the common things in these two cultures. After the investigating and comparing the different evidences, it has been resulted that the background of Iranian Fereydun and Vedic Trita Aptya is probably God of thunder which is born by a cow and is a bull or it is somehow similar to it. As a result, it can be said that Fereydun’s bull-head mace is an indication of his relationship with the bull.

Yasna 19 contains an Avestan exegesis of the Gāthic stanza Ahuna Vairiia, the most revered text in Zoroastrianism. The stanza is traditionally understood to be the essential statement of the religion of Mazdā. Thus, in Y 19 we have a unique opportunity to ask about the significance that the Gāthās of Zarathuštra held for the later Avestan tradition. In what intellectual horizon did Zoroastrian priests place their founding text? Although Y 19 exegesis of the Ahuna Vairiia contains semantic obscurities, it is possible to establish the meaning of the commentary through syntactic
and conceptual analysis of two key terms and the phrases where they occur. The article
critically examines the earlier interpretations of the text. Having found these
inadequate, it proposes a new reading and understanding of the Avestan exegesis. In
particular, the article argues that the Avestan exegete understood the Gāthic stanza
within an eschatological horizon.