Anarchism & Sexuality

A partir des neuf numéros du journal anarcho-féministe La Voz de la Mujer, publié à Buenos Aires en 1896-1897, j’évoque la perception que partageaient quelques femmes des classes populaires sur les relations amoureuses, la vie en couple ou la sexualité. Elles dénoncent leur rôle d’objet sexuel et disent à quel type de relations elles aspirent, sous le regard moqueur des mâles de leur classe et la réprobation de la société bourgeoise. Ce journal, dont la vie fut brève, permit au moins l’expression d’une volonté d’émancipation féminine et de sensibilisation du mouvement ouvrier aux questions d’égalité de genre.

Actas II Congreso Internacional de investigadorxs sobre anarquismo (s)
Allí podrán encontrar 70 ponencias completas y la crónica de la mesa de debates sobre anarquismos y marxismos, las reseñas de 14 libros, la presentación del portal Americalee del CeDInCI y una muestra de dibujos de Magalí Pastorino, un link para un spot con fotografías y otro hacia un documental, la presentación de la feria de publicaciones anarquistas y de dos cursos, en un caso, sobre feminismo, con algunas de las producciones surgidas de ese encuentro, y una crónica general a modo de introducción a las actas de este II Congreso Internacional de Investigadorxs sobre Anarquismos realizado en julio del año pasado en Montevideo.
Suman 1.200 páginas de materiales.
Comisión de Organización:
Adriana Miniño, Alicia Rebollo, Andrés Moyano, Daniel Amoedo, Daniel
Vidal, Federico Salas, Gerardo Garay, Gustavo Medina Pose, Ivanna
Margarucci, Josefa Sanes, Laura Fernández Cordero, Lucía Campanella,
Lucas Domínguez, Nadia Birriel, Pascual Muñoz, Sebastián Stavisky,
Yoseline González.

Although anarchist approaches to social work are not new, little has been written about this theoretical approach in the field of social work, with the exception of perhaps Martin Gilbert (2005) and Mark Baldwin (2019). In addition to this absence in the social work literature, anarchism is rarely taught to social work students as a viable theoretical approach to practice. However, such an alternative approach appears to be vital given the failures of Marxist, structural and radical approaches to social work – including anti-oppressive practice – to 1) separate the social work role from oppressive state agendas; 2) stop the professionalization and subsequent regulation of social work to the detriment of service users; 3) work successfully with communities to end social and environmental injustices and inequities; and, 4) work within the state’s institutional systems to effect meaningful change. A truly emancipatory social work praxis may mean looking to more radical approaches that are independent of state power and that take up anti-capitalist, anti-colonial, anti-racist and ecological commitments.

Women's fight for the franchise in both America and England in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was accompanied by scrutiny of women's relationship to the State by those with varying perspectives on the suffrage battle. In the industrial, post-agricultural age, motherhood defined a woman's place in western society, as well as her rights under and service to the State; if the normative role of the male citizen was the soldier, the normative role for women was the mother. Yet for all of the ways an embrace of maternalism limited women's access to the public realm, it also laid the groundwork for the women's movement, and motherhood was often seen as a route to citizenship by those on both sides of the suffrage battle. As women began to re-imagine themselves as enfranchised citizens, many social theorists, politicians, and novelists continued to debate the rights and roles of women across the body of the mother; thinkers as varied as Theodore Roosevelt, H. G. Wells, and Emma Goldman all wrote tracts about motherhood and the future of the nation. Rather than entering the old debates on the value or liability of maternalism for feminism, my dissertation will argue that the modernist period introduced a new and still-overlooked figure: the anarchic mother. In their essays and novels, Goldman, Rebecca West, John Galsworthy, and Virginia Woolf turned away from the emblem of the Republican Mother and toward a radical new figure. Rather than sacrificing her individual needs to the Republic, the anarchic mother's individual pursuit of liberty challenged the authority of the State and its cultural institutions. An important group of modernist novels and essays employs the figure of the mother to represent not tradition and unity but rebellion, separatism, abstention, or statelessness. This undertheorized figure in modernist and feminist thought clarifies Virginia Woolf's call, in Three Guineas, for allegiance to no country. If Woolf and many other artists were ambivalent as they linked motherhood and anarchy, contemporary feminists inherited both the possibilities and contradictions of the anarchic mother as they reexamine women's relationship to citizenship in the 21st century.

ANACHRONICZNA ANARCHIA WŁADZY SSetKh von Stefan Kosiewski ZR 20211231 ME SOWA Gottes Segen für das Jahr 2022
https://gloria.tv/post/SWe2ckGiwexF3VmYhAFkEveZT
ANACHRONICZNA ANARCHIA WŁADZY
https://boosty.to/mysowa/posts/e117e649-5ad6-4c5f-9457-75720afa7c9a
Polnisches Kulturzentrum e.V.
http://sowamagazyn.blogspot.com/2021/12/
Do Kancelarii Prezydenta RP
https://sowafrankfurt.wordpress.com/2021/12/19/
ZR von Stefan Kosiewski
http://sowamagazyn.blogspot.com/2021/12/z-dziejow-anarchii-w-tzw-polsce-po.html?view=timeslide
Błogosławieństwa Bożego na cały 2022 rok!
https://vk.com/wall467751157_1508

This article argues that the use of sexual infiltration by police and criminal collaborators represents a strategic deployment of surveillance technology by the state with the aim of creating Foucault’s “docile bodies” through the development of totalising omnipresence. The insertion of police into the private sphere of activists’ sexual relationships – a site presumed to be outside of state gaze – serves to not only disrupt the target communities but also to reverberate throughout social networks and create inactivity. By exposing informants from within one’s own “family”, the state is able to collect intelligence, spread insecurity and display totalising disciplinary power to the social movement under observation.

I am still on the first stretch of this nomadic exploration, but I think I can begin to answer the question that is guiding this exploration—'how can the Natural-Indigenous Worldview support our understandings of the potential for an anarchist society (i.e. for social order without hierarchical domination)?' The key of Natural-Indigenous Worldview that opens the lock of an anarchist society, of a society without hierarchical domination, comes in the Natural-Indigenous Worldview's spiritual ecology. When we develop the four R's (responsibility, reciprocity, respect, relationships [Young 2015]) through relating to the world in a manner that is facilitated by the spiritual ecology that rises from the Natural-Indigenous Worldview and thus ascribes spirit to all things without regard for the Colonial Modernist Worldview's distinction between 'animate' and 'inanimate', we come to see the world as a single, living, conscious being. The illusion of a discrete distinction between self and other breaks down and we come to see the self (and other selves) as strands in the unified, conscious web of creation. We come to care for all of creation as we would care for our children, for our partners, for our parents and for our self. Transcending the illusion of discrete individuality we develop a lovingly reciprocal, responsible, respectful and relational orientation to the world that begets virtuous thought, feeling, behavior and being without recourse to hierarchical authority (to punishment and fear of punishment). Engaging with the world through the spiritual ecology that rises from the Natural-Indigenous Worldview allows the sprouts of human nature to grow to fruition without recourse to hierarchical domination (i.e. without recourse to attempts to 'help sprouts grow' by pulling on them and the death of the sprouts of human nature portended by such hierarchical folly [Meng Zi 2016, 2A2]).

MERGING IS SEX OBVIOUSLY,  NORMAL MERGING IS KNOWING THE PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE OF BOTH BEINGS, NO YOU OR I = ONENESS,  THE TWO ANUs MERGE – IF ONE IS AN ATTACK, THEN THE ORIGINAL ANU BECOMES SMALLER, DUMBER AND WEAKER, WHICH IS WHAT IS GOING ON HERE. 

AND - OUR "REALITY" UNMASKED

Sexual orientation is the idea that everyone is either homosexual, heterosexual or bisexual and that this is a defining characteristic of individuals. Social constructionist approaches, however, have
provided a strong challenge to this notion, demonstrating that these categories are historically contingent, produced through human interaction rather than the effect of human essence. The greater debate revolves around how to organise politically in response to the suffering resulting from the processes of categorisation and stigma integral to the everyday production of 'sexual orientation'. Early political responses by women and men with same-sex desires organised around a politics of sameness, that is a politics of identity, largely perceiving sexual orientation to be a characteristic of individuals which could be addressed through claims of equality. Differences of gender, 'race', class
and sexuality challenged the possibilities of identity politics by demonstrating that 'sexual orientation' could not be isolated as a singular oppression. Building on these lessons and inspired by
French poststructuralism and new developments in sexual activism, queer theory advocated instead a radical politics of difference, suggesting that identity politics can only continue to produce the logic of identity, complicit in the production of oppression. However, a politics of difference is largely
inconsistent with the individualism upon which liberal 'democratic' State apparatuses depend. Rather than abandoning the successes of identity politics in achieving political reform through lobbying, some have advocated an intimate or sexual citizenship which attempts to integrate the importance of difference with the obvious practicality of identity and right claims. Instead, I advocate exploration of practical possibilities for a radical politics of difference. In particular, I suggest that anarchism is
consistent with the insights of French poststructuralist and queer theories while providing a tradition of practical politics. In order to address questions of political practice, I had to simultaneously
develop a better understanding of people's experiences of 'sexual orientation'. I chose to interview people involved in sexual relationships with partners who had a different sexual orientation identity than they did, feeling that people in these situations would have valuable insights due to their necessarily explicit negotiation of the borders of sexual orientation. The narratives produced in
interviews with 16 participants supported the development of an anarchist framework of analysis. In these terms, sexual orientation is not a characteristic of individuals, but is produced through Statelike practices of representation and policing. To use Deleuze and Guattari's formulation, sexual orientation is a state-form. Despite these pressures to conform, none of the participants were entirely complicit in the ongoing production of sexual orientation; they resisted. Participants' identities, desires and relationships overflowed the containment of state-forms. In resisting orientation, they actively produced alternative realities in conjunction with their partners and other people. In contrast
to the representation of the State and sexual orientation, the participants experienced autonomy. This process involved the production of flexible and negotiated boundaries unlike the rigid borders of state-forms. If, as queer theorists suggest, the hetero/homo division is central to the organisation of social life in the overdeveloped world, then resistance to that division must be very difficult. What enabled the participants to resist in such overt ways was the development of alternative ways of thinking and a sense of emotional entitlement, as advocated in anarchism. The anarchist commitment to the inseparability of ends and means results in forms of practice that are consistent with the desired aim of social organisation without domination, where individuals are highly capable of co-operating to fulfill shared desires and also flexible enough to allow for individual freedom, equally important for intimate relationships and democratic social organisation. Whether in terms of obedience to State authority or to rigid 'truths' of sexual relationships and desires, capacities for
resisting orientation must necessarily be the same. In conclusion, this analysis encourages an alternative to both sexual citizenship and queer theory: anarchism as an ethics of relationships. This
is consistent with the anarchist tradition as well as another, originating in feminist thought, that connects notions of 'sexual orientation' to wider political systems.

This petition argues that erotic comics are an important cultural record of the way in which diverse sexualities are understood and portrayed, and sexual fantasies explored. An Erotic Comics Anglophone Archive (ErotiCAA) will preserve these works for research by scholars in many different disciplines.

One of the biggest problems facing anyone researching pornography/erotica or comics, and therefore doubly so for anyone researching erotic/pornographic comics, is finding and gaining access to primary materials. So we have decided to have a go at establishing an archive in the UK to collect and catalogue English-language porn and erotic comics.

We intend to approach a number of libraries and research institutions to host and/or fund the archive. Persuading them to support us will be a lot easier if we an show that there is a need for this archive, so to help with that we’ve started this petition.

We’ve already got this kick-ass logo designed for us by Alison Lucy Stone and meetings set up with a couple of big libraries. Help us out by signing the petition? And if you’d like to be more involved, please tweet Dr Anna Madill @UKFujoshi or Dr Jude Roberts @tangendentalism - we’d love to hear from you!

At the beginning of the twentieth century, a considerable number of anarchists grappled with the works of Friedrich Nietzsche. This article presents a highly peculiar reading of the German philosopher's ideas by the radical suffragist and short time anarchist Dora Marsden. The adoption of concepts such as 'master morality', 'genius' or the critique of language enabled her to formulate a non-essentialist feminist identity. Failing to confront the elitism that haunts Nietzsche's philosophy, however, Marsden's anarchism eventually collapsed.

In this essay, I frame ‘anarchisms otherwise’ or modes of relationality that step across the masculine archive of anarchistic activity towards experiential, embodied, and phenomenological modes of organizing below and against the activities of the state. These anarchisms otherwise, as I discuss elsewhere, challenge genealogies of anarchistic activity that does not consider the essential role of social reproduction
and invisible work within the matrix of colonial power or the routinized condition of violence that extends from the intimate to the nation-state and beyond.

This essay situates Emma Goldman in a radical Whitman tradition -- part of the poet's leftist "reception history."  By examining Goldman’s aesthetic and political work alongside her unpublished and neglected manuscript lectures; I demonstrate the centrality of Whitman’s verse and life to the sustenance of her “beautiful ideal” of anarchism.

The neo-insurrectionist network known as Bash Back! has contributed to the queering of the animal liberation discourse through the publication of their 2010 communiqué entitled, “Bash Back!ers in Support of Autonomous Animal Action Call For Trans-Species Solidarity With Tillikum.” The politic developed by the larger movement of neo-insurrectionist Queers, as exemplified by Bash Back!, has served to disrupt anthropocentric notions of human-liberator, animal-captive that form the centerpiece of the animal liberation discourse. Through their appropriation of an attack wherein an orca whale killed its trainer at SeaWorld, Bash Back! problematizes not only the normalized domestication of non-human animals for entertainment, but also the discourse used to critique such enslavement. Through satirical posturing and a liberatory framework, Bash Back! attempts to draw intersectional connection between the systems of domination that enslave both non-human animals and non-heterosexual Queers. Through a queering of this understanding of liberation, Bash Back! serves to shift the animal liberation discourse away from the human centric “total liberation” framework, and towards an anti-speciest framework proposed herein, termed “total solidarity.”

En un primer momento, este trabajo aborda de manera sintética la expresión de la afectividad y de la vida privada en una docena de autobiografías de trabajadores anarquistas españoles del siglo XX. Después, estudia más detenidamente el tema en las memorias inéditas de Manuel Sirvent. El objetivo es intentar comprobar si la ideología anarquista favorece la expresión del yo y confiere características específicas a estas autobiografías. Se concluye que la evocación de la intimidad queda limitada por factores socioculturales, aunque la familia es importante en varias obras. Por otra parte, el tema del amor aparece vinculado con cuestiones de orden ideológico.
On the one hand this paper synthetically deals with the expression of privacy in a dozen autobiographies written by working-class Spanish anarchists during the twentieth century. On the other hand it focuses on the unpublished memoirs by Manuel Sirvent. The aim of this article is to check whether the anarchist ideology favours the expression of the self and endows these autobiographies with specific features. It results that the recalling of privacy remains limited by sociocultural factors, despite the importance of the reference to the family in several texts. Love also appears related with ideological matters.

Premières pages de l'article tiré d'une communication orale présentée le 31 janvier 2014 lors du colloque « Écrire le mariage des lendemains de la révolution à la belle époque : discours, idéologies, représentations », organisé à Lyon par Stéphane Gougelmann,  François Kerlouégan et Anne Verjus (UMR LIRE-TRIANGLE). Article complet à paraître en 2015.

Linking histories of anarchist sexual politics with poststructuralist theory and contemporary social movements, this essay offers an introduction to anarchism and sexuality. Additionally, it gives an overview of ten substansive chapters drawing on the disciplines of history, literature, geography, sociology and political theory to offer commentary on a range of issues related to the intersections of anarchism and sexuality.

“…Do not ask who I am and do not ask me to remain the same: leave it to our bureaucrats and our police to see that our papers are in order. At least spare us their morality when we write.” (Foucault 1972, p. 17)

This editorial does not cede the ontological battle to the Colonial, Modernist Worldview in accepting the ‘commonsensical’ (from the perspective of the Colonial, Modernist Worldview…) assumption that the visible world of manifest facts—‘the real world out there’—is more real than the invisible, unmanifest world of ideas emotions, forms etc. (Needleman 1975; Nicoll 1989; Herman 2008; Blaser 2013) As such, this editorial explores the ideational continuities and discontinuities (Foucault 1972) of the articles assembled in this issue through an overtly nonlinear, nomadic perspective that is rooted in the Worldviews and associated conceptions of order that articulate the invisible lines of ideational continuity and discontinuity that run through the articles. Though a discrete, linear argument belies the nonlinear orientation of this editorial, there are a few arguments that emerge in the following pages: 1. freedom in the city is dependent upon ontological freedom, which is to say upon the right to assert the order of things in the city; 2. freedom in the academy is dependent upon ontological freedom, which might be best explicated by the assertion that freedom in the many and varied epistemological debates that are being waged within the academy cannot be attained without the freedom to assert the assumptions concerning the nature of reality upon which these epistemological debates are dependent; 3. perceived ‘freedom’ and ‘agency’ that come without the capacity and power to assert the order of things for ones self ought to be understood as the illusion of freedom and agency by which liberal democracy attempts to render hierarchical domination as sustainable rather than actual freedom and agency given that potentials for thought, feeling, behavior and conception of being are expanded and constrained by an individual’s commonsensical assumptions concerning the nature of reality. A true revolution of practice cannot occur without a revolution in the Worldview from which we conceptualize practice, be it in the city or in the academy. (Barnesmoore 2017) As for a more general orientation to contemporary social science, this editorial and its nonlinear lines of exploration seek to inspire increased (and less ephemeral…)  engagement with the burgeoning ontological turn (Horton 2015; Heywood 2017) in our discussions of cities in CITY.

À partir du surnom de Vierge rouge, durablement associé à Louise Michel, l’objectif de cet article est de retracer les itinéraires de la question sexuelle dans la célébrité et la postérité de cette figure anarchiste. Trois images constituent le fil directeur : vierge parce que déviante, vierge parce qu’exceptionnelle, vierge parce qu’éplorée et endeuillée. Ces différentes représentations de la sexualité (et de la virginité) de Louise Michel révèlent les stéréotypes sociaux autour du rôle des femmes et de leur place dans l’action politique.

https://journals.openedition.org/chrhc/15593

Full text available at:
https://www.academia.edu/1449289/_2012_Operation_Splash_Back_Queering_Animal_Liberation_Through_the_Contributions_of_Neo-Insurrectionist_Queers
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The neo-insurrectionist network known as Bash Back! has contributed to the queering of the animal liberation discourse through the publication of their 2010 communiqué entitled, “Bash Back!ers in Support of Autonomous Animal Action Call For Trans-Species Solidarity With Tillikum.” The politic developed by the larger movement of neo-insurrectionist Queers, as exemplified by Bash Back!, has served to disrupt anthropocentric notions of human-liberator, animal-captive that form the centerpiece of the animal liberation discourse. Through their appropriation of an attack wherein an orca whale killed its trainer at SeaWorld, Bash Back! problematizes not only the normalized domestication of non-human animals for entertainment, but also the discourse used to critique such enslavement. Through satirical posturing and a liberatory framework, Bash Back! attempts to draw intersectional connection between the systems of domination that enslave both non-human animals and nonheterosexual Queers. Through a queering of this understanding of liberation, Bash Back! serves to shift the animal liberation discourse away from the human centric “total liberation” framework, and towards an anti-speciest framework proposed herein, termed “total solidarity.”