1984

Many have pondered with a tinge of sadness on the ephemerality of existence. A man may die, civilizations prosper and decline, but ideas endure without death. They are trampled upon for a time, “yet seldom do they fail of their seed, and that will lie in the dust and rot to spring up again in times unlooked-for” (Tolkien, 294). The power of idea is seen throughout media and literature. Both 1984, a dystopian novel written by George Orwell, and the film V for Vendetta portray a world besieged by poverty, warfare, and totalitarianism. Amongst the turmoil and destruction, V emerges victorious while Winston Smith succumbs to the Oceanian hegemony. Both V and the Party of 1984 succeed - V in the ousting of the government while the latter in its attainment - because they realize that the power of a political or moral belief can transcend that of the individual. V and Big Brother transform into symbols, or embodiments of ideas, through which they propagate their influence. Moreover, they realize that a belief can cause an individual to be audacious to the point of irrationality. Finally, V and the Party are both aware that an idea is more powerful as a collective quality.

The Flammarion engraving is a nineteenth century depiction of the sky as a dome where a traveller goes to the edge of the world puts his head through to see the greater universe outside. The safe, comforting world of a static blue vault of fixed stars gives way to a modern dynamic view that the earth is moving in space. It is interesting that it is a traveller that is depicted, the type of person who goes beyond local boundaries of mental and physical limitations to achieve understanding.

Thinking on contemporary Sicily, as visual and so- cial palimpsest of it historical composition, makes the idea of a stage concept in a possible match with social archeology concerning late XX century and the big betrayed social and cultural projects’ utopia. Cinema and linked stage design, is used as narration instrument in the relationship be- tween human being and landscape and justifies aestethic study, drama’s media depth and didac- tic purpose.
Background is the contemporary Pirandello’s myth filmed by Paolo and Vittorio Taviani and scr- renplaied with Tonino Guerra in Kàos (1984). In particular “Colloquio con la Madre”, pure invention episode adapted from Luigi Pirandello’s novel.
In the Taviani’s movie, an aged Pirandello travels alone by train to Girgenti, his born land. The journey has not a real reason, perhaps not totally sensed, till memories of his mother get personi- fied in her self.
The stage is immersed in a research like a ground- work, in thin and difficult balances between the history weight and contraddictory arises on the issue about fields to grow and worker world. The city of Militello in Val di Catania, open sky mine of sicilian architectonics genius, it’s the place where the screenplay is visually designed.
In this journey into the labyrinth-city’s viscera made by memories, the visual costruction corresponds to a discovery, or re-discovery of the city, working as a modulation of detail, memories, streets and square’s views.
A world, Sicily, where nothing is real surreal: a Sic- ily that is summation of what has been and what it is. About realism all concernes, about Pirendello’s realism or on a Verga’s verism evolution, toward a philosophical avangarde way: Metaverismo, or metaphisical verism, or rather a not satisfied reality, but depth in search the essence through abstration, exasperation and de-structuration.
Finally, this thesis tries to deepen and insist on the experimental use of Cinema, or rather Cinema as reflection place, creative workshop for society, on daily dramaturgy and on never ending questions born from historical and architectonic composition of our cities and the identity of humans who continue to live.

Özet Bu makale, öncelikle V for Vendetta filminin kurgusal İngiltere'si üzerinden totalitarizmin ve ardından distopik Birleşik Krallık ülkesini elinde bulunduran Norsefire Partisi üzerinden neofaşizmin ne olduğunu geniş bir bakış açısıyla incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Britanyalı yazar Alan Moore'un aynı isimdeki romanından uyarlanan söz konusu film, 2020'li yılların sonlarında, yaşanan terör faaliyetlerini, demokrasi dışında baskıcı bir rejim tercihi ile çözmeye çalışan iktidara karşı, İngiliz halkının başkarakter V'nin öncülüğünde ayaklanışını içermektedir. Din, LGBT, terör, anarşizm, devrim temaları çerçevesinde dönen filmde, tüm bu kavramlardan sınırsız bir nefret duyan iktidarın giderek totaliter bir rejime dönüştüğü anlatılmaktadır. 1605 yılında, İngiltere Parlamento Sarayı'nı patlatma girişiminde bulunan Guy Fawkes'ı anımsatan V, girişimin gerçekleştirildiği gün olan 5 Kasım'a ithafen "Hatırla, hatırla, Beş Kasım gününü!" sözüyle halkı hareketlendirmiştir (Moore ve Lloyd, 1988: 27). Bu hareketlenme, V'nin kendini feda etmesi ve ardından yüz binlerce yeni V'nin ortaya çıkması metaforu üzerinden, sonunda başarıyla bitip bitmediğini bilemediğimiz bir ihtilal niteliğine ulaşmıştır. Anahtar kelimeler: Totalitarizm, V for Vendetta, İngiltere, Neofaşizm, Distopya. TOTALITARIANISM and A DYSTOPIA OF ENGLAND: V FOR VENDETTA Abstract This article aims to examine from a broad perspective what totalitarianism is, first through the fictional England of the movie V for Vendetta, and then neofascism through the Norsefire Party that holds the dystopian United Kingdom country. Adapted from the novel of the same name by the British writer Alan Moore, the film in question contains the rebellion of the British people under the leadership of the main character V against the power trying to 1 Öğrenci, Kocaeli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi, ahmed.eren.

Dystopian literature is considered a branch of science fiction which writers use to portray a futuristic dark vision of the world, generally dominated by technology and a totalitarian ruling government that makes use of whatever means it finds necessary to exert a complete control over its citizens. George Orwell’s 1984 (1949) is considered a landmark of the dystopian genre: it portrays a futuristic where a totalitarian, fascist party rules London aiming to keep its citizens under their complete control. This paper will take two examples of contemporary dystopian literature, Philip K. Dick’s “Faith of Our Fathers” (1967) and Alan Moore’s V for Vendetta (1982-1985), in order to closely analyze the influence that Orwell’s dystopia played in their construction. It will focus on how these two works took Orwellian vision of a totalitarian state, the different methods of control it employs to keep citizens under complete control and submission, and how they introduce them into their stories.

KEYWORDS: Orwell, V for Vendetta, Faith of Our Fathers, social control, manipulation, submission.



La ciencia ficción es uno de los géneros cuye auge se encuentra al alza hoy en día. De entre sus diversas ramificaciones, la literatura distópica es una de las más usadas por los escritores para proyectar una visión del mundo oscura y futurista, dominado por la tecnología y caracterizada por un gobierno totalitario que hace uso de todos los medios que encuentra necesarios para ejercer un control total sobre sus ciudadanos. La novela de George Orwell 1984 (1949) es considerada un hito del género distópico: en ella, Orwell retrata un Londres futurista, gobernado por un partido fascista y totalitario, cuyo mero objetivo es el control total sobre sus ciudadanos. El objetivo de este ensayo es analizar dos ejemplos de la literatura distópica contemporánea, por un lado "La Fe de Nuestros Padres" (1967) de Philip K. Dick, así como la novela gráfica de Alan Moore  V de Vendetta (1982-1985), con el objetivo de estudiar la influencia que el modelo distópico de Orwell desempeñó en la construcción de las distopías anteriormente mencionadas. De igual modo, este ensayo se centrará en cómo estas dos obras tomaron las representaciones de Orwell de un estado totalitario, los diferentes métodos de control que éste emplea para mantener a sus ciudadanos bajo un estado de absoluta sumisión y control, y cómo plasmaron éstas representaciones en sus respectivas obras.

PALABRAS CLAVE: Orwell, V de Vendetta, La Fe de Nuestros Padres, control social, manipulación, sometimiento.

RSS IDEOLOGUE NANA DESHMUKH JUSTIFIED 1984 MASSACRE OF SIKHS
""The blood of innocent Sikhs massacred in 1984, spilled in different parts of the country and seen on the cuffs of the then rulers has not been erased from the memories despite ganging up of almost all parliamentary political parties in seeing to it that perpetrators are not punished. It is undeniable fact that since 1984 all kinds of political parties, left, right (which include BJP & Akali Dal) and centre ruled this country but the search for culprits is still on.  It is in total conformity to what happened in cases of mass violence against Dalits, Muslims and Christians in different parts of the country. However the reality is that despite ‘national consensus’ over keeping incidents of violence against minorities under wrap, the blood of innocents keep on crying; unkaa lahoo pukarta hae!

1984 massacre is in news once again. This time it is a matter of acrimony between Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and RSS choice for prime-ministership, Narendra Modi. It started with Rahul. In a speech in Alwar in Rajasthan, Mr. Gandhi said it had taken 15 years to overcome his anger over the assassinations of his paternal grandmother, Indira Gandhi, the then PM of the country. He, though, remained criminally silent about anger of Sikhs and democratic sections of the country who were angry on the massacre of Sikhs and still are after almost 3 decades.

Modi was quick to decry Rahul’s anger and reminded him that due to this hatred against Sikhs thousands of Sikhs were killed. Speaking in Jhansi, UP, Modi, Hindutva icon and RSS whole-timer lamented the fact that culprits are yet to be booked and tried for this massacre. Thus the blame game continues but Modi did not tell the nation what NDA governments which ruled this country from 1998 to 2004 did to bring to justice the culprits. Modi also forgot to share the fact that as per the autobiography of LK Advani (page 430); it was his Party which forced Indira Gandhi to go for army action named as Blue Star which killed large number of pilgrims.

It is true that despite innumerable high-power committees, police investigation teams and commissions these are few small fries who have been booked; the real culprits are still eluding the call of justice. The reality is that almost in last 3 decades though the country has been ruled by every shade of political opinion there has been no political will to prosecute the culprits.

It is generally believed that the Congress cadres were behind this genocide. This is true but there were other forces too which actively participated in this massacre and whose role has never been investigated. Those who were witness to the genocide of 1984 were stunned by the swiftness and military precision of the killer marauding gangs (later on witnessed during the Babri mosque demolition, burning alive of Dr. Graham Steins with his two sons, 2002 pogrom of the Muslims in Gujarat and cleansing of Christians in parts of Orissa) who went on a burning spree of the innocent Sikhs. This, surely, was beyond the capacity of the thugs led by many Congress leaders.

The author has in his possession a crucial document which may throw some light on the hidden aspects of the genocide and identify the overall forces which executed it. It was authored and circulated by veteran ideologue of the RSS, Mr. Nana Deshmukh on November 8, 1984. Interestingly, this document was published in the Hindi Weekly 'Pratipaksh' edited by Mr. George Fernandes (Defence Minister of India 1999-2004, and presently a great pal of BJP/RSS) in its edition of November 25, 1984 titled ‘Indira Congress-RSS collusion’ with the following editorial comment:
'The author of the following document is known as an ideologue and policy formulator of the RSS. After the killing of Prime Minister (Indira Gandhi) he distributed this document among prominent politicians. It has a historical significance that is why we have decided to publish it, violating policy of our Weekly. This document highlights the new affinities developing between the Indira Congress and the RSS. We produce here the Hindi translation of the document.'

This document may help in unmasking the whole lot of criminals involved in the massacre of innocent Sikhs who had nothing to do with the killing of Indira Gandhi. This document may also throw light on where the cadres came from, who meticulously organized the killing of Sikhs. Mr. Nana Deshmukh in this document is seen outlining the justification of the massacre of the Sikh community in 1984. According to him the massacre of Sikhs was not the handiwork of any group or anti-social elements but the result of a genuine feeling of anger among Hindus of India.

This document also shows the true degenerated and fascist attitude of the RSS towards all the minorities of India. The RSS has been arguing that they are against Muslims and Christians because they are the followers of foreign religions. Here we find them justifying the butchering of Sikhs who according to their own categorization happened to be the followers of an indigenous religion.

The RSS often poses as a firm believer in Hindu-Sikh unity. But in this document we will hear from the horse’s mouth that the RSS like the then Congress leadership, believed that the massacre of the innocent Sikhs was justified. Mr. Deshmukh in this document is seen outlining the justification of the massacre of the Sikh community in 1984. His defence of the carnage in light of his document is discussed here. It is to be noted that despite attempts to turn this issue into  Sikhs versus Hindus and others, there were thousands and thousand Indians who guarded Sikhs against attacks and stood with them.""

      English translation of the document is by Shamsul Islam
""

Orwell's famous fictions, Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four criticized totalitarian forms of socialism from a Public Choice perspective, assuming that socialism would work as an economic system as long as the proper political institutions were in place to curb the potential for the abuse of power. This is contrasted with two novels by others who took the opposite approach: Richter's Pictures of the Socialistic Future and Hazlitt's Time Will Run Back. These two assumed that the political implementation of socialism would be perfect but that socialism would necessarily turn totalitarian because of the problem of economic calculation. These novels assumed away the Public Choice problem of institutions and the abuse of power and focused on the political implications of socialism as a purely economic system. Contrasting these two sets of novels shows how the Austrian and Public Choice schools criticize socialism in two entirely different ways.

Abstract: “Dwayne, Friedrich Nietzsche, Benjamin Franklin, Big Brother, and Silence”

Little Miss Sunshine is a film written by Michael Arndt and directed by Jonathan Dayton and Valerie Faris, released in 2006.  The movie is about a family’s highly stressful cross-country road trip to the finals of a beauty pageant in California, the Little Miss Sunshine Pageant, while trying to deal with and understand each family member’s interesting character dynamics along the way.  The main character of the film is Olive, who is an adorable little girl with dreams of becoming a beauty queen.  However, beyond Olive, the most significant character is Dwayne, Olive’s older brother.  Dwayne is a silent male teenager with odd rituals and apparent angst and anger towards the world.  He is the character that speaks very few words, but says a ton.  I argue that Dwayne’s character is the most significant of the film by physically speaking very few words but conveying the American Dream through virtues and effort by way of Friedrich Nietzsche, Benjamin Franklin, and Big Brother.
My argument will include detailed scene analyses of Dwayne’s part of the opening montage and the point in the film when his world comes crashing down around him.  The montage is packed full of imagery that gives the audience almost everything that Dwayne stands for in a few minutes.  By way of Dwayne’s room, it is given that he strives for more in life, analogous with the "American Dream."  He does not fit neatly within the lines of his family, nor does he care to.  Dwayne offers a tough persona that for most people, would be easy to pass by or judge; however, the audience that stereotypes him actually misses the most significant part of the entire film. By analyzing the characteristics of the people and items in Dwayne's  environment, the montage of Dwayne's actions in the first moments of the film, the significance of everything that he doesn’t physically say, and his obsession with Nietzsche, this paper uncovers the film's most significant representation of the American Dream.

George Orwell is famous for his two final fictions, Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four. These two works are sometimes understood to defend capitalism against socialism. But as Orwell was a committed socialist, this could not have been his intention. Orwell's criticisms were directed not against socialism per se but against the Soviet Union and similarly totalitarian regimes. Instead, these fictions were intended as Public Choice-style investigations into which political systems furnished suitable incentive structures to prevent the abuse of power. This is demonstrated through a study of Orwell's non-fiction works, where his opinions and intentions are more explicit.

Paper presented at the Panel on _Nineteen Eighty-Four in 1984_, at the 42nd World Science Fiction Convention, "L.A.con II," Anaheim, CA, 31 August 1984.

Old-fashioned "close reading" of George Orwell's NINETEEN EIGHTY-FOUR starting from plot triangles and other "triplets" and the objective correlatives of the Party's Pyramids in London vs. the paperweight in "the shabby little room above Mr Charrington's shop. "

1 - Introduction: Définitions - Le Matériel - La programmation.
2 - Comment démontrer un problème simple?
3 - L'ordinateur.
4 - Le langage de description.
5 - Méthodologie d'analyse informatique.
6 - Programmes en lagage de description: Itérations - Les tris - Méthodes de tri - Tri par sélection - Tri à bulle - Tri par insertion.

Saggio contenuto nel volume in "Il pensiero politico europeo (1945-1989)", a cura di Salvo Mastellone, Firenze,  Centro Editoriale Toscano, 2001 (nuova edizione), pp. 259-274. Un'analisi comparata delle principali opere di due fra i più influenti creatori di distopie nella storia della letteratura del Novecento. Da "Brave New World" a "Animal Farm" e "1984".

Paper delivered at the Session on "As We Approach 1984 Are We Approaching Nineteen Eight-four? The Popular Meaning of George Orwell"—Twelfth Annual Convention of the Popular Culture Association, Louisville, Thurs., 15 April 1982.

Applies Hannah Arendt on bureaucratic tyranny to NINETEEN EIGHTY-FOUR and other classic 20th-c. dystopias, stressing the idea of bureaucratic tyranny as "rule by Nobody" and the occurrence in my 20th-c. dystopian/SF literature of the literalization of "the apparat," the "bureaucratic machine."

El uso de público de la razón del que hablaba Kant apenas acaba de cruzar el umbral de su inexistencia. Es una delgadísima película que envuelve a una parte del sector ilustrado de algunos asentamientos urbanos y que ha logrado contagiarse a otros grupos circundantes: clases medias con ordenador y acceso a internet. Sí, la conciencia de la ignominia no basta, es urgente también la conciencia de las narrativas de la ignominia.

EDITION 21-2 1984 : Roman / George Orwell. Aus dem Englischen neu übers., mit einem Nachwort, Anmerkungen und einer Zeittafel von Lutz-W. Wolff. Mit einem Vorwort von Robert Habeck.-Neuübersetzung.-München : dtv, 2021.-414 S. ; 21 cm.-Einheitssacht.: Nineteen eighty-four <dt.>.-ISBN 978-3-423-28232-1 : EUR 24.00 [#7312] 21-2 1984 / George Orwell. Aus dem Englischen übers. von Gisbert Haefs. Nachwort von Mirko Bonné.-München : Manesse-Verlag, 2021.-442 S. ; 22 cm.-Einheitssacht.: Nineteen eighty four <dt.>.-ISBN 978-3-7175-2528-8 : EUR 22.00 [#7269] Es steht außer Zweifel, daß George Orwells anti-utopischer bzw. dystopi-scher Roman 1984 zu den großen Werken der Literatur des 20. Jahrhun-derts gehört, nicht nur der englischen. 1 Selbst wer den Roman nicht gelesen hat, weiß in der Regel etwas darüber, ist doch einiges aus dem Roman in kulturellen Kanon eingegangen, wie etwa die Rede vom "Großen Bruder", von den "Haß-Minuten" oder der "Neusprache" sowie der Umcodierung von Begriffen und logischen Relationen à la "Krieg ist Frieden", "Unwissenheit ist Stärke" oder "Sklaverei ist Freiheit". Das Bild einer totalitären Macht von unheimlichem Dimensionen, die Krieg nach außen führt, Terror nach innen ausübt und auch die Vergangenheit oder wahre Aussagen je nach politischen Notwendigkeiten manipuliert, hat sich so nachhaltig in das kulturelle Gedächtnis eingeschrieben, daß auch 1 Vgl. Dystopia, science fiction, postapocalypse : classic-new tendencies-model interpretations / Eckart Voigts ; Alessandra Boller (eds.).-Trier : Wissen-schaftlicher Verlag Trier, 2015.-430 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm.-(WVT-Handbücher zum lite-raturwissenschaftlichen Studium ; 17).-ISBN 978-3-86821-565-6 : EUR 37.50 [#4025].-Zu 1984 siehe S. 47-65.-Rez.: IFB 15-3

‘À quoi sert la littérature?’, Deleuze opens his book on Leopold von Sacher-Masoch with a question that this paper will pose again, trying to propose an answer to it, and to put to test the methodological approach that can be obtained from that answer: what are the uses of literature and, more specifically, how could the philosopher use literature, what could be done with it?
To this end, this paper will focus on Deleuze’s symptomatological conception of literature.
The second part of the paper will be dedicated to the reading of two novels, 1984 by George Orwell and The Circle by Dave Eggers. The novels will be put in in a relation of resonation with two concepts sketched in Deleuze’s Post-scriptum sur les sociétés de contrôle: Foucauldian disciplinary societies and control societies. These novels will be considered as signaletic material, symptomatologies of two conditions of society, from which this paper proposes to extract two types of signs: Signs of Order and Signs of Suggestion. These signs will be made react with the concepts of Foucault and Deleuze, in order to see if they can produce the ground for a therapeutic. The paper will therefore combine literary symptomatologies and philosophical aetiology, in the attempt to make them react together, Foucault and Orwell, Eggers and Deleuze, to extract and describe signs from the literary material considered that may be brought to the fore only after the consideration of the causes of the most important symptoms of discipline and control.

The paper presents various forms of restriction of freedom of speech and discrediting, mainly from the left-wing media, which George Orwell experienced in his life. The most important experience was the Spanish Civil War where he first met the lies of communist propaganda about the POUM formation in which he fought. Then, the text describes Orwell's struggles to publish "Animal Farm". Despite the formal lack of censorship, many publishers refused to publish the book, fearing the then British government allied with the USSR. The last novel – "1984" also met with criticism from some left-wing circles. The well-known Trotskyist Isaac Dutscher, in order to discredit Orwell, completely blamed him for the plagiarism of Zamyatin’s novel – "We".

Texas V. Johnson was a landmark Supreme court case ruling that burning the American flag was protected under the first Amendment. This paper traces landmark cases involving flag desecration throughout American history and notes the correlation between fear, vulnerability, the ability to leverage power - finally suggesting that making "flag desecration" illegal could be a slippery slope.

"« Oldthinkers unbellyfeel Wingsoc »
Three main topics will be raised in this address: a contextual one, a theoretical one and a practical one. First, what is the general philosophical relevance of Whitehead’s works and especially of Process and Reality? Hence three issues. Primo, why exactly should the contemporary thinker be concerned with Whitehead? Secundo, why does the reading a frightfully clumsy text such as Process and Reality remain essential? Tertio, how to read Process and Reality itself? Second, what is Whitehead’s enduring intuition? It is arguable that to grasp the “Creative Advance of nature,” one needs to come to terms with three ideas. Primo, creativity or becoming. Secundo, efficacy or being. Tertio, vision or “god.” Last but not least, the crucial question of the cash value of Whitehead’s cosmology has to be raised. A critical reading of Whitehead’s corpus reveals that the most problematic field is likely to be the political one. Technoscience, capitalism, imperialism, colonialism and just wars were not suspect for him. There are three main traces of this. Primo, the historical political commitment of Whitehead is nebulous. Whitehead is allegedly a Tory (a liberal) but he seems actually a Whig at heart, a conservative of sorts. Facts gathered by Lowe speak of themselves. Secundo, Whitehead’s socio-political writings provide only broad principles that are basically Victorian, i.e., completely foreign to the post WWI era and equally inapplicable to ours. The contrast with W. James (1842–1910) is striking. Equally impressive is how Whitehead’s work is challenged and solicited by L. Mumford (1895–1990). Tertio, the specification of a genuine Whiteheadian utopia would benefit from a dialogue with two of his compatriots: Aldous Huxley (1894–1963) and George Orwell (1903–1950). In conclusion, we obtain a more balanced interpretation of Whitehead’s legacy, that stands out for its cosmological virtues and its application in scientific and theological fields but that dramatically lacks applicability in social and political matters. By temperament, Whitehead was comfortable only in purely abstract matters."

People always think about the future, about what are going to be different and so a lot of writers have done that, too. Some of them thought of the future as a bright and good place while others thought it as dark and chaotic. George Orwell is on the dark thinker's side. With the novel Nineteen Eighty-Four, he used a dark point of view while describing the future. In other words, the novel can be called an anti-utopia or dystopia. The book was published by George Orwell in 1949, but it remains momentous; perhaps it always will be so. But there is nothing intrinsic to the book that will determine its future importance. Its very genre will be established by political, social, economic events. Is it satire or science fiction or dystopia or countermanifesto? (Bloom 2). Actually, the book is mixture of all, because it gives a new idea every time it is read again. It was such a different book for its era because of the incredibly detailed descriptions of future, and also its dark aura was quite different too. Story takes place in London and the main character is an average man called Winston. As the readers follow the story with Winston, they slowly learn about the world of the novel. They learn with Winston and it makes the story more exciting. At the first he talks about how the rule of the "new London"'s. He talks about rules, government and how restricted their thoughts are. He shares his fears and struggles, even though all he want is living a normal life, he also wants to make an impact on history. That is why he starts to write knowing that he might be killed. He always searches for what is in his mind, what reminds him the old London and with this they can see

Polnischer Rock der 80er Jahre. Text für deutschsprachige Leser sowie polnisches Original.
„1984! – Block an Block. Subkulturen im Orwell-Jahr”
Alexander Pehlemann, Bert Papenfuß, Robert Mießner (Hg.); ventil verlag (2015)
ISBN 978-3-95575-041-1
Übersetzung: Rainer Mende
Stichworte: Alternative, Subkultur, Jarocin, Punk, PRL, Polen

Polski rock lat 80. Tekst dla czytelników niemieckojęzycznych, wraz z oryginałem polskim. Tłumaczenie: Rainer Mende
słowa kluczowe: alternatywa, subkultury, Jarocin, punk, PRL

Weber, M. The Global Systemic Crisis and the Requirements of a Whiteheadian Socialism /Мішель Вебер// Буття філософії: Здобутки минулого та виклики сучасності [Текст]: Матеріали всеукраїнської філософської конференції 27-28 листопада 2014 р., м. Дніпропетровськ. М-во освіти і науки України; Нац. гірн. ун-т. – Д.: НГУ, 2014. – 96 с. сс. 22-27.

This article argues that Thomas Pynchon’s Vineland (1990) aligns the corruption of underground filmmaking to the corruption of west coast radicalism by way of a system of metaphor concerning media that is based upon an engagement with Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949). Pynchon delineates between two components of the filmic object – its metaphorical status as a medium of time and its affective nature upon the spectator. As a medium of time, the act of filmmaking is the act of producing memory and history. Aware of this, the radical film collective depicted in the novel attempt to counter the ‘government-defined history’ piped through television and mainstream movies. However, these nineteen-sixties radicals find their films corrupted by the state and eventually succumb to the affective nature of the mass media. By the 1984 of Pynchon’s novel, the former activists have become subservient to state-endorsed ideologies, reflecting a wider shift in the reality of American society across this time period. Following close textual analysis that uncovers the dialogue between Pynchon and Orwell in regards to the above, the article then addresses how the former characterizes the activists he depicts, and whether he expresses any optimism towards a revival of the American radical tradition.