[go: up one dir, main page]

Academia.eduAcademia.edu
Globalization and tradition in Forest Sámi commemoration rituals Textiles and animal skins in the 17th-century burial ground in Mukkala, eastern Lapland, Finland T U I J A K I R K I N E N 1, A K I A R P O N E N 2 & I N A VA N D E N B E R G H E 3 1 University of Helsinki. Department of Cultures, Unioninkatu 34 (P.O. Box 3), FI-00014 University of Helsinki, Finland, tuija.kirkinen@helsinki.fi 2 University of Turku. Faculty of Humanities, School of History, Culture and Arts Studies, Geotalo, Akatemiankatu 1, Archaeology, FI-20014 University of Turku, Finland, orava44@hotmail.com 3 Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage (KIK-IRPA), Jubelpark 1, 1000 Brussels, Belgium, ina.vandenberghe@kikirpa.be Abstract The Mukkala burial ground consists of eight excavated inhumation burials that all date to the middle of the 17th century and 1–2 near-by shaman burials from the beginning of the century. The site was excavated by Jorma Leppäaho in the 1930s. Since its discovery, Mukkala is of importance as one of the few excavated Sámi burial grounds and the only one representing the later extinct Forest Sámi population in Finland. The aim of this paper is to reveal the quality of the Forest Sámi culture of the Sompio Lapp village, when the cultural assimilation into the neighbouring populations was already under way. The paper concentrates on the organic material excavated in Mukkala, the burial ground of the Sompio Lapp village. First, we present the textiles which were made for everyday use by weaving, knitting, naalebinding (nål(e)binding, one needle knitting), and braiding. Second, we study the remains of animal skins, which were used for wrapping the deceased and for fur shoes and pouches. Finally, we recognize both the continuity of age-old circumpolar traditions, novelties in local production and dyeing of textiles, and the acquiring of commodities by trade. Keywords: Forest Sámi, textiles, animal hair identification, 17th century HELSINKI HARVEST 178 KIRKINEN, ARPONEN & VANDEN BERGHE Introduction The Mukkala burial ground is situated in eastern Lapland (Finland) in Savukoski which, in the 17th century, belonged to the Sompio Lapp village (Figure 1). In 1934, Jorma Leppäaho (1937) excavated this burial ground with its nearby open-air burial of a possible shaman. Based on the coin finds, he dated the burial ground to the 1650s and the potential shaman burial to the beginning of the 17th century. As the number of identified Sámi burials from the medieval and early-modern period is low (Storå 1971: 86, 116; Purhonen 1995; Svestad 2007), Mukkala is of importance among the few excavated sites. The identity of those buried in Mukkala has been Figure 1. The location of the Mukkala burial ground and the modern distribution of Sámi languages (from Kulonen et al. 2005), dark area. The first official parishes in Finnish Lapland, Kemi and Tornio, were established in the 14th century, the churches of Inari and Kemijärvi were built in the mid-17th century, and the Russian Orthodox monastery in Kandalaksha was built in the 16th century. Drawing: T. Kirkinen. regarded as the so-called Forest Sámi, i.e., groups which lived in the boreal forest zone mainly 36), or the trade contacts with surrounding surviving on hunting, fishing, and foraging. Christian groups (Svestad 2007: 48–9). The The term was used in the 16th to 18th centuries nearest and most obvious zone of contact was the especially for the groups living in the modern area around Lake Kemijärvi, 90 kilometers south of Savukoski region (Itkonen 1948a:122; Kulonen et Mukkala. The colonization of the area was begun al. [eds] 2005: 124; Storå 1971: 36–60; cf. Hansen in the late 16th century by Finnish peasants. The & Olsen 2006: 192–5). The colonization of the first church was built in Kemijärvi in 1647 and was area gradually led to the assimilation of the Sámi used as a base from which the conversion of the into the groups of Finns and to the adaptation Sámi in eastern Lapland was carried out (Itkonen of peasant life. In addition, the local Kemi Sámi 1948a: 64–7, 112). See Figure 1. language assimilated into the Finnish language and disappeared by the end of the 19th century The 17th-century colonial activity in northern (Itkonen 1948a: 96–7, 116–7, 122). Fennoscandia was highly motivated by trade and by the policies of Sweden and Denmark-Norway, In Mukkala, the burial customs and the grave which tended to take control over resources, i.e., goods reflect an early stage of the assimilation furs, fish, metals, and pearls. In eastern Lapland, process. The emergence of Christian symbols like the Sámi were also in contact with fur trading the iron burial crosses and a signet ring featuring companies, which especially exported beaver the Crucifixion (Immonen 2015: 362, 373) has skins to the Russian markets (Itkonen 1944; been interpreted as evidence of either the ongoing Storå 1971: 54–60; Hansen & Olsen 2006: 229–61; Christianization of the Sámi population (Itkonen Nordin 2010: 58). The interest in northern furs 1948b: 350–1; Storå 1971: 94; Elo & Seppälä 2012: was based not only on their high quality, but also MASF 7 | 2019 | 178-195 179 TEXTILES AND ANIMAL SKINS IN MUKKALA on the fact that, in the more southern areas, the local populations of game had already suffered Mukkala burial ground and open-air burial(s) from extensive overhunting (Pylkkänen 1956: 86–103; see also Kulonen et al. [eds] 2005: 382). The Mukkala site, named after the Mukkala farmstead, is situated near the Luirojoki River In the 17th century, the desire for fashionable in Savukoski parish, eastern Lapland (Figure 1). status items and foreign consumer goods was on The site (Figure 2) was discovered in 1931 when the rise. In Mukkala’s find material, the influence a local forest officer sent an assemblage of items of colonial world trade can be read in many ways, to the National Museum of Finland. The finds for example in the discovery of a clay tobacco (SU5125), among them bronze rings, coins used pipe collection as pendants, finger rings, and arrow heads were at the National Museum of Finland) and in found on the chest of a skeleton, covered only Christian motifs. According to historical sources, by a thin layer of moss. Most of all the bronze the items traded in the Sámi area consisted of rings and finger rings have been regarded as the fabrics, hemp, linen, yarn, rope, pelts, mittens, pointers of a Sámi drum. Consequently, the find iron, kettles, knives, nails, spear heads, coins, has been interpreted as an open-air Sámi bronze, and silver items, groceries and alcohol shaman burial, accompanied with a “hoard” (Itkonen 1944, 1948a: 37, 40, 43). Many of these (Leppäaho 1937; for shaman burials see Kopisto items, especially metal artefacts like knives, 1971; Harjula 2006; Piha 2011: 47–51; Purhonen silver jewellery, and coffin nails exist among the 1995). Later on, Christian Carpelan (1964) finds in Mukkala. Most interestingly, Mukkala’s surveyed the site in the 1960s and heard from the deceased were accompanied by a versatile textile locals that another open-air burial was found at and skin material, i.e., by fabrics, accessories Mukkala at the end of the 1930s. Unfortunately, made by knitting and naalebinding, ribbons, fur the finds of that burial, i.e., pieces of copper and textile pouches, Sámi fur shoes and animal plate and a metal item, were discarded. (SU5187:11, the Finno-Ugric skins used for wrapping (see Leppäaho 1937). The Mukkala burial ground is situated about In this paper, we present an analysis of the textile 50 meters ESE from the shaman burial. It was and skin finds from Mukkala. We aim to produce partly destroyed by ditch digging and farming, as new knowledge about the ways in which cloth- human bones were reported to have been found type materials reflect the 17th-century Forest Sámi there through the years (Leppäaho 1937; Carpelan material culture at the intersection of the traditional 1964; Elo & Seppälä 2012: 36). In 1934, Jorma circumpolar way of life and the pre-modern, colonial Leppäaho excavated eight graves there, i.e., four world. Our focus is on the elements traditionally or five male, two or three female, and one child regarded as Sámi, i.e., Sámi fur shoes, ribbons, and the burial. Most probably, this was only part of the skins used for wrapping, as well as the materials used total number of graves at the burial ground; in for traditional dyeing. Although the study material the 1960s, C. Carpelan (1964) recovered traces of is fragmentary by nature and, e.g., all skin items unexcavated and partly destroyed burials, some were not salvaged during the excavation, we regard of which were threatened by modern land use. the existing material as sufficient for our study. HELSINKI HARVEST 180 KIRKINEN, ARPONEN & VANDEN BERGHE Figure 2. The Mukkala site in the 1930s. Photo: J. Leppäaho, National Museum of Finland. The excavated graves were oriented toward N-S, never been cleaned, which restricted their handling NE-SW or NW-SE, and only one of them (grave V) and documenting. The most remarkable accessories, presented the tentatively Christian orientation of the woolen ribbons from grave I, are still wrapped E-W. The graves were 40–80 cm in depth. In six around the shafts of the fur shoes (SU5187:4a and of them the deceased was buried in a coffin or a SU5187:4b, Figure 4). Additionally, mineralized coffin-like wooden structure, three of which were traces of textiles have remained on surfaces of the sparsely joint with nails (see also Storå 1971: 174). iron grave goods. The textiles and pseudomorphs Two bodies, a child (grave VI) and a female (grave were examined with a stereomicroscope and IV; see Figure 3), were only wrapped in a skin. digital photo enlargements in order to document Additionally, graves II, III, and V were marked with the direction of twist and ply of the yarns and the iron burial crosses. The grave goods were relatively thread count. The fiber material of the braids was few and consisted mainly of fire steels, knives, analysis with a transmitted light microscope. finger rings, and pouches (in graves III, IV, and VIII). The male burial in grave V was interpreted as Two samples were taken from the ribbons a shaman burial as its find material correlates well (SU5187:4) in the grave I and sent to the textile with the one found in 1931. In graves I, II, VI, and laboratory of KIK-IRPA, Brussels, Belgium for VII no personal items were found (Leppäaho 1937). dye analysis. The investigation of organic dye compounds has been performed with high performance liquid chromatography and photo- Material and methods diode array detection. Prior to this, dye extraction was obtained in a strong acidic environment using Textiles a mixture of 37% hydrochloric acid, methanol and Textile accessories and their fragments were pre- water with purification of the extracts with ethyl served in the Mukkala graves. Most of them have acetate. Secondly also a milder acidic method MASF 7 | 2019 | 178-195 181 TEXTILES AND ANIMAL SKINS IN MUKKALA Figure 3. The female in grave IV was wrapped in an animal skin and furnished with 1) fur shoes, 2) a fire steel, a knife, and a 3) finger ring. Photo and drawing: J. Leppäaho, National Museum of Finland. Figure 4. The three colored ribbons in grave I are still wrapped around the shafts of the fur shoes. The combined size of the fur shoe and ribbon ensemble is 195 x 105 x 40 mm (SU5187:4a) and 220 x 100 x 55 mm (SU5187:4b). Photo: A. Arponen. HELSINKI HARVEST 182 KIRKINEN, ARPONEN & VANDEN BERGHE was followed using a 2.1M oxalic acid, acetone, the Finnish Museum of Natural History, University methanol and water mixture, all according to earlier of Helsinki, was vital for the identification. described protocols by Vanden Berghe (Vanden Berghe et al. 2009). Scanning electron microscopy Also, the animal-skin string accompanied by a with energy dispersive X-ray detection (Zeiss bronze chain (SU5187:42) in the shaman’s grave EVO 150 with detector from Oxford Instruments) (grave V) was studied but it did not contain any was used further on to identify the presence of morphological features for identification. possible inorganic substances related to the red coloration. For this, the conduction of the samples was first improved by a thin carbon layer coating. Results Animal skins and furs Ribbons Animal skins have been used in the Mukkala The most remarkable textiles in the Mukkala graves both for wrapping the deceased and for assemblage is the pair of woolen ribbons in grave fur shoes and pouches. The items were relatively I. They are wrapped approximately eight times well preserved, but from the wrappings only around the shaft of the fur shoes (SU5187:4a and loose hairs were left for the study. The remains SU5187:4b). The length of the nearly identical of skins were identified by species through the ribbons is approximately two meters each. They morphological study of the hairs. were made by way of sewing together three stumps of braids one after another. The width Each investigated sample consisted of 4–10 hairs of the braids is 12–14 mm and they are of three or hair fragments. As a result, a total of 18 samples colors, i.e., brownish red, brownish yellow, and were prepared for optical microscopic examination white. In both ribbons, the brownish-yellow braid by mounting them in Entellan Neo after Greaves & is in the middle. The z-twisted yarns have been Saville (1995: 7). Additionally, the scale structures woven into braids by finger loop braiding, i.e., were studied by preparing longitudinal negative without the help of any equipment. There have casts with transparent nail polish (after Kirk et al. probably been eight loops in each of the braids 1949; Tridico et al. 2014: 3). The cross sections of (Figure 5). At the brownish-red end of the ribbon the fibers were made after Greaves & Saville (1995: SU5187:4a, there is a knot and, at the white end, 39–40). The research material is presented in the braid is divided into two plaited tails, which Appendix 1. The key features of the identification are approximately 5 mm wide. Near the point of process were the diameter, length, and cross division, the flat part of the braid is decorated by section of the hair, the shape of the root section, sewing red and blue squares and circles of woolen the structure of the medulla and cuticular scales, cloth onto it. Regarding the ribbon SU5187:4b, the the width of the cortex, the presence of pigment brownish-red end shifts from being flat to that of granules, and the overall coloring of the hair (See a semi-circle that is knotted. Goodway 1987). The identification of fibers was based on the identification keys in Appleyard The dye analyses of the dark red and brownish (1978), Rast-Eicher (2016) and Teerink (2003). orange braid fibers (Figure 6) result twice in the Additionally, the reference material collected at detection of degradation compounds of tannins, MASF 7 | 2019 | 178-195 183 TEXTILES AND ANIMAL SKINS IN MUKKALA such as caffeic, protocatechuic, gallic, ellagic found in grave III. It was situated next to the and ferrulic acid and other colorless derivatives. shoulder of the deceased. Other detected constituents were benzoic acid derivatives (paramethoxy and parahydroxy Fur shoes benzoic acids) indicative for fiber degradation, as According to Leppäaho, the remains of fur shoes well as an unknown flavonoid constituent, more were likely referring to contamination from the burial 3), although items themselves (SU5187:4, :4a ground than related to dyeing. Element analysis and :4b, possibly also :5) were archived only further on resulted in the detection of some iron from grave I in which the shoes were tied up and a high amount of sulphur on both sample with ribbons (Figure surfaces, which refers to the presence of iron Leppäaho wrote in the catalogue that the shoes sulphides or sulphates on the fibers rather than were used with the hairy side inside, it is evident to the use of a red inorganic pigment. that the hairy side was outside. Textiles made by knitting and naalebinding The analyzed guard hairs had a broad lattice The catalogue number SU5187:4b includes a medulla fragment of knitted sock and in the same grave which are typical features of Cervidae sp. hairs (grave I) also other fragments of knitted textile (Appleyard 1978; Rast-Eicher 2016: 228–9, 235– (SU5187:5, Figure 6) were preserved. Their oblong 6). Notably, the hairs had a clear cortex and a shape points toward the shaft of a sock. In grave V straight root section that separate them from (the shaman’s grave) some fragments of a textile the body hairs of an elk or a reindeer. Instead, made by naalebinding (SU5187:50, Figure 7) were they have the best match with reference samples found. They are probably parts of a mitten, but collected from elk’s feet and head (Appendix 1). observed in all graves (e.g. see with Figure 4). Moreover, although mosaic-like cuticular scales, possibility of a hat cannot be ruled out. The yarns of the textiles mentioned in this connection are Skins for wrapping the deceased s-twisted and undyed. The yellowish or brownish Animal skins were used in Mukkala for wrapping color is due to the burial conditions. or as shrouds in five burials, i.e., in graves III, IV (Figure 3), V, VI, and VIII. Leppäaho collected hair A piece of fabric and pseudomorphs: traces of clothes samples (SU5187:14, :15, :50, :51/:53, :55) from and accessories three graves. The hairs were identified as reindeer In the graves with iron grave goods there are (Rangifer tarandus; graves V and VIII) and brown mineralized fabrics, pseudomorphs, indicating bear (Ursus arctos; grave III) hairs (Appendix 1). the presence of clothes and accessories (Figure 8). There are 11–19 z-twisted yarns / cm in Pouches the pseudomorphs of the plain weave fabrics. The remains of a pouch with fire-making There is no remarkable difference in the number equipment (SU5187:12, :13, :14) were found in of ends and picks / cm. Only one tiny piece of grave III. The accompanied hairs were identified cloth (SU5187:15) has been preserved as non- as Mustelidae sp. or red fox (Vulpes vulpes) fur mineralized. The undyed plain weave fabric with (Appendix 1). The skin pouch from grave V z-twisted yarns is in contact with a piece of fur (SU5187:45) was unfortunately not available HELSINKI HARVEST 184 KIRKINEN, ARPONEN & VANDEN BERGHE Figure 5. The woolen braids have been made by means of finger loop braiding. For the ribbons, the stubs of braids have been sewn together one after another. The width of the braids is 12–14 mm. Photo: A. Arponen. Figure 6. Fragments of a knitted textile, most probably a shaft of a sock. Grave I. Photo: A. Arponen MASF 7 | 2019 | 178-195 185 TEXTILES AND ANIMAL SKINS IN MUKKALA Figure 7. Fragments of a textile, probably a mitten, made by naalebinding. Grave V. Photo: A. Arponen. Figure 8. A close view of a mineralized fabric, a pseudomorph, on the surface of a corroded fire steel. Next to the pseudomorph two pieces of flint and quartzite. Grave V. Photo: A. Arponen. HELSINKI HARVEST 186 KIRKINEN, ARPONEN & VANDEN BERGHE for the study. On the mineralized textile and fur (Itkonen 1948b: 352–3, 355; Manker 1961: 189– layers on the surface of the iron fire-making 90; Storå 1971: 213–4, 225). Hence, it is possible equipment, it can be hypothesized that the pouch that the pseudomorphs indicate the use of shirts (SU5187:51) from grave VIII was made of woven (e.g., Itkonen 1948a: 352) or wrappings made textile. Moreover, the deer hairs which were on of plant fibers. Moreover, the piling of textiles the top of the corrosion crust originated either on the grave might explain the concentration of from clothing or from the skin used for wrapping. finds on the chest of the deceased in the openair shaman burial. In this case the metal rings, coins, and bear teeth might refer to ornaments Discussion that were bound to clothes (Ervasti 1956: 15; Schefferus 1956: 234, 237–9). Ethnographic parallels for cloth-type material In Mukkala, the scarcity of find material, as well In the ethnographical sources, the importance as the excavation and documentation method, of equipping the deceased with mittens and do not provide much room for making specific especially with socks and shoes for the after-life conclusions about the way the dead were clothed. journey has been pointed out (Harva 1948: 489; Therefore, ethnographical Itkonen 1948b: 353, 355; Manker 1961: 189; Storå comparisons in presenting hypotheses about the 1971: 213). In Mukkala, the remains of socks and way the deceased were equipped. a possible mitten as well as fur shoes verify this we have applied custom. In grave I, the fur for the shoes originated The piece of a plain weave cloth and pseudomorphs from elk leg or head skin. According to N. Storå in some of the burials indicate the use of clothes (1971: 213) and Itkonen (1948a: 323–6), fur shoes and / or accessories. The metal items do not in eastern Lapland were made of the elk-leg provide any additional information about the skins, not only of reindeer-leg or -head skins. clothes, as there were no dress fasteners like buttons, hooks, or brooches. In the possible In the research literature, the wrapping of bodies shaman grave (grave V), a buckle (SU5187:27) in reindeer skins or in birch bark has been possibly from a belt and two brooch fragments connected closely to Sámi ethnicity, as these (SU5187:25, 26) were found, but they have been materials have been found in the excavated Sámi interpreted as pointers or remains of a Sámi burial grounds and reported in historical and drum in previous research literature (Leppäaho ethnographical sources (Waronen 1898: 64–5; 1937; Itkonen 1948b: 350; Purhonen 1995). Itkonen 1948a: 350; Manker 1961: 176–9, 190–2; Storå 1971: 87, 92, 95–6, 106; Zachrisson 1997; According to ethnographical sources, a deceased DuBois 1999: 71; Svestad 2007; 2011). Sámi was clothed either in his/her everyday clothes, best clothes, wedding clothes or in In Mukkala, the remains of reindeer or bear hairs, garments he/she was wearing at the time of which were discovered from five of the eight burials death. Sometimes a naked corpse was wrapped have been interpreted as remains of wrappings or in linen cloths, and sometimes the clothes hides with which the coffin was lined. No remains were collected on top of the grave or discarded of birch bark were reported from the graves. MASF 7 | 2019 | 178-195 187 TEXTILES AND ANIMAL SKINS IN MUKKALA However, the use of deer and bear skins for including Sompio. From the beginning of the 16th wrapping the dead cannot be identified solely as century, a versatile collection of Dutch, Flemish, a Sámi habit. Instead, it was a widespread and Silesian, Bohemian, and English, and later also long-lasting northern tradition, the practice of Russian and Swedish fabrics were traded among which continued from the Mesolithic Stone Age the Sámi of Lapland (Itkonen 1944: 11 note 1, 19). up until the 19th century (Waronen 1898: 65; Peasants and Sea Sámi, whose more sedentary life Harva 1933: 206, 209; Osgood 1936/1970:145; allowed sheep raising and weaving with a loom, Itkonen 1948b: 353–4; Storå 1971: 92–3, 95; could offer coarser cloths and accessories (for the Albrethsen & Petersen 1975; Albrethsen et al. keeping of sheep, see Itkonen 1948b: 189, note 8). 1976; Larsson 1988a; 1988b; Petersen et al. 1993; Petersen & Nielsen 1993; Pritzker 2000; Besides imported items, there was evidence of Nilsson Stutz 2006: 218, 231-2; Liesowska local textile production at Mukkala. The ribbons 2015; Jonuks 2016). Most interesting were the which were found from grave I represent textiles wrapping of bodies in reindeer and elk skins, that were manufactured and sold by the Sámi at birch bark, and occasionally in cattle and bear the latest in the early 17th century (Itkonen 1944: skins. This was a common phenomenon also in 114). The Sámi have traditionally used ribbons to the southern Finnish Late Iron Age and medieval fasten coats, dresses and fur shoes (Itkonen 1948a: period inhumation burials (Kirkinen 2015). 358–61). Of the many techniques to manufacture ribbons, even the most advanced one of weaving Globalization in action with rigid heddles, was adopted by the Sámi in The acquiring of cloth-type materials in the 17th- the 17th century (Gjessing 1938: 50; Itkonen 1944: century Sompio Lapp village was a multifaceted 114; Schefferus 1956: 286–7; Løvlid 2010: 15–8). act, which is documented in tax records and historical sources. In general, the livelihood of Based on the finds, the 17th-century Sompio the local Forest Sámi people required annual Sámi knew two ways of manufacturing ribbons. migration from one place to another, which did The bone tablets found at their dwelling site in not allow raising sheep or growing plants in Juikenttä, Sodankylä indicate tablet weaving order to acquire fiber material for fabrics (Itkonen (Carpelan 1974: 59). With tablets, it would have 1948b: 183–4). As a result, wool and plant fibers been possible to manufacture long colorful bands (especially hemp and linen) were obtained as with patterns. The ribbons in Mukkala grave I, yarns or as cloths through trade. Merchants however, were made by sewing together stumps traveling from one Lapp village to another of monochrome unpatterned braids made by the exchanged them with furs, the day’s catch, and finger-loop technique. The Mukkala ribbons other produce of nature (Itkonen 1944: 12–3 note seem to be almost unique in the Sámi area. In 4). In the beginning of the 17th century, Sompio the beginning of the 20th century, a couple of was also visited by tax collectors representing unpatterned ribbons (SU4904:7) from the Skolt the sovereigns of Sweden, Denmark-Norway, Sámi area were deposited in the collection of and Russia (Itkonen 1944: 34, 36, 91). Along with the National Museum of Finland. In general, the the merchants and tax collectors, quality fabrics Skolt Sámi have favored finger weaving in ribbon reached the remote areas of northern Scandinavia manufacturing, but these ribbons are made by HELSINKI HARVEST 188 KIRKINEN, ARPONEN & VANDEN BERGHE using finger-loop braiding. Do these ribbons absence of any other organic red mordant dye represent a retreating braiding technique in the or any inorganic red pigment, suggests the Skolt Sámi – Sompio Lapp village area? Does use of tannins (Cardon 2007: 409). Although a the technique indicate a connection between wide range of local and non-local plants exist the two areas? The material is too limited to which are rich in tannin, this could confirm the answer the question definitively, but it has use of Potentilla erecta, eventually in combination been hypothesized that part of the population with other tannin source(s). The fact that much in Savukoski parish has spoken the Skolt Sámi more of these molecules were found in the red language (Sammallahti 2015: 56). compared to the brownish-yellow fibers, might 1 explain the difference in shade between the In the literature depicting the way of life of the two. Mordanting and/or dyeing of textiles with Sámi in the 18th, 19th, and early 20th century the tannins is a very old practice in northern Europe. plant species used in textile dyeing and tanning Earliest evidence goes back to the Scandinavian have been mentioned with varying accuracy Iron Age (Walton Rogers 1988; Vanden Berghe (see, for instance, Fellman 1906; Sjögren 1828; et al. 2009) and tannin, particularly in yarns with Itkonen 1948a; Leem 1975; Linné 1971, 1977, red shade, was recently encountered in textiles 1986, 1991; Arponen 1998). As sources of yellow from a Danish first century AD grave (Vanden dye Diphasiastrum ssp. (species of clubmoss), Berghe et al., forthcoming). flowers of Galium verum and leaves of Betula ssp. are mentioned. With roots of Galium ssp. and The knitted and naalebinded textiles from grave I Potentilla erecta red and with Parmelia saxatilis most probably indicate local peasant production. (lichen) more brownish red was obtained. Bark Knitting and naalebinding are both techniques, of Alnus ssp. gave brown and black colors. Other which were used to fulfill domestic needs, and plant species mentioned without indication of the skill was passed from mother to daughter the obtained color are Calluna vulgaris, Xanthoria and was little affected by fashion (Crowfoot et al. candelaria (lichen), Galium boreale (flowers), 2006: 72–5). In the 17th century, Sámis bought Juniperus communis (ruffles), Rumex acetosa (roots) and Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (twigs). woolen mittens from peasants and merchants to be worn inside fur mittens (Itkonen 1944: 12– 3, 43; 1948a: 358). It is thus no surprise that The Sámi used three wood species for tanning. there was a fragment of a mitten made by the They are Salix ssp., Alnus ssp. and Betula ssp. naalebinding method in a Mukkala grave. In different areas different species were favored. Additionally, the type of leather to be Knitting is a fairly new innovation, which spread manufactured required a particular species of in the 15th and 16th centuries throughout Europe wood. The brown color of sisna leather could (Hoffman 1967: 425–8). One of the earliest be changed into red by dyeing it with Alnus ssp. examples of knitting in Northern Europe is a bark (Itkonen 1948a: 315–9). mitten fragment found in Jöuga, Estonia, and it is dated to the end of the 13th or the beginning The tannin related molecules detected in the of the 14th century (Peets 1987: 108). However, red and the brownish-yellow braid yarns in the one would not expect to find socks in a 17th- MASF 7 | 2019 | 178-195 189 TEXTILES AND ANIMAL SKINS IN MUKKALA century context like Mukkala, because the Sámis Conclusions have had a strong tradition of using hay in their fur shoes. There was plenty of suitable hay to The finds of the Mukkala burial ground represent be gathered and prepared by Sámi women and, a Forest Sámi culture that later became extinct. at least in the 19th century, it was available by The burial customs and grave goods reflect the trade, too (Itkonen 1944: 52, 88, 124; 1948a: many temporal layers of a mid-17th-century 372–6). In general, Sámi people replaced shoe Sámi culture. Due to the remote living area, hay with woolen socks only at the end of the the Sompio Sámi population had preserved 19th century (Itkonen 1948a: 357). Socks were some of the pre-Christian burial customs, like neither mentioned as a merchandise or as a good the wrapping of the deceased in skin or fur. to pay taxes with; this indicates that they would These burial customs, however, do not belong have been made for domestic use only. For the exclusively to the Sámi tradition, as they were Sompio Sámis the most obvious place to obtain known at large by hunting populations in socks was around Lake Kemijärvi. As the annual northern Eurasia. migration of the Sompio Sámis included fishing in Lake Kemijärvi they were regularly in contact Remoteness, however, did not prevent the Sompio with the Finnish peasants who had begun to Sámi from contacting neighboring peoples and populate the area in the beginning of the 17th from obtaining goods from them. Yarns, fabrics, century (Itkonen 1948a: 112–3). and accessories were acquired by trade and, as such, these represented a foreign material Was it only socks that moved from Lake Kemijärvi to impact on the clothing. However, choosing Sompio? Shoe hay was a free and practical solution types and colors of the fabrics, sewing them into for insulating feet against both cold and heat. a desired pattern and connecting accessories Woolen socks were no better than hay and it was to them were the cornerstones in creating the hardly a question of fashion either (see also Manker Sámi tradition. Ribbons may have been the only 1961: 189). Most probably, some Finnish peasant textile manufactured from yarns to a ready- daughters were married to Sompio Sámi men and made product by the Sompio Sámi and even the women with their knitting skills —combined here the possibility of exchange with other Sámi perhaps with their ignorance as to how to use shoe peoples cannot be excluded. As ribbon making hay — caused a considerably early replacement did not necessarily require any equipment, it is of hay with socks in the Sámi community. Also, no wonder it began to flourish among the Sámi the Sompio women of Finnish origin may have at an early stage. been responsible for the possible mitten made by naalebinding; moreover, the weaving tablets found Knitted socks and possibly the accessories made in Juikenttä were perhaps left behind by them, too. by naalebinding were not obtained via trade. It is probable that Sámi men were required to have They refer, rather, to a personal connection to the some knowledge of Christianity before they could manufacturer. In the Sompio Lapp Village, socks be married to Finnish peasant daughters, and this seem to have replaced shoe hay, a traditional superficial knowledge of Christianity is reflected in method of insolation, at an exceptionally early some of the grave goods in Mukkala. stage. This may indicate intermarriages between HELSINKI HARVEST 190 KIRKINEN, ARPONEN & VANDEN BERGHE References Sompio Sámi men and the daughters of the Finnish peasants living near Lake Kemijärvi. In support of this hypothesis, intermarriages in Kemijärvi parish are mentioned in the earliest surviving records at the very beginning of the Albrethsen, S. E. & Petersen, E. B. 1975. Jægerfolkets grave. Skalk 5: 3–10. Albrethsen, S. E., Petersen, E.B. & Jørgensen, J.B. 1976. De levede og døde…for 7000 år siden. In Nationalmuseets Arbejdsmark 1976: 5–23. 18th century (Rytkönen 1990: 88). Appleyard, H. M. 1978. Guide to the Identification of Animal Fibres. 2nd edition. Wira, Leeds. Acknowledgements Arponen, A. 1998. Keltaista kanervasta, punaväriä ahomatarasta. Saamelaisten käyttämiä väriaineita 1700–1800-luvuilla. Raito 1/98: 6–8. We are grateful to Pia Klaavu, the Finnish Heritage Agency, for her great help in sampling the animal hairs for this research. We also thank the personnel of Orimattila, National Museum of Finland, for their kind help in the study of the find material. The fibers were identified via optical microscope at the University of Helsinki, Dept. of Archaeology. The research was supported by the Academy of Finland (Nature in Arts, Culture and History: Temporal Sedimentations of Landscape and the Diversity of Nature project, 1278008). 1) The connection between these two neighboring Sámi populations, the Forest Sámi and the Skolt Sámi, should be studied in more detail in the future. They shared similarities not only in their material culture but also in their livelihood, as they both lived mainly on hunting and fishing and put relatively little weight on reindeer herding (Kortesalmi 2007: 280, 283). As potential evidence contacts Carpelan, C. 1964. Lappalaisperäisten muinaisjäännösten inventointi ja tutkimus Sompion Lapissa kesällä 1964. Unpublished report. The archives of the Finnish Heritage Agency, Helsinki. Carpelan, C. 1974. Kaapit 13–15. Sompio. In Kemijoki 8000 näyttelyopas. Kemijoen alueen muinaisuutta 8000 vuoden ajalta arkeologisten tutkimusten valossa: 57–63. The archives of the Finnish Heritage Agency, Helsinki. Crowfoot, E., Pritchard, F. & Staniland, K. 2006. Textiles and Clothing c.1150–c.1450. vol. 4. Medieval finds from excavations in London. Museum of London, London. DuBois, T. 1999. Nordic Religions in the Viking Age. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia. Endnote for Cardon, D. 2007. Natural Dyes. Sources, Tradition, Technology and Science. Archetype Publications Ltd, London. between the two populations, reindeers were documented to roam naturally between these two areas, which also obliged the Savukoski-Sompio herders to follow their animals into the Skolt area (Kortesalmi 2007: 286–7). Elo, T. & Seppälä, S.-L. 2012. Entistä Keminkylää. Savukosken kulttuuriympäristöohjelma. Suomen ympäristö 20. Ympäristöministeriö, Helsinki. Ervast, J. 1956. Descriptio Lapponiæ Kiemiensis eli Kemin-Lapin Kuvaus vuodelta 1737. Kemin Kotiseutuja Museoyhdistys r.y, Kemi. Fellman, J. 1906. Anteckningar under min vistelse i Lappmarken. Tredje delen. Finska litteratursällskapets tryckeri, Helsingfors. Gjessing, G. 1938. Skoldehamndrakten. En senmiddelaldersk nordnorsk mannsdrakt. Viking 1938: 27–81 and Pl. VI–XI. Goodway, M. 1987. Fiber identification in practice. Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 26: 27–44. Greaves, P.H. & Saville, B.P. 1995. Microscopy of Textile Fibres. Microscopy Handbooks 32. Taylor & Francis, London & New York. Hansen, L.-I. & Olsen, B. 2006. Samernas historia fram till 1750. Liber AB, Stockholm. Harjula, R. 2006. Saamelaiset noitahaudat Suomessa. MA dissertation. Dept. of Archaeology, University of Oulu. Harva, U. 1933. Altain suvun uskonto. Werner Söderström Osakeyhtiö, Porvoo. MASF 7 | 2019 | 178-195 191 TEXTILES AND ANIMAL SKINS IN MUKKALA Harva, U. 1948. Suomalaisten muinaisusko. Werner Söderström Osakeyhtiö, Porvoo. Linné, C. von 1986. Svensk flora. Flora svecica. Bokförlaget Forum AB, Stockholm. Hoffmann, M. 1967. Nålbinding. Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid från vikingatid till reformationstid Band XII: 425–8. Linné, C. von 1991. Lapin kasveja. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 541. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, Helsinki. Immonen, V. 2015. Kirkkojen ja kartanoiden kätköistä. Maahenki, Helsinki. Løvlid, D. H. 2010. The Skjoldehamn find in the light of new knowledge. A discussion of the burial, the ethnic affiliation of the outfit, and the person’s gender and social status. http://www.ceilingpress.com/Resources/ SkjoldehamnFindInLightofNewKnowledge.pdf. Itkonen, T. I. 1944. Lapin verotus ja kauppa ennen vanhaan. Suomen museo L: 1–135. Itkonen, T. I. 1948a. Suomen lappalaiset vuoteen 1945, vol. 1. WSOY, Porvoo. Itkonen, T. I. 1948b. Suomen lappalaiset vuoteen 1945, vol. 2. WSOY, Porvoo. Jonuks, T. 2016 A Mesolithic Human Figurine from River Pärnu, South-West Estonia: A Century-Old Puzzle of Idols, Goddesses and Ancestral Symbols. Estonian Journal of Archaeology 20 (2): 111–27. Kirk, P.L., Magagnose, S. & Salisbury, D. 1949. Casting of Hairs – Its Technique and Application to Species and Personal Identification. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 40 (2): 236–41. Kirkinen, T. 2015. The role of wild animals in death rituals: furs and animal skins in the Late Iron Age inhumation burials in southeastern Fennoscandia. Fennoscandia archaeologica XXXII: 101–20. Kopisto, A. 1971. Kuusamon lappalaishauta. Suomen Museo 78: 64–72. Kortesalmi, J. J. 2007. Poronhoidon synty ja kehitys Suomessa. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 1149. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, Helsinki. Kulonen, U.-M., Seurujärvi-Kari I. & Pulkkinen, R. (eds) 2005. The Saami. A cultural encyclopaedia. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 925. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, Helsinki. Larsson, L. 1988a. Dödshus, djurkäkar och stenyxor. Några refektioner kring senmesolitiskt gravskick. In K. Jennbert, E. Iregren & L. Larsson (eds) Gravskick och gravdata: rapport från Arkeologidagarna. Larsson, L. 1988b. Ett fångstsamhälle för 7000 år sedan. Boplatser och gravar i Skateholm. Signum, Lund. Leem. K. 1975. Beskrivelse over Finmarkens lapper 1767. Rosenkilde og Bagger, København. Leppäaho, J. 1937. Savukosken Mukkalan lappalaiskalmisto. Kotiseutu 3–4: 134–144. Liesowska, A. 2015. Mummy of a child warrior from ‘lost medieval civilization’ unearthed near Arctic. The Siberian Times 17.06.2015. Linné, C. von 1971. Flora Œconomiva eller Hushållsnyttan af de i Swerige Wildt Wäxande Örter. Suecica Rediviva 18. Bokförlaget Rediviva, Stockholm. Linné, C. von 1977. Flora Lapponica exhibens Plantas per Lapponiam crescentes. Suecica rediviva 68. Bokförlaget Rediviva, Stockholm. HELSINKI HARVEST Manker, E. 1961. Lappmarksgravar. Dödsföreställningar och gravskick i lappmarkerna. Acta Lapponica XVII. Nilsson Stutz, L. 2006. Unwrapping the Dead. Searching for evidence of wrappings in the mortuary practices at Zvejnieki. In L. Larsson & I. Zagorska (eds), Back to the Origin. New Research in the Mesolithic-Neolithic Zvejnieki cemetery and environment, northern Latvia. Acta archaeologica Lundensia Series 8: 217–33. Almqvist & Wiksell Internationall: Stockholm. Nordin, J. 2010. Det emblematiska silvret. Sverige in den Atlantiska världen vid 1600-talets mitt. In A. Lihammar & J. M. Nordin (eds), Modernitetens materialitet. Arkeologiska perspektiv på det moderna samhällets framväxt. The Museum of National Antiquities Studies 17: 47–70. Statens historiska museum, Stockholm. Osgood, C. [1936] 1970. Contributions to the ethnography of the Kutchin. Yale University of Publications in Anthropology 14. Human Relations Area Files Press, New Haven. Peets, J. 1987. Totenhandschuhe im Bestattungsbrauchtum der Esten und anderen Ostseefinnen. Fennoscandia archaeologica IV: 105–12. Petersen, E. B. & Nielsen, E.K. 1993. Grave, mennesker og hunde. In S. Hvass & B. Storgaard (eds), Da klinger i muld…25 års arkeologi i Danmark: 76–81. Aarhus Universitetsforlag, København. Petersen, E. B., Alexandersen, V. & Meiklejohn, C. 1993. Vedbæk, graven midt i byen. In Nationalmuseets Arbejdsmark 1993: 61–9. Piha, M. 2011. Saamelaisten kirkkomaiden ulkopuoliset hautaustavat rautakaudelta 1950-luvulle. Tutkimushistorian ja -traditioiden vaikutus arkeologiseen hauta-aineistoon. MA dissertation, Dept. of Archaeology, University of Turku. Pritzker, B. M. 2000. A Native American Encyclopedia. History, Culture, and Peoples. Oxford University Press, Oxford & New York. Purhonen, P. 1995. Shaman graves in northern Finland – an encounter of paganism with Christianization. In Congressus octavus internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum, Jyväskylä 10.–15.8.1995 Pars VII: Litteratura, Archaeologica & anthropologica: 362– 7. Moderatores, Jyväskylä. Pylkkänen, R. 1956. Säätyläispuku Suomessa vanhemmalla Vaasa-ajalla 1550–1620. Suomen 192 KIRKINEN, ARPONEN & VANDEN BERGHE Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja 55. Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistys, Helsinki. Rast-Eicher, A. 2016. Fibres. Microscopy of Archaeological Textiles and Furs. Archaeolingua, Budapest. Rytkönen, R. 1990. Kemijärven historia I. Noin vuoteen 1870. Kemijärven kaupunki ja Kemijärven seurakunta, Kemijärvi. Sammallahti, P. 2015. Saamelaisten asutushistorian vaiheista. Saamen maa ja saamen kieli. In P. Magga & E. Ojanlatva (eds), Ealli Biras – elävä ympäristö. Saamelainen kulttuuriympäristöohjelma. Saamelaismuseosäätiön julkaisuja 9. Sámi Museum – Saamelaismuseosäätiö, Inari. Schefferus, J. 1956. Lappland. Acta Lapponica VIII. Nordiska museet, Stockholm. Sjögren, A. J. 1828. Anteckningar om församlingarne i Kemi-Lappmark. J. Simelii enka, Helsingfors. Storå, N. 1971. Burial customs of the Skolt Lapps. FF communications 210. Suomalainen tiedeakatemia – Academia Scientiarum Fennica, Helsinki. Svestad, A. 2007. ”Folk er vanligvis ikke særlig villige til å snakke om de døde”. Synspunkter på materialitet og samisk gravskikk. Arkeologi i norr 10: 41–76. Svestad, A. 2011. The impact of materiality on Sámi burial customs and religious concepts. Fennoscandia archaeologica XXVIII: 39–56. MASF 7 | 2019 | 178-195 Teerink, B.J. 2003. Hair of West-European Mammals: Atlas and Identification Key. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Tridico, S., Koch, S., Michaud, A., Thomson, G., Kirkbride, K. P. & Bunce, M. 2014. Interpreting biological degradative processes acting on mammalian hair in the living and the dead: which ones are taphonomic? Proceedings of the Royal Society B 281: 20141755. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/ rspb.2014.1755. Vanden Berghe, I., Gleba, M. & Mannering, U. 2009. Towards the identification of dyestuffs in Early Iron Age Scandinavian peat bog textiles. Journal of Archaeological Science 36: 1910–1921. Vanden Berghe, I., Mannering, U. & BruseliusScharff, A. Forthcoming. Dyestuff investigation of the Lønne Hede textiles. Walton Rogers, P. 1988. Dyes and wools in Iron Age Textiles from Norway and Denmark. Journal of Danish Archaeology 7: 144–158. Waronen, M. 1898. Vainajainpalvelus muinaisilla suomalaisilla. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, Helsinki. Zachrisson, I. 1997. Svepta i näver. In I. Zachrisson, V. Alexandersen, M. Gollwitzer, E. Iregren, L.-K. Königsson, C.-H. Siven, N. Strade & J. Sundström (eds), Möten i gränsland. Samer och germaner i Mellanskandinavien: 53–60. Statens historiska museum, Stockholm. 193 TEXTILES AND ANIMAL SKINS IN MUKKALA Appendix catalogue number (SU) As in Figs SU5187:4 and :4a As in Fig SU5187:14 HELSINKI HARVEST function identification The guard hairs are 1,5-2 cm long and 60130 µm in diameter. The medulla is filled lattice type with round or polygon shaped cells. The cuticular scales are mosaic-like. Notably, the hairs have a clear cortex and a straight root section. The hairs have the best match with reference samples collected from elk’s Alces alces, hair from feet and head. feet or head 5187:4 I fur-shoes 5187:4a I fur-shoes 5187:4b I fur-shoes 5187:5 As in Figs SU5187:12 and :13 grave I unknown diagnostic fibre properties Alces alces, hair from feet or head See above Alces alces, hair from See above feet or head Cervidae The guard hairs are about 2 cm long and 200-240 µm in diameter. The medulla is filled lattice type with round or polygon shaped cells. The cuticular scales are mosaic-like. 5187:12 III fur-pouch? Mustelidae/Vulpes The hairs are 2-4 mm long. The guard hairs are about 25 µm (proximal part) and fine hairs 10-15 µm in diameter. Most of the hairs are fine hairs. Their medulla is cloisonné /amorphous and the medullary index is 0,7. The cuticular scales are in the proximal part petal-like with prominent scale margins. 5187:13 5187:14 III III fur-pouch fur pouch? Vulpes / Mustelidae Vulpes / Mustelidae See above See above Ursus arctos Ursus arctos The guard hairs are 3,5-7 cm long and the shaft is 70-90 µm in diameter. The cross-section is round. The medulla is narrow and unicellular with gaps. The cuticular scales cannot be observed. See above 5187:14 5187:15 III III wrapping? wrapping? 194 KIRKINEN, ARPONEN & VANDEN BERGHE As in Fig SU5187:5 5187: 41/42 V skin item indet. 5187: 50 V wrapping Cervidae As in SU5187:5. The diameter of the guard hair is 150 µm. Cervidae / Alces alces As in SU5187:5. The diameter of the guard hair is 300-330 µm. On the base of the width of the hair it is tentatively identified as elk. 5187:51 As in Fig SU5187:51 5187:53 5187: 55 MASF 7 | 2019 | 178-195 VIII loose hair VIII loose hair, presumably from wrapping Cervidae As in SU5187:5. The diameter of the guard hair is 110-260 µm. wrapping As in SU5187:5. The diameter of the guard hair is max 240 µm. The sample contains several wine-glass shaped root sections. VIII Cervidae 195