Freezing Seeds and Making Futures:
Endangerment, Hope, Security, and Time in
Agrobiodiversity Conservation Practices
Rodney Harrison
Abstract
This paper considers the temporal practices inherent in
the work of global agrobiodiversity conservation, drawing on
ongoing research with the Nordic Genetic Resource Centre
and the Svalbard Global Seed Vault. It contrasts the distinctive, future-making practices inherent in the work of ex situ
cold seed storage, with the normative, entropic view of the
relationship of species diversity with time that arises from
the field of biodiversity conservation more generally. These
differences point to the value of comparative studies of natural and cultural heritage conservation practices that focus on
their politics and ontologies to reveal the heterogeneity of
approaches across these fields, and the different worlds they
each produce in conserving their endangered objects for the
future. [biodiversity conservation, endangerment, futures, seed banks, hope, time]
Introduction
The aim of this paper is to consider the future-making practices inherent in the work of global
agrobiodiversity conservation, drawing on ongoing
research with the Nordic Genetic Resource Centre
(NordGen) and the Svalbard Global Seed Vault
(SGSV). I argue that “diversity,” as a normative conservation target within natural and cultural heritage
conservation practices, is commonly understood to be
inherently worthwhile and hence beyond question.
Taking an ontological approach to heritage, which
posits that futures are designed and that heritage
Rodney Harrison is Professor of Heritage Studies at the UCL Institute
of Archaeology, University College London, and UK Arts and
Humanities Research Council (AHRC) Heritage Priority Area Leadership Fellow. He is the principal investigator of Heritage Futures, an
international, comparative, interdisciplinary research program that
explores a range of natural and cultural heritage practices as distinctive forms of future-making.
practices of different kinds design different futures
(Harrison 2015; Harrison et al. 2016), I suggest that
such a view has impeded critical engagement with biodiversity conservation practices and with detailed
exploration of the shape and form of the particular
futures they are engaged in producing. It has also led
to generalizing “biodiversity conservation” as a single
field of practice, when it is in fact a diverse and heterogeneous field in which there is significant variability in
approaches, conservation philosophies, techniques,
and technologies. Asking critical questions of natural
and cultural diversity conservation practices—“when,”
“where,” and “what” is the diversity that such practices conserve, for example—reveals this heterogeneity
as well as the value of a comparative approach to
understanding them.
I suggest that unraveling the details of the temporal orientations of conservation practices and their
underpinning sociotechnical and biopolitical processes
helps us to understand the ways in which conservation
practices of different kinds are not normative, but vary
across time and space, actively shaping different kinds
of future worlds. In doing so, I draw on approaches to
the study of archives and collections, which emphasize
the ways in which their collecting and ordering practices not only reflect but actively intervene within and
shape the worlds they order (see further discussion in
Bennett et al. 2017).
In this study, I examine the origins and implications of heritage conservation practices based on
normative, “entropic” understandings of species diversity in relation to time. I then examine plant genetic
resource conservation practices, specifically, and how
the work of global agrobiodiversity conservation programs reveals the complexity of temporal aspects of
biodiversity conservation, as well as the complicated
ways in which conservation practices both “archive”
diversity and generate and accumulate latent forms of
biocapital1 (Helmreich 2008; Sunder 2006) in their aim
to secure genetic resources for the future. I conclude by
Culture, Agriculture, Food and Environment Vol. 39, Issue 2, pp. 80–89, ISSN 2153-9553, eISSN 2153-9561. © 2017 The Author. Culture, Agriculture,
Food and Environment published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc. on behalf of American Anthropological Association.
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in
any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. DOI: 10.1111/cuag.12096
defined by a range of “experts” who produce statistics
and data that make risk calculable and hence manageable. Elsewhere, I have explored the links between the
increasing bureaucratization and professionalization of
heritage as “modern” strategies for the care and management of heritage “risk” or “endangerment”
(Harrison 2013, 2016). Work by Rico (2015, 2016) and
others (e.g., Meskell 2012, 2014) makes clear the connection between natural and cultural heritage
conservation practices and the production of what
Vidal and Dias (2016) refer to as a broader “endangerment sensibility” that is characteristic of the “risk
society” (Beck 1992). This sensibility underlies efforts
manifesting materially and discursively in the late
twentieth and early twenty-first centuries to identify,
calculate, and protect a range of threatened conservation targets. It unites and motivates a broad range of
natural and cultural heritage conservation practices of
many different forms, from the work of frozen zoos to
museums, and from the conservation of biosphere
reserves to the protection of world heritage sites (Vidal
and Dias 2016). It is articulated by way of specific conservation practices: listing, classifying, ordering,
specifying, managing, and preserving (see Harrison
2016). These practices can be studied not only historically, but also ethnographically, to explore the
particular ways in which they enact and produce discrete (and often disparate) futures (Harrison et al.
2016). My exploration of the temporal aspects of ex situ
cold agrobiodiversity conservation practices in this
paper is one example of this approach.
Sepkoski (2016) has drawn attention to the significant discursive shift that occurred with the
introduction of the concept of biodiversity, from a
focus on individual species or landscapes as conservation targets to the combined contribution of these parts
to a whole. Importantly, he situates this move historically within a new understanding of the nature of
species extinction, itself derived from the “new catastrophism” of paleontology and evolutionary biology.
He notes that in the nineteenth century, species extinction was commonly understood as a slow and
normative process that contributed to the continuous
renewal of a natural equilibrium: that as certain species
went extinct, others, through processes of natural selection, would replenish “nature’s economy” (see
discussion in Worster 1994) to maintain the balance of
nature. Indeed, he notes that in this view, species
extinction might even be viewed as progressive, weeding out “unfit” species in favor of more adaptive ones.
considering the work of the SGSV in relation to current
anthropological interests in “hope”—interests that are
embedded more generally in concerns with futures and
future-making. In doing so, I suggest that the work of
the SGSV in banking diversity could be viewed both as
a way in which hope—as a form of biopolitical power
which is here integrally connected with particular formations of biocapital—is generated and distributed
and a specific form of anticipatory temporal disposition
toward the future.
Conservation, Diversity, Endangerment, and
Entropy
At the time of writing, we have just passed the
midpoint of what the United Nations has named “the
Biodiversity Decade” (2011–2020). Even though it has
come to dominate the ways in which we understand,
value, and care for the “natural” world, “biodiversity”
as a concept is relatively young, only emerging as a
specifically identified target for conservation activity
during the late 1970s and 1980s (Heyd 2010; Sepkoski
2016; Takacs 1996). The First National Forum on Biodiversity held in Washington, D.C., in September 1986,
organized by conservation biologists E.O. Wilson and
Walter Rosen (see Wilson 1988), is commonly held to
mark the entry of the concept into international public
discourse. While the concept of cultural diversity as a
normative principle has a longer pedigree, emerging in
part as a result of UNESCO’s antiracism work in the
1950s (see discussion in Bennett et al. 2017), it nonetheless also gained significant traction through its
connection to biodiversity as a concept throughout the
1980s and 1990s (see Heyd 2010; Maffi 2005, Takacs
1996). Today, the conservation of diversity—biological
and cultural—mobilizes significant global resources.
It has long been observed that “heritage,” both
“natural” and “cultural,” is generally defined within
the context of some implicit or explicit threat to objects,
species, landscapes, or practices that are perceived to
hold a form of collective value (e.g., Holdgate 1999;
Lowenthal 1985). One way in which modern societies
manage the risk and uncertainty that arise from such
implicit or explicit threat is through placing increased
trust in “experts” and abstract “expert systems” over
local forms of knowledge (Giddens 1991, 29–32). Risk
functions in Foucault’s conception of modern societies
as “a governmental strategy of regulatory power by
which populations and individuals are monitored and
managed” (Lupton 1999, 87). Risk is calculated and
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culture contributed a unique and “distinctive” part of a
collective human diversity. As such, he suggested that
human progress, understood in its most fundamental
terms as entering into the experience of modernity, was
to be measured as the result of the interactions of different cultural groups, rather than being conceived of as
the outcome of any cultural, biological, or technological
trait inherent to any of them. Progress was a function of
intercultural knowledge, and thus, cultural diversity
was integral to progress. But here, as Lentin (2005:387)
points out, lay a contradiction, because such intercultural dialogue would ultimately lead to the erosion of
cultural distinctiveness, and hence of cultural diversity,
rather than strengthening it. Bennett et al. (2017) show
how this contradiction led to the development of special
categories of endangered personhood—in particular the
transnational concept of “indigeneity”—which would
require particular forms of conservation practices to
maintain in the face of the inherent threats of intercultural dialogue.
I refer to the temporal implications of such a view of
cultural and biological diversity—one in which diversity
naturally tends to decrease with time and in which time itself
is perceived to represent an implicit threat to biological and
cultural diversity—as an “entropic” view of the relationship between diversity and time. While it is
conventional to view both natural and cultural heritage
conservation as relating generally to “modern” conceptions of linear, accelerating time (see Harrison 2013), I
suggest that different temporal dispositions directly
shape, and are in turn shaped by, specific conservation
practices. In this perspective, I am influenced by Radin’s
(2013) work on the “latent futures” conserved in frozen
human blood and tissue samples, extracted from the
bodies of Indigenous people (themselves understood
historically by anthropologists and geneticists to represent a “frozen” or arrested state of humanity; see
Bennett 2005; Bennett et al. 2017) as part of the International Biological Program (1964–1974).
I will now turn to look in detail at the work of the
SGSV and consider to what extent their specific conservation practices might be seen to contribute to, or
conflict with, the construction of this entropic view of
the relationship between diversity and time.
The number of species in the world was thus understood to always be maintained in a stable state or,
alternatively, might be understood to be steadily increasing with time. During the 1970s and 1980s, within
the context of the development of systems and chaos
theory, and of Cold War fears of possible nuclear planetary annihilation, Sepkoski notes that paleontologists
and evolutionary biologists began to question Darwinian models and the implication that extinction
might be understood to be a function of the “imperfection” of less-fit species. This coincided with the
development of new theories of mass prehistoric
extinctions related to catastrophic events, such as that
of a meteorite impact event approximately 65 million
years ago, thought to have brought the Cretaceous period to its conclusion.
The implication of these new theories was that
while the “natural” state of things was for species
diversity to increase exponentially over time, the number of species had neither been stable nor had increased
at a stable rate over the Earth’s history, and certain
catastrophic mass extinction events had made a major
impact on species diversity over time. Work on the nature of these mass extinction events suggested that the
evolutionary lineages that survived such events tended
to actually be more homogenous in other regards:
. . . even if diversity—as measured by the sheer
number of species alive—has increased, it has
become a more homogenous kind of diversity,
since those species are clustered within fewer and
fewer higher taxa (Sepkoski 2016, 77).
Sepkoski points to the influence of these ideas on
E.O. Wilson’s work, in particular, in forming an
accepted view of species extinction as an irreversible
and potentially erratic and catastrophic process, where
species diversity is endangered by the likelihood of such
catastrophic processes and likely decreases with time.
Importantly, this view of biodiversity as a normative
target for natural heritage conservation activity gained
traction from its connection with other apparatuses (cf.
Harrison 2013, 2016) that were developed to address the
endangerment sensibility, in particular those concerned
with the measurement of the endangerment of cultural
and linguistic diversity (Maffi 2005). I have already
noted the somewhat earlier appearance of cultural
diversity as an endangered object, conservation target,
and field of intervention in the post-WWII work of
UNESCO. Levi-Strauss (1952) suggested that each
Culture, Agriculture, Food and Environment
The Svalbard Global Seed Vault
The SGSV is currently the world’s largest secure
seed storage facility, established in 2008 by the Royal
Norwegian Ministry of Agriculture and Food; the
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Global Crop Diversity Trust (now known as the “Crop
Trust”), an independent international organization
based in Germany (established as a partnership
between the United Nations Food and Agriculture
Organization (FAO) and the Consultative Group on
International Agricultural Research); and the Nordic
Genetic Resource Centre (NordGen). At a cost of US$9
million to the Norwegian government, the construction
of the SGSV began in 2005 as a result of the recommendations of the 2004 International Treaty on Plant
Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture, which created a global ex situ system for the conservation of
agricultural plant genetic resource diversity. Situated
on the remote island of Spitsbergen in the Norwegian
Svalbard archipelago, high in the Arctic north, it
received its first deposits of seeds in 2008. NordGen is
responsible for the day-to-day operations of the facility
and maintains a publicly accessible database documenting its samples. NordGen’s website (NordGen
2016) provides the details of its operations, as follows.
The site reports that the SGSV holds in its frozen repository approximately 850 thousand accessions and 54.7
million seeds, provided by 233 countries and 69 depositor institutions. Each accession represents a sample
taken of a specific living crop population from a specific geographic location at a specific point in time, and is
usually made up of approximately 500 individual
seeds. Depositing institutions first dry the seed accessions to limit their moisture content to 5-6%, and then
seal them inside an individual airtight aluminum bag.
These bags are packed into standard-sized crates and
stacked on shelving racks within one of the three
separate, identical storage vaults, each measuring
approximately 9.5 9 27 meters, which are refrigerated to maintain a constant temperature of 18°C
(Figure 1). These vaults have been excavated approximately 120 meters into the side of a sandstone
mountain at a height of 130 meters above sea level;
entry to the vaults is via a 100-meter entrance tunnel
(Figure 2). Equal parts bunker and frozen “ark,” the
dramatic facßade (Figure 3) includes a commissioned
artwork, Perpetual Repercussion by Dyveke Sanne,
which “renders the building visible from far off both
day and night, using highly reflective stainless steel triangles of various sizes” (Government of Norway 2015).
The cold climate and permafrost ensure that even if
power is lost, the storage vaults would remain frozen
for a significant period of time, even taking into
account the possible effects of climate and sea level
changes.2 “Designed for [a] virtually infinite lifetime,”
Culture, Agriculture, Food and Environment
Figure 1.
Interior of the central of three storage vaults at SGSV
showing standardized storage crates on shelving units.
Each box is individually bar-coded and registered on the
SGSV database. Photograph by the author. [This figure
appears in color in the online issue.]
Figure 2.
The “Svalbard tube”—the long entrance tunnel leading
from the external concrete portal building into the mountainside to the three identical vaults. Photograph by the
author. [This figure appears in color in the online issue.]
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Areas (ICARDA) who had lost access to their genebank
facility in Aleppo, Syria, requested the return of seeds
deposited in the SGSV, to reconstruct their collection in
a new facility in Lebanon. This first withdrawal of seed
samples from the SGSV as a result of the ongoing conflict in Syria was reported widely in the media, and
seemed to indicate that the SGSV was already fulfilling
a purpose that had previously been assumed would
arise in a more distant future (most often framed
within the temporal horizon of medium- to long-term
global climate change; see Fowler 2008), thus justifying
the significant investment in this global “insurance policy.” The manager of the new ICARDA genebank
facility in Terbol, Bekaa, was reported to have said of
the withdrawal of seed samples “It [SGSV] was not
expected to be opened for 150 or 200 years. . . It would
only open in the case of major crises but then we soon
discovered that, with this crisis at a country level, we
needed to open it” (Alabaster 2015).
Figure 3.
The SGSV’s dramatic concrete portal building and
fac
ß ade, including the artwork, Perpetual Repercussion by
Dyveke Sanne. Photograph by the author. [This figure
appears in color in the online issue.]
Banking Diversity, Making Futures, and Securing
Hope
it is perceived to be “robustly secured against external
hazards and climate change effects” (Government of
Norway 2015).
The SGSV is not a conventional seed bank, but was
conceived of as part of a global system to facilitate the
secure storage of a duplicate “backup” of seed accessions held in national and regional repositories.
In explaining the need for such a repository, the
SGSV’s mission is framed within what we might see as
a fairly conventional articulation of the endangerment
sensibility and its accompanying entropic view of the
relationship between diversity and time. The Crop
Trust, as the charitable organization responsible for
funding the ongoing operations of the SGSV and the
preparation and shipment of seed from developing
countries, perhaps articulates this most clearly in its
explanation of the SGSV’s purpose: “The purpose of
the Svalbard Global Seed Vault is to provide insurance
against both incremental and catastrophic loss of crop
biodiversity held in traditional seed banks around the
world. The Seed Vault offers ‘fail-safe’ protection for
one of the most important natural resources on earth.”
It continues: “Crop diversity is the resource to which
plant breeders must turn to develop varieties that can
withstand pests, diseases, and remain productive in
the face of changing climates. It will therefore underpin
the world food supply. . . the Seed Vault will ensure
that unique diversity held in genebanks in developing
countries is not lost forever if an accident occurs” (Crop
Trust 2016b). In these statements, we see all of the conventional articulations of an entropic view of diversity,
including the potential loss of diversity through catastrophic incidents and the need to build resilience in the
face of such changes.
“Worldwide, more than 1,700 genebanks hold collections of food crops for safekeeping, yet many of these
are vulnerable, exposed not only to natural catastrophes and war, but also to avoidable disasters, such as
lack of funding or poor management. Something as
mundane as a poorly functioning freezer can ruin an
entire collection. And the loss of a crop variety is as
irreversible as the extinction of a dinosaur, animal or
any form of life” (Crop Trust 2016a).
These backup sets of seeds are stored free of charge
and are held as part of an international agreement in
which the seeds remain the property of the depositing
institution, and are available for withdrawal only by
that institution, at any time. It is thus not an active genebank, but a literal “vault” containing a secure stock of
duplicate accessions, which can be used if seed stocks
from the depositing institution become depleted or
lost. The need for such a facility seemed clearly demonstrated when, in September 2015, scientists from the
International Centre for Agricultural Research in Dry
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seeds could become records or “archives” of a crop’s
evolutionary history, because they were preserved statically and latently, and as such, they might be
“recalled” in the future (see also Bowker 2005a):
However, the situation becomes somewhat more
complicated when we consider the operation of the
SGSV in relation to the global system of agrobiodiversity conservation, and in particular, the relationship of
the materials stored in the SGSV to the specific conservation targets of agrobiodiversity conservation
practices. As Peres (2016) shows, seed banks were originally developed as part of a strategy to ensure the
maintenance of crop genetic diversity in the face
of widespread adoption of a small number of highyielding crop varieties during the agricultural industrialization and modernization of the twentieth century.
The freezing of seeds would enable the maintenance of
agrobiodiversity without the need for ongoing cultivation of old crop varieties, resulting in an “archive” of
the evolutionary histories of crop varieties that might
be of use to future generations of agricultural scientists
and farmers.
The notion of “genetic erosion” fundamentally
underpins this global system. First coined at the 1967
FAO/International Biological Program Technical Conference on the Exploration, Utilization and
Conservation of Plant Genetic Resources (Pistorius
1997, 2), the concept gained strength from its resonance
with the by then, well-known concept of soil erosion,
suggesting that the full range of both wild and domesticate genetic diversity, threatened with “erosion” by
agricultural modernization programs, was fundamental to future food security (see Fenzi and Bonneuil
2016, 74-6). “Landraces,” localized genetic variants of
crop species resulting from both cultural and natural
selection processes, were seen to represent a bank of
genetic diversity that held potential for future crop
improvement to both mediate the effects of future climate change and develop resilience to future diseases
(e.g., see further discussion in Hummer 2015).
Peres (2016), drawing on the work of Parry (2004)
and van Dooren (2009), goes on to show that the present system of genebanks is the outcome of debates in
the 1960s and 1970s surrounding the most appropriate
methods of agrobiodiversity conservation—in situ or
ex situ—in which the frozen seeds held in seed banks
across the world came to act as “proxies” for crops.
These debates were closely related to, and indeed stimulated, the development of broader technologies of ex
situ cryogenic, as well as other cold and frozen preservation practices, across a large number of different
fields of conservation (see Radin 2016, 2017; chapters in
Radin and Kowal 2017). Elaborating on the temporal
aspect of seeds as proxies, Peres argues that frozen
Culture, Agriculture, Food and Environment
Seed banks can therefore be imagined as repositories that enabled the ‘recall’ of genetic
diversity, both by committing it to memory and
by allowing it to be recovered from cold storage
for use. By evoking both these meanings, the
concept of recall conveys how the conservation
of old landraces is entangled with concerns
regarding their future use. Seed banks thus function as archives that make records of the past of
crops accessible in the future (Peres 2016, 102).
It is worth thinking through in more detail the concepts of the archive and of the relationship between the
seed, its genetic material, and the biosocial record of a
crop’s evolutionary history. Peres (2016) suggests that
seeds are individual records of a crop’s evolutionary
history; from this framing, I extrapolate that the seed
functions as the “document” within the accession
“folder”, which is a component of the genebank as
“archive”. However, I want to suggest a more complicated, nested relationship in which we might consider
each seed to also function as a form of biosocial archive in its
own right. I suggest this is the case in the sense that each
seed holds within its genetic material records of localized crop experimentation and natural and cultural
selection, which, although partial and iterative,
describe histories of agricultural activity that may
extend back in time to the earliest prehistoric experimentation with domestication of crop species.3 These
seeds could thus be characterized, as van Dooren
(2007:83) suggests as archives of “inter-generational,
inter-species, human/plant kinship relations.” In relation to the ICARDA accession withdrawal, the
genebank manager was also quoted as saying “When
you trace back the history of these seeds, [you think of]
the tradition and the heritage that they captured. . .They were maintained by local farmers from
generation to generation, from father to son and then
all the way to ICARDA’s genebank and from there to
the Global Seed Vault in Svalbard” (Alabaster 2015).
While each individual seed may only record the outcomes of particular processes of natural and cultural
selection, in the sense that these are “inscribed” in the
genetic material of the seed itself, holding these seeds
at low temperatures would potentially halt the genetic
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The Crop Trust suggests that “the Vault is the ultimate insurance policy for the world’s food supply,
offering options for future generations to overcome the
challenges of climate change and population growth. It
will secure, for centuries, millions of seeds representing
every important crop variety available in the world
today. It is the final back up” (Crop Trust 2016a). But
the notion of a “backup” here, which implies that
duplicate accessions remain (biologically and socially)
functionally equivalent, belies the complicated biosociotechnical and discursive shifts that occur within the
repository, which, along with the possibility of further
genetic changes within cold storage (e.g., Soleri and
Smith 1999), mean that that which is deposited is fundamentally transformed by the process, creating
something significantly different in ex situ conservation when compared to that which is conserved in situ.
In this sense, the operations of the SGSV seem to hold
much in common with other archives, where the materials contained are reconfigured and acquire new forms
of significance through their archival deposition (e.g.,
Stoler 2009). They also have in common the idea of the
archive as a place in which different forms of relations
are ordered and shaped, and which in turn shape and
order the worlds to which these archives refer (e.g.,
Bennett et al. 2017; Bowker 2005a; Joyce 1999). As such,
the SGSV as meta-archive also constitutes its own
biosocial record of specific, historically embedded,
neoliberal practices of multispecies relationships, that
is, the attempts to mediate modernized agriculture
through ex situ conservation that emerged in the latter
part of the twentieth century. This, in turn, contributes
to the accumulation of forms of biocapital by SGSV that
erosion that might occur in situ through a combination
of natural and cultural processes. Thus, the cumulative
(meta-)archive of the SGSV conserves not only genetic
agrobiodiversity, but also individual archives (seeds)
that contain a series of specific biological–historical
accounts (genes) of multispecies biosocial relations.
If the nature of the SGSV is complicated by this
articulation of a more intricate, nested relationship of
document to folder to archive, it is even further complicated by its relationship with time, and with the forms
of diversity it holds in its repository. In freezing crop
seeds as archives that map global genetic diversity
from different points in time, each of which contains
echoes or fragments of the diversity of past multispecies biosocial processes, the SGSV intervenes in the
normative, entropic decay of diversity, “banking” a
record of past and present genetic diversity in frozen,
arrested time. As in Radin’s (2013) account of frozen
blood and tissue samples discussed earlier, the values
of these collections are banked as latent values that are
only to be realized at some future moment in time. In
conjunction with ongoing processes of in situ agrobiodiversity maintenance, themselves subject to
continuing processes of natural and cultural selection
that alter contemporary global agrobiodiversity, the
vault’s collection reverses the entropic process of diversity decay by increasing global crop genetic diversity. It
does this because in situ conservation (working
through time) goes on producing other, new forms of
agrobiodiversity while ex situ conservation (working
through frozen time) maintains older diversity into the
future, thus increasing global diversity overall (see
Figure 4).
Figure 4.
Diagrammatic depictions of (left) the normative entropic view of the relationship between biological diversity and time,
and (right) the accumulation of diversity as banked biocapital produced in the work of the SGSV. Author’s elaboration.
Culture, Agriculture, Food and Environment
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nonetheless one in which the authority to determine
access to those resources is vested in national governments. Here, this global system’s objective to conserve
a universal, biosocial archive for humanity is disrupted
by issues of national sovereignty in ways that echo
those of other international conservation instruments,
such as the UNESCO World Heritage List (e.g., see
Harrison 2013; Meskell 2014).
are different to those values that accrue within the
national and regional genebanks providing their “duplicate” samples to the SGSV. These biocultural values
draw not only on the added prestige derived from
belonging to the “global” seed vault—as part of the “final” backup—and from the specific stories (e.g., the
Syrian withdrawal) associated with objects contained
within it, but also, through processes of genetic shift, to
the addition of novel forms of biodiversity to the frozen, latent life contained within its archive. If the
metaphor of a “backup” is only partially accurate, then
its designation as a “bank” in this process of the creation and accumulation of new forms of biocapital
seems far more apposite (see also Bowker 2000, 2005b).
It is perhaps no coincidence that the conservation
target of such activity is the seed. It acts here both as
physical container for genetic material and as poignant
symbol of latent potential and hope in securing uncertain futures. By intervening directly in “natural”
processes of entropic diversity decay and providing
“fail-safe” protection for “one of the most important
natural resources on earth” (Crop Trust 2016b), the
SGSV offers “options” to future generations in
responding to climate and population change.
Conclusion
In commenting on what they term the recent “hope
boom” in anthropology, Kleist and Jansen (2016) suggest that the current, accelerating interest in the topic
reflects an increasing global sense of crisis, insecurity,
and uncertainty. Importantly, they note that hope
arises from, and creates, specific dispositions toward
the future; that specific formations of hope constitute
discrete forms of temporal reasoning. Similarly,
Appadurai (2013) has suggested that the politics of
hope forms the foundation for an anthropology of the
future. In the work of the SGSV, we see specific forms
of hope and security generated through practices of
banking genetic diversity, in response to conditions of
future global uncertainties regarding climate and population. This work produces new possible futures
through intervening directly in what might be perceived to be a normative, entropic process of biological
diversity loss, providing components for future agricultural innovation. The SGSV is perceived to both
bank existing forms of biocultural diversity—this
diversity being itself a biosocial archive of millennia of
cultural and natural experimentation—and accumulate
the results of slow processes of genetic shift that might
also produce new, innovative forms of future crop
diversity and hence future human life. The forms that
its biocapital takes are thus both genetic and biosocial.
An exploration of the specific temporal dispositions
generated in and through the work of SGSV points
toward the heterogeneity of the future worlds that biodiversity conservation practices of different kinds
produce, and the value of developing a more nuanced
and comparative approach to diversity conservation
practices more generally.
The power of seed can be explosive, not just
because it can force its way through rock-hard soil
to reach the sunlight, but also because it is at the
center of many political processes. The rights relating to the genetic material of plants, animals, and
microorganisms have been a key issue of contention between industrial and developing
countries (Statsbygg 2008, 8).
Hage (2003) discusses the state’s capacity to distribute hope as a form of governmental power.
Similarly, in offering a sense of hope and security
against uncertain global futures, agrobiodiversity
banking is also a practice that is caught up in processes
of the generation and differential distribution of forms
of power. The biopolitical concerns articulated in these
processes contribute to the management of risk and
uncertainty by establishing certain frameworks for
intervening in, and shaping, the future through the
maintenance of a “bank” of genetic materials that
might form the basis for future crop experimentation,
and thus future forms of life. While the global system
(of which the SGSV is a part) is one in which there are
significant regulatory frameworks for the sharing of
plant genetic resources for food and agriculture, it is
Culture, Agriculture, Food and Environment
Acknowledgments
I thank Trinidad Rico, Kathryn Lafrenz Samuels,
three anonymous reviewers, and Stephanie Paladino
for comments on earlier versions of this manuscript
87
Vol. 39, No. 2 December 2017
that helped me make significant improvements to its
arguments. The research presented in this article draws
on field visits, interviews, and ongoing collaborations
with SGSV and NordGen staff undertaken by the
author and Sefryn Penrose as part of a broader comparative study of natural and cultural diversity
conservation practices, one of four major areas of thematic foci for the Heritage Futures research program.
Heritage Futures is funded by an Arts and Humanities
Research Council (AHRC) “Care for the Future: Thinking Forward through the Past” Theme Large Grant
(AH/M004376/1), awarded to Rodney Harrison (principal investigator), Caitlin DeSilvey, Cornelius Holtorf,
Sharon Macdonald (co-investigators), Antony Lyons
(senior creative fellow), and Nadia Bartolini, Sarah
May, Jennie Morgan, and Sefryn Penrose (postdoctoral
researchers), and assisted by Esther Breithoff (postdoctoral researcher) and Hannah Williams. It receives
generous additional support from its host universities
and partner organizations. See www.heritage-futures.
org for further information.
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Notes
1. Biocapital is defined simply here, following Helmreich
(2008), as the surplus values generated by the commodification and circulation of forms of biological life within
economic systems. Helmreich points out, however, that
biocapital is understood and deployed in a number of different ways by scholars across science studies and itself
may manifest in a range of different forms, as parts of different sociomaterial assemblages.
2. In May 2017, it was reported by a number of media outlets
that climate change-induced melting of permafrost had
caused major flooding and damage to the entrance chamber to the SGSV. A joint statement issued by The Royal
Norwegian Ministry of Agriculture and Food, the Crop
Trust, and NordGen on May 21, 2017, noted that while no
damage had been done to the facility, measures would be
taken to further secure the vault against future water
ingress. Sefryn Penrose wrote about the incident and what
these global fluctuations in water and ice mean for SGSV’s
mission to secure diverse futures on our website at
https://heritage-futures.org/is-it-doomsday-yet/
3. For a summary of recent approaches to plant domestication studies and their implications, see Larson et al. 2014
and Boivin et al. 2016.
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