Cwyzhy Abkhaz

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE IPA Cwyzhy Abkhaz Samuel Andersson Yale University samuel. andersson@yale.edu Bert Vaux Cambridge University bv230@cam.ac.uk Zihni Pysipa (Şener)/Зиҳни Ҧысиҧа (Шьенер) In this Illustration we describe the Cwyzhy (also Tswydzhy) dialect of Abkhaz, the native language of the third author. In Cwyzhy, the language Abkhaz is called /apHsaSWa/ [»apHsQSjQ] аҧсашәа. 1 Abkhaz (ISO-639-3 abk) belongs to the Northwest Caucasian family of languages, and the Abkhaz dialects are related as shown in (1) (adapted from Chirikba 2012: 36): (1) Relationships between Abkhaz varieties Cwyzhy is a sub-dialect under the Sadz node in (1). All of the language varieties dominated by the ‘Proto-Abkhaz’ node are mutually intelligible (Chirikba 1996b: ii). Though T’ap’anta and Ashkharywa are spoken by a politically distinct Abaza people who live in the North Caucasian republic of Karachaj–Cherkessia (ibid.: ii), linguists who work on Abkhaz (e.g. Chirikba 1999, 2003; Hewitt 2006) generally consider them to be varieties of Abkhaz. Abkhaz proper (i.e. all of the varieties under the node labelled ‘Southern dialects’ in (1), save for Ashkharywa) has four main dialects: Bzyp, Abzhywa, Sadz, and Ahchypsy (Chirikba 1996a). The two literary dialects, Bzyp and Abzhywa, are relatively well-studied (see Uslar 1887, Bgazhba 1964 on Bzyp; Aristava et al. 1968, Hewitt 1979, 1989, 1999, 2010, Arsthaa & Chkadua 2002, Chirikba 2003, and Jakovlev 2006 on Abzhywa; Genko 1957, 1 Throughout this article we present Cwyzhy forms where possible in the order (i) /broad transcription/ – (ii) [narrow transcription] – (iii) Cwyzhy orthography employed by Mr. Pysipa. All glosses are based on Mr. Pysipa’s variety, and sometimes differ significantly from the meanings of the same forms in the standard dialects. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, page 1 of 21 doi:10.1017/S0025100320000390 © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International Phonetic Association Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 2 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA Chirikba 1994, 1996b, 2012 on the Abkhaz varieties collectively). Sadz has received limited scholarly attention to date (Chirikba 1994, 1996a, b, 1997, 2014, to appear; Vaux & Pysipa 1997; Kilba 2000, 2012). According to Chirikba (1996a: 68 and to appear: 2), Sadz has two subdialects, Khaltsys and Cwyzhy; the latter is the focus of the present article. Mr. Pysipa mentions two other Sadz varieties surviving in Turkey, C’abal and Ahchypsy; Chirikba (2003: ii) considers the former to be an archaic form of Abzhywa and the latter to form a dialect branch separate from Sadz, as depicted in (1). In what follows, ‘Cwyzhy’ refers specifically to the Cwyzhy dialect spoken by Mr. Pysipa unless stated otherwise. Cwyzhy was originally spoken along the Kudepsta River, just north of the present border between Abkhazia and Russia (Chirikba 1996a: 67). After the exodus from the Russian Empire to Anatolia in the 1860s, Cwyzhy was spoken until recently in three villages near Bilecik in northwestern Turkey: Elmabaháe, Künceğiz, and Hasandere (Chirikba 1996a: 69). Figure 1 shows where these three villages are located. Figure 1 (Colour online) Map of villages in which Cwyzhy is spoken. According to Mr. Pysipa, in 1993 Elmabaháe had 20 speakers of Cwyzhy and Künceğiz 65; Chirikba 1996a states that Elmabaháe no longer contains any Cwyzhy speakers. Mr. Pysipa’s mother hails from Elmabaháe, and his father from Künceğiz; Mr. Pysipa himself was born in 1954 and moved to the United States in 1990 before returning to Turkey in 2004. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. Samuel Andersson, Bert Vaux & Zihni Pysipa: Cwyzhy Abkhaz 3 Consonants kʰʲ ɡʲ Plain tsʰ dz Labialized tsʰʷ dzʷ Palatalized Plain Ejective tʃʰ dʒ tʃʰʲ dʒʲ pʼ Labialized tʼ kʼ qʼ tʷʼ kʷʼ qʷʼ kʲʼ qʲʼ Palatalized Ejective affricate Plain tsʼ Labialized tsʷʼ tʃʼ tʃ ʲʼ Palatalized Nasal m n ɾ Tap f Plain Fricative v s z sʷ zʷ Labialized Palatalized Approximant Lateral approximant Pharyngeal kʰʷ ɡʷ Palatalized Affricate Uvular kʰ ɡ d tʰʷ dʷ Labialized Velar tʰ Palatal pʰ b Postalveolar Dental Plosive Labiodental Bilabial Plain w ʃ ʒ χ ʁ ʃʷ ʒʷ χʷ ʁʷ ʃʲ χʲ ʒʲ ħ ħʷ ʁʲ j l Below we illustrate near-minimal pairs for consonants in the frame /C0C(C)(C)/. Because /0/ surfaces as [a] after /Â/, this consonant is shown with a following [a] instead. As the surface representations demonstrate, the vowel /0/ has many allophones. The allophony is governed by neighboring consonants and discussed further in the section Vowels. For all of the words below, the suffix /-k'/ is the indefinite article. Some of these forms may be loans from standard Abkhaz in Mr. Pysipa’s speech, and may differ slightly from the corresponding forms in other varieties of Abkhaz (Chirikba, p.c., Hewitt p.c.). Cwyzhy has a larger consonant inventory than Abzhywa due to additional coronal contrasts. For example, Abzhywa does not contrast /sW SW/ as Cwyzhy does (Hewitt 1979). The larger coronal inventory is shared with Bzyp (Chirikba 2003). Chirikba (2014: 298) states that Cwyzhy also possesses pharyngealized voiceless uvular fricatives /X'/ and /XW'/, but Mr. Pysipa’s variety lacks these. Apart from this the Cwyzhy consonants presented here are identical to those Chirikba (1996a) describes for Sadz dialects. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 4 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION pʰətʰ-k’ pʰətʰ ҧыҭк a little bit bəɾɡ-k’ bəɾɡk’ быргк a respected old man p’əɾtʃ’-k’ p’əɾtʃ’ пырҿк a chewing sound məskʰʲ-k’ məskʰʲk’ мысқьк a musk, good-smelling soap fə-k’ fək’ фык a lightning bolt və-k’ vək’ вык a letter v tʰəʁʲ-k’ tʰɪʁ̞ʲk’ ҭыҕьк a male goat dəd-k’ dəd дыдк a thunderclap tsʰəpʰχʲ-k’ tsʰəpʰχʲk’ цыҧxьк a spark dzə-k’ dzək’ ӡык a (unit, e.g. cup, of) water t’ə-k’ t’ək’ тык an owl ts’ədz-k’ ts’ədzk’ ҵыӡк a louse nəs-k’ nəsk’ ныск a piece of evidence ɾəmdz-k’ ɾəmdzk’ рымӡк a pitcher, a (unit of) urine sə-k’ tsʰək’ сык a (unit of) snow zə-k’ zək’ зык a gall bladder ləm-k’ лымк a lion tʰʷə-k’ ɫəmk’ ꤮ tpʰək’ ҭәык a full one dʷə-k’ d͡bək’ дәык a field tsʰʷə-k’ tɕʰᶣək’ цәык a bull dzʷə-k’ ӡәык a person tʷ’ə-k’ dʑᶣək’ ꤮ tp’ək’ тәык a slave tsʷ’ə-k’ tɕᶣ’ək’ ҵәык a tip, point, skewer sʷə-k’ ɕᶣək’ шәык a freezing, a frostbitten one zʷə-k’ ʑᶣək’ жәык an old thing tʃʰə-k’ tʃʰək’ ҽык a horse dʒə-k’ dʒək’ џык a piece of dirt tʃ’ətsʰ-k’ tʃ’ətsʰk’ ҿыцк a new one ʃədz-k’ ʃədzk’ шыӡк an (outbreak of) typhoid fever ʒə-k’ ʒək’ жык an excavation ʃʷə-k’ ʃᶣʏk’ шәык a bruise ʒʷə-k’ ʒᶣək’ жәык a cow Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. Samuel Andersson, Bert Vaux & Zihni Pysipa: Cwyzhy Abkhaz tʃʰʲəɡʷ-k’ tʃʰʲɪɡʷk’ чыгәк a haystack dʒʲə-k’ dʒʲɪk’ џьык an oak tree tʃ ʲ’əɡʷ-k’ tʃʲ’ɪɡʷk’ ҷыгәк a well-organized person ʃʲə-k’ ʃʲək’ шьык a shushing ʒʲə-k’ ʒʲək’ жьык a piece of meat jə-ˈχa jɪˈχa иыха his head ɥə-k’ ɥʏk’ ҩык a wine kʰəzʷ-k’ kʰɪʑᶣk’ қыжәк a male sheep ɡə-k’ ɡək’ гык a deficiency k’ə-k’ k’ək’ кык a one kʰʷətsʰ-k’ kʰʷɵtsʰk’ қәыцк a wiping out/off ɡʷə-k’ ɡʷək’ гәык a heart kʷ’əχʲ-k’ kʷ’ɪχʲk’ кәыхьк cold leftover food, a cold person wə-k’ wɵk’ уык a tall one kʰʲəʃʷ-k’ kʰʲɪʃᶣk’ қьышәк a lip ɡʲə ɡʲɪ гьы and, also, even kʲ’əb-k’ kʲ’ɪbk’ кьыбк a ladder q’əz-k’ q’əzk’ ҟызк a goose χə-k’ χək’ хык a bullet ʁəʁ-k’ ʁəʁk’ ҕыҕк a dry brittle thing qʷ’əd-k’ qʷ’ɵdk’ ҟәыдк a bean χʷə-k’ χʷɵk’ хәык a meal ʁʷə-k’ ʁʷɵk’ ҕәык a board qʲ’ə-k’ qʲ’ɪk’ ҟьык a turd, pile of shit, shitty person χʲə-k’ χʲɪk’ хьык a gold one ʁʲə-k’ ʁʲɪk’ ҕьык a very fast one ħəˈbəq’awa ħaˈbəq’oː ҳабыҟoy we are ħʷə-k’ ħᶣək’ ҳәык a curled one 5 Realization of consonants In word-initial position the voiced stops to our ears sound slightly imploded in Mr. Pysipa’s speech, and the non-ejective voiceless stops and affricates are heavily aspirated. In word-final position, voiced stops may be devoiced and aspirated, so that /a-kHalbad/ ақалбад ‘sock’ can surface as [akHaë»batH]. Some final stops, particularly ejectives, may have a relatively weak Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 6 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA final release (noted for Sadz dialects by Chirikba 1996a: 67). The labialized anterior fricatives and affricates, /sW zW tsHW tsW' dzW/, are slightly palatal, as seen in the transcriptions above. Mr. Pysipa’s /R/ has a degree of pharyngealization, and may also surface as an approximant, especially when geminated. The fricatives which we transcribe /S SJ/ for Cwyzhy Abkhaz correspond to /ß S/ respectively in the literary Abzhywa dialect. Unlike Abzhywa, Cwyzhy does not have any appreciable retroflexion in either of these consonants. Abkhaz has long consonant clusters, which we illustrate in the spectrograms and waveforms below with CCC clusters consisting only of obstruents. They are representative of a general pattern in the language where each consonant is released separately, and consonants are not typically elided in these circumstances. However, in fast speech, there may sometimes be no acoustic evidence for particular consonants. Examples can be seen in the narrow transcriptions in the list of minimal pairs above. The absence of acoustic evidence does not imply that no articulatory movements for the relevant consonants are being performed. The waveforms in Figures 2 and 3 show that compared to aspirated stops, ejectives typically have a louder and shorter release burst. Labialization Labialization has three different realizations in Cwyzhy: i. The labialized coronal stops, /tHW dW tW'/, are coarticulated with a labial stop, as in ꤮ /tW'0-k'/ тәык ‘a slave’, realized as [tp'0k']. ii. The labialized coronal fricatives and affricates, /sW zW SW ZW tsHW dzW tsW'/, and /ÂW/, have a front rounded secondary articulation, as in /zW0-k'/ жәык ‘an old thing’, realized as [Ôj0k']. iii. All other labialized segments have a back rounded secondary articulation, as in /qW'0d-k'/ ҟәыдк ‘a bean’, realized as [qW'8dk']. A fourth type of labialization, labiodentalization, is found in some varieties (see Catford 1972, Chirikba, to appear), but is absent from Mr. Pysipa’s speech. Labial–coronal double articulations as shown in (i) are extremely rare cross-linguistically, and have previously been hypothesized not to exist (Maddieson 1983, 1987). Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996: 343–348), however, argue that true labial–coronal sounds occur either allophonically or phonemically in a handful of languages. Concerning the Caucasian cases, including Abkhaz, they say that ‘it might be more justifiable to consider this gesture as phonetically a secondary articulation’ (Ladefoged & Maddieson 1996: 344), a conclusion that we do not think follows from the descriptions cited. Catford is explicit that these stops involve ‘complete labial closure’ (Catford 1972: 681), and the closure is also described as ‘complete’ by Hewitt (1979: 256). As the degree of stricture is the same at labial and coronal places of articulation, we feel that the term ‘double articulation’ is justified. Catford does mention that the closure is between the inner surfaces of the lips (endolabio–endolabial in Catford’s (1977) terminology), unlike for plain labial stops, where the contact is typically between the outer surfaces (exolabio–exolabial). These descriptions match our impression of the labial–dental stops in Cwyzhy, from video footage of Mr. Pysipa ꤮ and his mother. We illustrate the contrast between Mr. Pysipa’s [p'] and [tp'] in Figure 4. The closure of the lips on the left appears slightly less dark. As the closure for [p'] is between the outer surfaces, the typical dark vermilion zone of the lips is obscured. When the inner surfaces form the closure, as on the right, the vermilion zone is more visible, leading to a darker appearance. However, this visual evidence is also consistent with an incomplete ꤮ closure for [tp']. Articulatory work is necessary to shed additional light on exactly how [p'] ꤮ and [tp'] are distinguished. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. Samuel Andersson, Bert Vaux & Zihni Pysipa: Cwyzhy Abkhaz Figure 2 (Colour online) Waveform and spectrogram of [tsH0pHXJk'] ‘a spark’. Figure 3 (Colour online) Waveform and spectrogram of [m0skHJk'] ‘a musk, good-smelling soap’. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 7 8 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA ꤮ Figure 4 (Colour online) Left: lip closure for [p'] in [»da˘jza˘p'] ‘he came’. Right: lip closure for [tp'] in ꤮ [iːuː ˈzəmɪtʃʰʲħaɾatpʼə] ‘as hard as he could’. Consonant length and syllabicity Unlike the literary dialects, Cwyzhy possesses a robust phonemic length contrast in consonants: (2) Consonant gemination BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /a-ʃə-ˈɾa/ [aʃəˈɾa] /a-ʃːə-ˈɾa/ [aʃːəˈɾa] ашыра get angry ашшыра fence in, build a fence around something Chirikba (1996a: 74; 2014: 300–302) claims that the only consonants which exist as geminates are /l pH s S SW tsH X XJ XW/. However, Mr. Pysipa’s variety features geminates of all but 21 consonants.2 It is possible that some or all of these 21 consonants can also appear as geminates, and merely fail to do so in the data available to us. Geminates reduce to singletons word-initially (pace Chirikba 1996a: 74), producing alternations like the following: (3) Word-initial degemination BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /a-ˈlːa/ [aˈɫːa] алла the dog /adʷaˈtʃʼə ˈlːakʼ əzˈbəjtʼ/ [ad͡baˈtʃʼə ˈɫakʼ əzˈbiːtʼ] Aдәаҿылaк ызбит I saw a dog outside 2 The 21 consonants are /pʰ b tʰ d tsʰʷ dʒ pʼ m n v sʷ zʷ j kʰ ɡ ɡʲ kʲʼ qʲʼ ʁ ʁʲ ħʷ/. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. Samuel Andersson, Bert Vaux & Zihni Pysipa: Cwyzhy Abkhaz 9 In some consonant clusters, consonants may be syllabic. This applies to both sonorants and obstruents: (4) Syllabic consonants BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /mts’-k’/ [mts’k’] ̩ мҵк a type of fly /ʒʲ-k’/ [ʒʲk’] ̩ жьык a piece of meat In words such as these, there is also the possibility of epenthesizing a schwa, which then serves as the syllable nucleus. The same word can thus be pronounced with a syllabic consonant at one time and with an epenthetic vowel at another (see Spruit 1986: 83): (5) Variable epenthesis BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /ʒʲ-k’/ [ʒʲək’], [ʒʲ̩ k’] жьык a piece of meat Lateral allophony Andersson (2017) reports on an acoustic study of lateral allophony in Georgian and Cwyzhy, on which the current section builds. Variation in /l/ has not previously been reported for Abkhaz, but impressionistically [l] and [ë] both occur. We therefore decided to study how the backness of intervocalic /l/ is affected by the backness of preceding and following vowels. The data are taken from previous Cwyzhy recordings (Vaux & Pysipa 2020). While the recordings do contain full sentences, most of the data consists of single words elicited orthographically from English and Turkish translations. The style is therefore most closely comparable to wordlist speech. Nevertheless, it is important to note that the data are less controlled than single words recorded in a carrier sentence, for example. Care must therefore be taken when interpreting the data, which we have not been able to control for factors such as utterance length and phrasal position. We extracted 54 tokens of the lateral, with as many preceding and following vowel qualities as possible. Only intervocalic tokens were studied. Because of the small vowel inventory of Abkhaz, as well as the nature of vowel coloring (see the Vowels section), it is relatively rare to find /l/ in certain contexts. For example, the sequence [i˘li˘] requires an underlying sequence of five segments /0jl0j/. Because of this it was necessary to include some repeated tokens of the same word. The 54 tokens come from a set of 33 words. Praat (version 6.0.29, Boersma & Weenink 2017) was used to analyse the recordings. The segmentation criteria employed for the lateral are given in (7). The list draws heavily on Skarnitzl’s (2009) work on Czech, which Andersson (2017) found to be applicable to Georgian and Cwyzhy. (7) Segmentation criteria for the lateral a. b. c. d. e. f. weak F2 (relative to surrounding vowels) lower intensity in higher frequency ranges (2 kHz and above) amplitude dip in the waveform simplification of the shape of the waveform antiformant between 2 kHz and 3 kHz visible release of tongue tip contact Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 10 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA In some cases, these criteria did not clearly identify the beginning and end points of the lateral. In such cases, a conservative segmentation was chosen, giving the lateral a shorter duration rather than a longer one. The surrounding vowels were segmented using standard segmentation criteria (Peterson & Lehiste 1960). The measure chosen for backness was F2 at the midpoint of the lateral (see Recasens, Fontdevila, & Dolors Pallarés 1995, Andrade 1999, Carter & Local 2007, Yuan & Liberman 2009). For the surrounding vowels, F2 at the midpoint was again used. Measurements were made automatically in Praat. Each token was inspected manually to confirm that Praat’s formant tracking was accurate. Where it was not, the formant tracking settings were adjusted to obtain an accurate automatic measurement, following the methodology used by Frisch & Wodzinski (2016). It is clear that there are some tokens with relatively clear [l] (brighter shade), especially when preceding and following vowels are front (top right of Figure 5). Similarly, when both preceding and following vowels are back (bottom left of Figure 5), a more velarized [ë] (darker shade) appears. Example waveforms and spectrograms illustrating clear and velarized laterals are shown in Figures 6 and 7. Figure 5 F2 (Bark) of the lateral (color gradient) by F2 (Bark) of preceding (x-axis) and following (y-axis) vowels. Figure made in R (R Core Team 2019) with a modified version of the function CGSPlot from Brinda (2020). Vowels Varieties of Abkhaz and other Northwest Caucasian languages are usually analysed with two underlying vowel phonemes, viz. /a/ and /0/ (see Spruit 1986: 81–82 for discussion), and Cwyzhy is no different in this respect (see Chirikba 1996a on Sadz dialects generally). If unaffected by neighboring consonants, these two vowels surface as [a] and [0] (see below for more detailed phonetic data). However, each vowel typically acquires the additional vocalic features [high], [back], [round] from the features of the immediately preceding and following consonants, if they are present. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. Samuel Andersson, Bert Vaux & Zihni Pysipa: Cwyzhy Abkhaz 11 Figure 6 (Colour online) Spectrogram of a velarized lateral between central vowels in [a˘»g0ëaRa] ‘to stop’. The duration of the [0ëa] sequence is 266 ms. Figure 7 (Colour online) Spectrogram of a clear, non-velarized lateral between front vowels in [a»nejli˘k'a˘] ‘the message’. The duration of the [e˘li˘] sequence is 302 ms. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 12 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA This gives rise to a much larger inventory of vowels on the surface. Some works do not transcribe these allophones (e.g. Spruit 1986), but where details are given (e.g. Hewitt 2010), they generally agree with what we present for Cwyzhy below. Very similar patterns of allophony can also be found in other Northwest Caucasian languages (e.g. Kabardian; Kuipers 1960, Allen 1965, Anderson 1978, Choi 1991, Colarusso 1992, Wood 1994). BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /wəj/ [wiː] yыи 3.SG PERSONAL/DEMONSTR. PRONOUN /ˈsə-χʲədz/ [ˈsɪχ ʲIdz] cыxьыӡ my name /aˈkʼːə-ɥ-ba/ [aˈkʼːyːbæ] aккыҩбa a few, some /tsʷʼaˈɥə/ [tɕᶣʼæˈɥY] ҵәaҩы curve, turn /ajˈħa/ [ejˈħa] eиҳa more /ˈtsʰəpʰχʲadza/ [ˈtsʰəpʰχʲædza] цыҧxьaӡa per …, for each … /ˈa-χaɾa/ [ˈɑχɑɾɑ] axapa far /aχʷ ʃaˈqʼawzj/ [aχʷ ʃaˈq’ɔːzɪ] ахә шaҟayзи how much is the price? /ˈa-χʷaʃʷ/ [ˈaχʷɔɔʃᶣ] axәaшә medicine cыгәaҟoyт I’m in a hurry cҭaxәыyп I want, I want it/them /sə-ˈɡʷaqʼa-wa-jtʼ/ [səˈɡʷaqʼoːtʼ] /s-tʰaˈχʷə-wpʼ/ [stʰaˈχʷuːpʼ] /ɾə-tʃʰʲˈχʷəɾtʰa/ [ɾɪtʃʰʲˈχʷɵɵɾtʰa] pычxәыpҭa their toilet /a-aːˈɡəla-ɾa/ [aːˈɡəəɫaɾa] to stop aaгылapa We extracted three tokens of each of the 13 words above from the materials in Vaux & Pysipa 2020. These are subject to the same constraints and limitations as the lateral data from the same source that were discussed earlier. As some vowels appear only after back consonants, words were generally chosen which had the relevant vowel after a velar or uvular. Occasional exceptions had to be made, either due to restrictions based on coarticulation (see below), or because of a lack of relevant words in our materials. In almost all cases, we used three repetitions of the same word but in some cases morphologically related forms of a word were used to get three tokens. The vowels were segmented in Praat using standard segmentation criteria for vowels (Peterson & Lehiste 1960). F1 and F2 were measured at the midpoint of each vowel in Praat. All tokens were manually inspected to verify the automatic measurements. Where errors were present, the formant tracking settings were adjusted so that an accurate automatic measurement could be made. Figure 8 shows the realization of the surface vowels of Cwyzhy. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. Samuel Andersson, Bert Vaux & Zihni Pysipa: Cwyzhy Abkhaz 13 Figure 8 (Colour online) F1–F2 plot (Bark scale) for Cwyzhy vowels. The relationship between the two contrastive vowels, and the thirteen realizations that we have identified, is shown in Table 1. Table 1 Variation in vowels conditioned by surrounding consonants. Phoneme(s) Allophone Environment(s) Adjacent to palatalized consonants [Q] Unstressed and word-final [ç] After back labialized consonants [e] Before /j/ when not preceded by another /a/ or a /Â/ (may result in [e˘]) /aa/ [a] When the two /a/ phonemes are separated by a word boundary /aw/ [ç˘] When not preceded by another /a/ or a /Â/ /a-wa(-j)/ [o˘] When /-wa-/ is the dynamic verb suffix, and when not preceded by /Â/ /a/ After /j/ [ R] /0 / Adjacent to palatalized consonants After /w/ [8] Adjacent to labialized consonants where labialization is realized as [W] After /Á/ [Y] Adjacent to labialized consonants where labialization is realized as [j] [a] After /Â/ /0j/ [i˘]/[R˘] In all environments /0w/ [u˘]/[U˘] In all environments /0Á/ [y˘]/[Y˘] In all environments Note that the allophony of Cwyzhy is variable, and as our phonetic transcriptions throughout the article suggest, for many of the given environments, the [a] and [0] qualities may also appear. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 14 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA In some cases the glides /j w Á/ appear to surface as long vowels when syllabic: [iː]/[ɪː], [u˘]/[U˘], and [y˘]/[Y˘], respectively. For example, when /-j/ ‘and’ is attached to a consonantfinal noun, the result is a long vowel: (8) Apparent syllabic glides BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /bəɾtʰ/ [bəɾtʰ] Бырҭ Bert /bəɾtʰ-j/ [ˈbəɾtʰiː] Бырҭи ... and Bert However, these syllabic glides occur in precisely the environments where we would independently expect epenthetic [0] (see Spruit 1986: 83). An alternative analysis, therefore, would derive these long vowels from the sequence [0] + glide which arises from epenthesis. Vowel coloring by glides is independently motivated in this environment (see Table 1), and produces the correct surface forms with long vowels. Some may feel that a two-vowel analysis is needlessly abstract. Why, for example, would we think that [s `»tsHo˘t'] cыцoит ‘I am going’ is really derived from /s-tsHa-»wa-jt'/ (Chirikba 1996a: 76)? It is worth pointing out that while many allophonic rules assume fairly abstract underlying forms, vowel coloring is productive across morpheme boundaries and is sometimes found even across word boundaries: (9) Justification for vowel coloring BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /ˈamaɾa/ [ˈamaɾa] амара the sun /ˈamaɾa-j/ [ˈamaɾej] амараи … and the sun /jaˈχʲa/ [jæˈχʲæ] иaxьa today /aˈɾəj jaˈχʲa jtsʰaɾˈməʃʲ/ [aˈɾɪː jæˈχʲe ͜ jtsʰaɾˈmɪʃʲ] apи иaxьa Will this go иыцapмишь out today? Some have attempted to reduce the vowel inventories of Northwest Caucasian languages further, to one vowel (Allen 1965 on Abaza, with discussion of Kabardian and Abkhaz, Anderson 1978 on Abaza and Kabardian), or even no vowels at all (Kuipers 1960 on Kabardian). We use two vowel phonemes in light of minimal pairs for the two vowels, both of which contrast with the absence of a vowel: (10) Minimal pairs for vowels BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /ˈa-χaɾa/ [ˈaχaɾa] axapa far /ˈa-χɾa/ [ˈaχɾa] axpa the forest (standard Abkhaz [ˈabna]) /a-ˈχʷːa/ [aˈχʷːa] axәxәa the peak /a-ˈχʷːə/ [aˈχʷːɵ] axәxәы the feather /a-z/ [az] aз brown /a-ˈzə/ [aˈzə] aзы for it Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. Samuel Andersson, Bert Vaux & Zihni Pysipa: Cwyzhy Abkhaz 15 For further discussion of the contrast between /0/ and the absence of a vowel, and other ways of accounting for it, see the section on stress, below. Some argue for a third vowel phoneme, long /a˘/, in the related Circassian languages (Appelbaum & Gordon 2013: 14 and references therein). Cwyzhy also has a phonetic long [a˘], and there are some phonological arguments for analysing it as a single phoneme rather than a sequence /aa/. While the sequences [aj] or [aw] do not appear because of vowel coloring, [a˘j] and [a˘w] appear freely: (11) Differences between long and short /a / BROAD /ˈamaɾa-j/ /jəsˈzaːjtʼ/ /aχʷ ʃaˈqʼawzj/ /sajˈləwkʼaːw/ NARROW [ˈamaɾej] [jɪsˈzaːjtʼ] [aχʷ ʃaˈq’ɔːzɪ] [sejˈluːkʼaːw] SPELLING амараи иыcзaaит ахә шaҟayзи ceилыyкaay TRANSLATION … and the sun it came to me how much is the price? did you (M.SG) understand me? Despite this, we believe that [a˘] should be analysed as a sequence /aa/ at the phonological level. In some cases, the underlying geminate status is clear from morphological considerations. For example, in [a˘»g0ëaRa] aan‡R˛apa ‘to stop’, the first /a/ is a separate morpheme, which together with a suffix /Ra/ marks the verb as nonfinite. Moreover, the second /a/ of an /aa/ sequence can bear stress independently of the first, as in /a»alag0jt'/ [a»aëagi˘t'] aa˛an‡RsT ‘. . . began.’ This form would begin with /j-/ ‘it, they’ in isolation, but when the subject of the verb immediately precedes it, this agreement marker is not present. Stress3 Word-level stress is contrastive in Abkhaz, as in the minimal pair in (12): (12) Minimal pair for stress BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /ˈa-χʷːa/ [ˈaχʷːa] ахәхәа the ash(es), the handle (Abzhywa /a-χʷa/ has only the first meaning; ‘the handle’ is a-χʷə́) /a-ˈχʷːa/ [aˈχʷːa] ахәхәа the peak (Abzhywa /a-χʷə/ ‘the top’(Hewitt, p.c.), ‘the hill’ (Chirikba, p.c.)) Stress in Abkhaz has not previously been studied acoustically, although intensity is claimed to be one important cue (Arshba 1979: 7). The spectrograms in Figure 9 show a near-minimal pair for stress, where the stressed syllable has higher pitch and intensity. Stressed vowels also appear to be slightly longer. Future work studying stress more systematically is needed to test how representative these patterns are of the language. 3 In addition to the sources cited in this section, treatments of Abkhaz stress include Arshba 1979; Dybo 1989, 2000, 2007; Trigo 1992, and Yanagisawa 2000. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 16 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA Figure 9 (Colour online) Initial stress on [»ala] ‘the eye’ (left), and final stress on [a»l˘a] ‘the dog’ (right). Pitch (100–175 Hz) is shown in blue, and intensity (50–75 dB) in yellow. Segments in Abkhaz are underlyingly specified as either accented (marked with an underscore) or unaccented (Kathman 1992: 211).4 The stress is then determined in most cases by Dybo’s Rule (Dybo 1977). In Spruit’s (1986) formulation, Dybo’s Rule says: Assign word stress to the leftmost accented segment not immediately followed by another accented segment. If a string contains no such segments (either because all segments are accented, or because none are), assign final stress. For example, in [»aXW˘a] ‘the ash(es)’ above, the root /XW˘a/ contains no lexical accents. The prefix /a-/ is accented, so it is the leftmost accented segment not followed by an unaccented segment. By Dybo’s Rule, the prefix is therefore stressed. By contrast, the vowel and consonant in the root /XW˘a/ ‘peak’ bear lexical accents. Since the word /a-XW˘a/ ‘the peak’ contains only accented segments, the word has final stress: [a»XW:a]. Lexical accent and stress are relevant to the status of underlying /0/ in Abkhaz. Consider the minimal pair given for the /0/–# contrast in (10) above, repeated here for convenience: (13) /ə/– Ø BROAD NARROW SPELLING TRANSLATION /a-z/ [az] aз brown /a-ˈzə/ [aˈzə] aзы for it Note that the second word, unlike the word for ‘brown’, has stress on the schwa rather than the [a]. On an analysis that takes lexical accent into account, this is not a coincidence. For Spruit 4 The accented segments have also been called ‘dominant’, and the unaccented ones ‘recessive’ (Hewitt 2010: 14, following Spruit 1986). As far as we can tell, these terms are used interchangeably for Abkhaz, and do not denote different lexical specifications. The terminology thus contrasts with that used elsewhere in the literature on phonetics and phonology, e.g. for Tokyo Japanese, argued to have both dominant accented and dominant unaccented suffixes (Alderete 2001). In this article we only mark lexical accents (with an underscore) where relevant to the point at hand. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. Samuel Andersson, Bert Vaux & Zihni Pysipa: Cwyzhy Abkhaz 17 (1986), both words end underlyingly in /z/. The difference between the two lies in lexical accent: [a»z0] ‘for it’ has two accents, /a-z/, and the accented /z/ triggers schwa epenthesis. [az] ‘brown’ has its only accent on the prefix, /a-z/, so there is no epenthesis. In our Cwyzhy data, all /0/– # minimal pairs differ in stress in this way, which might make it possible to analyse the language with only one underlying vowel. Whether or not such an analysis is viable depends on the status of unstressed schwa. Yanagisawa (2005) argues that unstressed schwas are also predictable from general phonotactic constraints, while Vaux & Samuels (2018) argue that they are not fully predictable in Cwyzhy. Transcription of recorded passage We provide phonemic, phonetic, and orthographic transcriptions of ‘The North Wind and the Sun’ in the Cwyzhy dialect, translated from the Turkish version (Zimmer & Orgun 1992) by Mr. Pysipa. ‘The North Wind and the Sun’ has also been translated into the literary Abzhywa dialect by Zaira Khiba (published by Hewitt 1978). In the phonemic transcription, as elsewhere in this article, we treat /0/ as underlying even in cases where it could be analysed as epenthetic. As is common in Abkhaz storytelling, this story uses evidential endings on verbs. We have not translated the evidential meaning here, retaining the traditional English translation of the story. Phonemic transcription apʰʃat’lakʷ’j amaɾaj ħawa ɾajħa amətʃʰʲ əzmada ħʷa əʃajmaɾk’ːawaz jəwap’a əʃʷənə nəqʷ’aɥək’ daajzaap’ jakʰʷʃaħatʰχəjt’ ɾəwa ɾapʰχʲa anəqʷ’aɥə jəwap’a əjʃʷəzəɾχəz ɾajħa amətʃʰʲ ʃəjmaw azə. nas apʰʃat’lakʷ’ aalaɡəjt’ asɾa əjəwzəmətʃʰʲħaɾatʷ’ə. apʰʃat’lakʷ’ asəpʰχʲadza anəqʷ’aɥə jəwap’a ajħaɡʲə jətʃʰalajħʷawa dalaɡazaap’. ats’əχʷazə apʰʃat’lakʷ’ aqʷ’əts’zaap’ asɾa. wəj aʃʲtʰaχʲ amaɾa jək’aχːaw awaɥə jəkʰəpʰχaw jalaɡazaap’. anəqʷ’aɥə ɡʲə jəwap’a aajʃʷəjχzaap’. abɾəj ala apʰʃat’lakʷ’ akʰʷʃaħatʰχazaap’ amaɾa amətʃʰʲ ɾajħa jəʃəʁʷːawa ala. Phonetic transcription apʰˈʃatʼɫakʷʼɪː ˈamaɾej ‖ ˈħawa ɾejħa ˈʔamɪtʃʰʲ ɪzˈmadæ ħᶣæ ‖ ɪˈʃejmaɾkʼːɔːz̥ ‖ jɪˈwapʼa ɪʃᶣʏˈnə ‖ ˈnɵqʷʼaɥʏkʼ ˈdaːjzaːpʼ ‖ ˈjakʰʷʃaħatʰχɪːtʼ ‖ ˈɾʊːa ˈɾapʰχʲæ aˈnɵqʷɔɥɪ jɪˈwapʼæ iːʃᶣʏˈzəɾχəz̥ ‖ ɾejˈħ‿amɪtʃʰʲ ˈʃiːmɔː azə ‖ ˈnas apʰˈʃatʼɫakʷʼ aˈaɫaɡiːtʼ asɾæ ꤮ iːuːˈzəmɪtʃʰʲħaɾtpaʼə ‖ apʰˈʃatʼɫakʷʼ ˈasəpʰχʲædzæ aˈnɵqʷʼɔɥʏ jɪˈwapʼa ejħaˈjɪ jɪˈtʃʰaɫejħᶣɔː ˈdaɫaɡazaːpʼ ‖ aˈtsʼɵχʷazə apʰˈʃatʼɫakʷʼ aˈqʷʼɵtsʼzaːpʼ asɾæ ‖ ˈwɪː aʃʲtʰæχʲ ‖ ˈamaɾa ‖ jɪkʼaˈχːɔː ‖ awɔˈɥʏ ˈjɪkʰəpʰχɔː ˈjaɫaɡazaːpʼ ‖ aˈnɵqʷʼaɥʏ ɡʲɪ jɪˈwapʼ‿aːj ʃᶣiːʁzaːpʼ‖ aˈbɾiː æɫæ ‖ apʰˈʃatʼɫakʷʼ ‖ ˈakʰʷʃaħatʰχazaːpʼ ‖ ˈamaɾa ˈamɪtʃʰʲɾejˈħa jɪʃɵʁʷːɔː aɫa Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 31 Mar 2021 at 10:13:29, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 18 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA Orthographic version Аҧшатлакәи амараи «Ҳауа реиҳа амыч иызмада ҳәа» иышеимарккоуз иыуапа ишәыны ныҟәаҩык дааизаап. Иақәшаҳаҭхыит: «Рыуа раҧхьа аныҟәаҩы иыуапа иыишәызырхыз» реиҳа амыч шиымоу азы. Нас, аҧшатлакә аалагыит асра, иыыузымыҷҳаратәы. Аҧшатлакә асыҧхьаӡа аныҟәаҩы иыуапа аиҳагьы иыҽалаиҳәоу далагазаап. Аҵыхәазы аҧшатлакә аҟәыҵзаап асра. Уыи ашьҭахь амара иыкаххоу ауаҩы иықәыҧхоу иалагазаап. Аныҟәаҩыгь иыуапа ааишәихзаап. Абри ала аҧшатлакә ақәшаҳаҭхазаап амара амыч реиҳа иышыҕәҕәоу ала. English translation The North Wind and the Sun were disputing which was the stronger, when a traveler came along wrapped in a warm cloak. They agreed that the one who first succeeded in making the traveler take his cloak off should be considered stronger than the other. Then the North Wind blew as hard as he could, but the more he blew the more closely did the traveler fold his cloak around him; and at last the North Wind gave up the attempt. Then the Sun shined out warmly, and immediately the traveler took off his cloak. And so the North Wind was obliged to confess that the Sun was the stronger of the two. 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