Intellectual Culture in Medieval Scandinavia, c. 1100–1350

Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia Stefka G. Eriksen T he aim of this book is to discuss and redefine intellectual culture in medieval Scandinavia, in the period 1100–1350. This period was significant for the development of the intellectual climate in Western Europe in general and was characterized by changes in the institutionalization of education, the rise of the universities, and increased professionalization in many fields of society. This was essentially a transformation of social and power structures, a process which was interdependent with the major transfer of intellectual capital from Greek antiquity, often through Arab and Jewish mediators, into Latin and various vernaculars. Textual and material translations of European material were major components of medieval Nordic culture in the period 1100–1350. Latin, Old french, and German texts were available in the original; they were also translated into Old Norse; and indigenous Old Norse texts were composed on European models. furthermore, the period witnessed the construction of churches, monasteries, and castles in Norway, which followed and adapted the rhetoric of European Romanesque art and architecture to the new target context. Political alliances and international trade contributed further to the growth of contact with European political, economic, and cultural centres. In other words, this was a period of intense appropriation and adaptation of the foreign, together with a process of defining and establishing an indigenous Scandinavian culture. Understanding the intellectual processes that lie behind and result from these cultural and social structures will be the main concern of this book. Stefka G. Eriksen (stefka.eriksen@niku.no) is a Research Director at the Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research, Oslo. Intellectual Culture in Medieval Scandinavia, c. 1100–1350, ed. by Stefka Georgieva Eriksen, DISPUT 28 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016) BREPOLS PUBLISHERS pp. 1–34 10.1484/M.DISPUT-EB.5.110519 2 Stefka G. Eriksen The possible causes and effects of this translatio programme have been discussed by many scholars and comprise, among others, the transformation of the royal office, the strengthening and centralization of secular and aristocratic power, and the introduction of chivalric ideals and culture through literary translations. In this book, we wish to shift the focus from changes in the social structures resulting from textual and cultural translatio, and rather emphasize one meta-implication, namely the translation of intellectual culture. ‘Intellectual culture’ is defined here as modes of thinking, or intellectual, creative, and cognitive processes. In other words, we will seek to investigate what intellectual processes lay behind and were inspired by the textual and material culture in medieval Scandinavia. Our focus will be primarily on Norway and Iceland, but where relevant, attention will also be paid to textual and material culture produced in Denmark and Sweden. What is ‘Intellectual Culture’? The term ‘intellectual’ is not a medieval but a modern conception.1 It has been used to signify various groups such as elitist Russian intelligentsia, American intellectuals engaged in political debates during the 1960s, or any of the culturally minded supporters of Alfred Dreyfus in the late nineteenth century.2 Most often, the groups have used the term to define themselves. Our concern here, however, is not how these groups defined themselves and the exact term they used, but rather the parameters they proposed for its discussion. Sometimes the definition pertains to: the intellectuals’ political autonomy or lack of it; their relation to or independence from the universities; their attitude to religious structures; the nature of intellectual labour: is it an activity of thinking or producing; or the social classification of intellectuals: does every social class have its intellectuals, or do ‘intellectuals’ constitute a social class separate from others? Despite the term’s modernity and multiple semantic connotations, some of the questions mentioned above have also been addressed with regard to medieval ‘intellectuals’, especially those in Western Europe (france, England, Germany). In his book, Intellectuals in the Middle Ages, Jacques Le Goff describes various groups of scholars and clerks and the main tendencies in their teachings between the twelfth and the fourteenth centuries.3 According to Le 1 for a survey of the modern usage and connotations of the term for various scholars and movements, see Copeland, Pedagogy, Intellectuals, and Dissent, pp. 24–35. 2 See ‘intellectual’ (subs.) in The Oxford English Dictionary. 3 Le Goff, Intellectuals in the Middle Ages. On intellectual culture, teaching, and learning Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 3 Goff, the development of intellectual culture in the twelfth century was primarily dependent on the urban social frameworks, which organized it. As a group, he claims, intellectuals could be compared with and juxtaposed to artisans: being an intellectual, like being an artisan, did not imply just the possession of knowledge, but a ‘doing’, a ‘making’, a production unfolding from reason.4 According to Le Goff, the main tool of the intellectual is his mind, and he defines thirteenth-century intellectuals as scholars and thinkers working within the frames of a textual culture. They could have various and multiple functions within this culture, such as scribes, teachers, and professors, as well as artisans involved in the book-production process. Intellectualism was thus the profession of thinking, incorporating both cognitive and ideational labour, teaching and preaching, as well as the production of books and other written material. According to Le Goff, the growth of the universities and academies should be seen in the context of the establishment of corporations, communities, and guilds during the thirteenth century. The universities were institutions of ambiguous stature, as they were born out of ecclesiastical institutions, but were independent from local forces and functioned as agents of the pope; they were also closely related to local politics (the University of Paris was closely linked to the Capetian monarchy) while at the same time being open and outward looking.5 The establishment of the profession of thinking thus appeared to be a part of a specific social, economic, and political context. The intellectual’s concern with the nature, capacity, and potential of his own being and mind was thus invariably explicated through a continuous dialogue with the collective, i.e. the development of urban milieus and the universities themselves. Ian P. Wei’s recent study of intellectual culture and the development of the university in the Middle Ages shares, but also modifies, some of Le Goff ’s main premises.6 Ian P. Wei argues that intellectual history has to be seen in juxtaposition to institutional history, as there is a stark link between ways of thinking and knowing, and the cultural and political contexts of learning. He then intermentalities in monastic contexts before the establishment of the universities, see Vaughan and Rubenstein, eds, Teaching and Learning in Northern Europe, 1000–1200. 4 Le Goff, Intellectuals, p. 62. 5 It was not until the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries that the universities became more nationalized, the first national university being founded in Prague in 1347. There was also an increase in the number of universities, which again led to a decrease in the degree of internationalization. The first Scandinavian universities were founded in Uppsala in 1477 and Copenhagen in 1478. See Le Goff, Intellectuals, p. 141. 6 Wei, Intellectual Culture in Medieval Paris. 4 Stefka G. Eriksen prets the ideas, sense of identity, and authority of thinkers and scholars within a historical and social context. In addition, he argues against the distinction between abstract philosophy and theology, on the one hand, and history of ethics and moral theology on the other, as the main aim of the university was to create preachers. further, in the history of intellectual culture he includes the work of women, who are otherwise most often treated separately in histories of mysticism, as well as thinkers from outside the university. His survey of intellectual culture synthesizes the individual-ideational as opposed to the social, on the one hand, and the theoretical scientific aspects of intellectual culture as opposed to its practical applications, on the other.7 In his book Penser au moyen âge, Alain de Libera discusses medieval intellectual culture from a philosophical and epistemological point of view. 8 He defines intellectualism as a discourse, an attitude about thinking in itself, which is directly related neither to the universities, nor to the towns. It is rather primarily based on the appropriation of ancient Greek philosophy, mediated via Arab and Latin translations, into the vernacular. According to Alain de Libera, intellectual culture is a habitus, which is so self-contained that it allows for 7 On the idea of the individual in the Middle Ages, see Morris, The Discovery of the Individual, 1050–1200; Bynum, ‘Did the Twelfth Century Discover the Individual?’, pp. 82–109; Bagge, Det Europeiske Menneske: Individoppfatninger fra Middelalderen til i Dag; Bagge, The Individual in European Culture. On the significance of the collective and communal for the formation of the individual’s competence, see the discussion of ‘textual communities’ introduced by Stock, The Implications of Literacy; Mews and Crossley, eds, Communities of Learning. The editors promote the idea that: ‘All learning takes place within some kind of community, whether it be a formal place of instruction, a religious community, or simply an informal network of two or more friends’ (p. 1). for a discussion of the dynamics between the individual and various social spaces, see Wei, ‘from Twelfth-Century Schools to Thirteenth-Century Universities’, pp. 42–78. He shows that a link between the individual and the collective is always at stake, but the representation of its dynamics in literary sources depends on the respective socio-cultural and intellectual climate. The creative individual can be discussed from a new philological perspective as well, which foregrounds the authority of the scribes and other producers of each manuscript; see for example Nichols, ‘Introduction: Philology in a Manuscript Culture’, pp. 1–10. for a discussion from the perspective of cognitive theory, see Giere and Moffatt, ‘Distributed Cognition’, pp. 301–10. On the role of memory, both individual and collective, see Laugerud, ‘Memory Stored and Reactivated’, pp. 7–29. See also Helfer, ‘Arts of Memory and Cultural Transmission’, p. 29. 8 for another discussion from a similar perspective see Hoffman, ‘Intellectualism and Voluntarism’, pp. 414–27. In this study, ‘intellectualism’ is seen in opposition to ‘voluntarism’ as the agent ultimately responsible for the freedom of human beings. Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 5 its transportation from Latin to the vernacular.9 Even though intellectualism is seen as detachable from the universities, its discourse is not apolitical and autonomous with respect to institutional structures; but it could nonetheless be learned, appropriated, and transferred to new social contexts. Rita Copeland, partly building upon both Le Goff and de Libera, questions whether there can be a transhistorical category of the intellectual and suggests a more historically localized one.10 At the same time, she seeks to define intellectual culture in a broader sense than focusing on the individual thinkers or professionals. Her study of the Lollard movement shows how the intellectual project, in this case defined in terms of pedagogy, could be ‘exported’ from the university environment to non-academic, vernacular, non-professional circles. This intellectual exportation happened through individual careers, which were both professional and non-professional, and which entailed a link between academic and public appearances. These studies represent discussions of intellectual culture from various fields — history, literary studies, philosophy and the human mind — and they take different stances on the dynamics between the intellectual and his social context. Le Goff, for example, focuses on the exceptional male individual (not the intellectual as such with his intellectual capacities), and reflects to a degree Marxist theory as he argues for the conditioning factors of social class, social relations, and thus power, for the development of intellectual culture. Like many post-modernists, Wei and Copeland seek to balance structure and agency, and foreground the dynamics between them. from a slightly different perspective, de Libera argues for the compatibility and duality of the relationship between the intellectual labour of an individual and social structures, thus viewing the individual as a constant function of social life, not a remainder of it. His use of the concept of habitus brings to mind the work of Pierre Bourdieu where he links cultural and economic capital in order to describe features of various social classes.11 Recently, historians such as David Gary Shaw have taken the discussion about the dynamics between the individual and the social context in a slightly different direction, by arguing that agency comes before expression, and that it is accessible independently of texts, discourses, languages, and social structures.12 9 Libera, Penser au moyen âge. Copeland, Pedagogy, Intellectuals, and Dissent in the Later Middle Ages. 11 See for example Bourdieu, Practical Reason: On the Theory of Action. 12 Shaw, ‘Recovering the Self: Agency after Deconstruction’, pp. 474–95. 10 6 Stefka G. Eriksen Shaw argues that the individual is always social, but nevertheless has agency, which is primarily an intellectual, cognitive change that depends on mental and bodily experience. Indeed, even if the individual is represented as a type, or is narrated as passive, his agency remains primary. Shaw’s invitation to recover the self, which is sorely needed after its deconstruction, inspires a different take on the intellectual by prioritizing cognitive agency and intellectual capacity. Such an approach, if not directly inspired by, is certainly well compatible with recent tendencies in the humanities to use cognitive and neurological theories. A main theorem in cognitive poetics is that meaning is not something that is inherent in a text. Rather, it is constructed, formed, and created by the agent himself (producer, interpreter, recipient). The usefulness of this theoretical perspective lies in the way it explains reception, meaning construction, and cognitive processes, as it includes not only the mind of the individual, but also various external representations, means of production, and other humans. 13 The concept of ‘distributed cognition’ holds that individual cognition is merely a component in a complex cognitive system. 14 Other relevant concepts are embodied, embedded, and extended cognition, which in different ways foreground the notion that cognition and the mind are not separate from the body, natural, and cultural space.15 The deployment of cognitive theory when discussing intellectual culture places the individual’s cognition — that is, cognitive processes, intellectual labour, creative and hermeneutic loops — before both the isolated individual and the context. Moreover, as modern definitions of cognition encompass everything from physical perception of the world, rationality, emotionality, memory, and faith, to decision making, this theoretical platform invites the study of the link between these cognitive faculties, within the same individual. Consequently, such a starting platform increases the potential to elucidate various cognitive aspects of the work of an intellectual, and thus also various social roles and functions the same intellectual might have within the same society. Let us now return to the medieval period: even though medieval intellectuals do not use the term ‘intellectual’ itself to define themselves, many discuss the nature of their activities.16 In his Didascalicon, Book ii, Hugues de Saint-Victor, for 13 14 15 16 Clark and Chalmers, ‘The Extended Mind’, pp. 27–42. Giere and Moffatt, ‘Distributed Cognition’, p. 304. Clark, ‘Embodied, Embedded, and Extended Cognition’, pp. 275–92. There are numerous metaphors for thinking and intellectual labour. On terms suggesting Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 7 example, distinguishes between two different types of academic activity: an art or a craft, and a discipline.17 According to Hugues de Saint-Victor, engagement in arts results in material or written products, while disciplines are more cognitive and immaterial. However, arts and disciplines are part of philosophy, which can be divided into theoretical (speculative), practical (active/ethical/moral because morals consist in good actions), mechanical (concerned with the works of human labour), and logical (linguistic). At the end of Book ii, Hugues writes: All knowledge, whether it be a discipline or any act of cognition, whatever, is somehow contained in philosophy — either as an integral part, or as a divisive part or branch.18 Anybody engaged in the activity of thinking within the professional fields of textual production or art, architecture, liturgy, music, or medicine could then be seen as ‘intellectual’. The terms that medieval thinkers used to refer to themselves, such as scolares, magister, clericus, philosophus, litteratus, eruditus, doctor, professor, auctor, artifex may serve to indicate the enormous variation in the possible functions of medieval intellectuals, and the interdisciplinary nature of their work.19 The concept of auctoritas, for example, was developed in the thirteenth century and referred to a person who through self-conscious analysis had the capacity to pursue and define the right meaning of a text. The artifex, including architects and art-makers, were gradually seen as following this scholastic theory of authorship and were seen as auctores themselves.20 And vice versa: poetry was designated as mental building, which, just like the work of the a process of collecting, such as colligere and compilere, see fresco and Hedeman, eds, Collections in Context. On intellectual labour described in terms of mapping places, paths, journeys, see Carruthers, ‘The Concept of ductus’, pp. 190–212. See also Crossley, ‘Ductus and memoria’, pp. 214–49. On the intellectual activity of thinking as a translatio process, and the human memory as the primary means of cultural transmission, see Carruthers, ‘Mechanisms for the Transmission of Culture’, pp. 1–27. On the cognitive process described as forging, see Leach, ‘Nature’s forge and Mechanical Production’, pp. 74–75. 17 Hugues de Saint-Victor, The Didascalicon of Hugh of St. Victor, trans. by Taylor, pp. 61–62. 18 Hugues de Saint-Victor, The Didascalicon of Hugh of St. Victor, trans. by Taylor, p. 80. 19 Copeland, Pedagogy, p. 34. On doctor, see Binski, ‘“Working by Words Alone”’, p. 33. On the problematic issue of applying modern labels and categorizations to medieval material and mental frameworks, see Matter and others, eds, ‘Introduction: Marcia Colish and Mind Matters’, pp. 1–12. 20 Binski, ‘“Working by Words Alone”’, p. 21. See also Pevsner, ‘The Term “Architect” in the Middle Ages’, pp. 549–62. 8 Stefka G. Eriksen master architect, was an invention aided by memoria, a conceptual and liberal activity of the mind. Being a poet or an architect involved the knowledge of an art and the mastery of a craft, but did not have to entail the actual manufacture of the material, and could be seen as the theoretical mastery of a discipline.21 The role of the theologian could also resemble that of the architect or the poet, because of the similarities in their positions in juxtaposition to their operatives.22 from the twelfth century on, liturgy was increasingly regarded as a rhetorical art, an art of persuasion, which demanded and led to the same intellectual activity as the art of rhetoric.23 Thus performativity, encompassing orality, vocal delivery, and liturgical theatre, just like text, art, and architecture, was a medium for the expression of intellectual culture.24 The conceptualization of music as a discipline was also closely linked to the arts of the trivium (grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic), as well as the quadrivium, as the ancient science of harmonics. Late medieval musical treatises, for example, make use of the same terminology as Donatus in his Ars Major, such as de voce, de littera, de syllaba, de posituris, etc., and dissonance in music has the same defined and controlled position as vices and tropes in speech.25 In a similar way, grammarians and rhetoricians turned to music to gain inspiration for ways of conceptualization. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when the rhetorical model disappears from music, we see how treatises on polyphony influenced grammatical and rhetorical treatises. Thinking then becomes the common denominator of many different arts and disciplines, such as poetics, rhetoric, music, painting, architecture, performing, and preaching. These disciplines borrow concepts and manners of understanding from each other. The link between them lies in the fact that they share the 21 Aquinas and Henry of Ghent comment on the distinction between the role of the architect as a thinker and philosopher, and the manual activity of building, see Binski, ‘“Working by Words Alone”’, p. 28. 22 Binski ‘“Working by Words Alone”’, pp. 14–51. 23 On medieval liturgical functional poetry and biblical commentaries from the monastic or pre-scholastic period, see Iversen and Bell, eds, Sapientia et Eloquentia. On Abelard’s theoretical understanding of the link between rhetoric and producing an affective liturgy, see flynn, ‘Ductus figuratus et subtilis’, p. 252. 24 for a discussion of the significance of eloquence of delivery in letters, see Carmago, ‘Special Delivery’, pp. 173–89. On the rhetorical basis for the Cistercian rule of silence and extensive use of sign language, see Ziolkowski, ‘Do Actions Speak Louder than Words?’, pp. 124–50. 25 Bent, ‘Grammar and Rhetoric in Late Medieval Polyphony’, p. 58. Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 9 double appeal of rhetoric, which is to trigger the audience’s responses to the aesthetic and sensual, as well as to entice their rational and intellectual potential.26 In this short survey, we have seen that intellectual culture is a modern concept, which is most often used to define modern institutions, but is also applied to medieval social structures by various scholars. Medieval thinkers and writers do not deploy the concept as such, but they describe their intellectual activities and the cognitive, creative aspects of these activities. The nature of the activity is often reflected in the intellectuals’ titles. Based on the theoretical platform of cognitive literary studies and the indications of this brief survey, three main aspects of intellectual culture stand out: (1) intellectual culture is primarily a result of the intellectual’s cognition, which is always distributed, embedded, and embodied; the core characteristic of intellectual culture is thus the very cognitive process or intellectual labour that lies behind or is inspired by the cultural expression; (2) because of the primacy of the cognitive aspect of intellectual culture, the results of intellectual labour, i.e. the cultural expression that we still have and that we study, are always translated and adapted: they are a result of the creator’s cognitive agency to create a cultural expression which is to serve a certain purpose within a certain target culture; (3) this cognitive intellectual process can result in cultural expressions of different media, or in other words, it can be realized in various medialities: orally, musically, in writing, or materially by means of art and architecture. Seen from this perspective, the various artefacts can, and should, be approached in similar modes and they should be studied in comparison to each other. With this definition of intellectual culture it becomes clear that when we study intellectual culture in medieval Scandinavia, we aim to study various cultural expressions — books, sculpture, and architecture; literary texts, documentary texts, laws, and theological texts — and read them as texts in combination with each other, in order to gain better insight into the intellectual processes behind their creation, the variety of intellectual activities that could be pursued by one and the same individual, and thus also, the various social functions of an ‘intellectual’. This definition also explains the period chosen to be surveyed in the book — intellectual culture certainly existed also before 1100, but the cultural expressions testifying to these intellectual processes are barely pre26 Carruthers, ‘Editor’s Introduction’, p. 3. The significance of eloquence, the beauty of vocality, the vox in the wider sense of the word is also addressed by Bent, ‘Grammar and Rhetoric in Late Medieval Polyphony’, pp. 52–71. She clarifies that eloquence was a central element or ability for a good master, a rhetorician (in writing or orally), architect, theologian, a master of medicine, law, or music. 10 Stefka G. Eriksen served. The twelfth century saw the major introduction of writing and books in Norway and Iceland, as well as an increase in the production of other material culture, such as architecture and sculpture. As already mentioned and as will be discussed in greater detail below and also in the chapter by Gunnar Harðarson, this blossoming of textual and material culture was based on the locally existing intellectual culture (oral tradition, for example) as well as foreign impulses, textual and material. With his cognition and agency, an intellectual could use a variety of these impulses in the production of new cultural expressions. It is important to emphasize that, on the one hand, the intellectual’s agency could result in the introduction of changes and innovations to this pre-existing ‘material’, and on the other, it could lead to the preservation and faithful reproduction of important aspects of the material, a choice which depended on the creative strategies and intentions of the intellectual. As David Gary Shaw argues, faithful reproduction of a cultural expression should not be seen as passive and lacking agency, but as intentional and strategic, even though it is faithful. This book, as we will see, contains examples of various intellectual strategies; some necessitate innovative changes, while others demand that cultural expressions are kept similar to their source material. The book as a whole thus provides the basis for reflecting on how and when social spheres inspire or demand innovations as opposed to continuation. Medieval Scandinavia, c. 1100–1350 Defining intellectual culture as cognition, distributed and embedded, requires a closer look at the general socio-cultural, political, and religious context of medieval Scandinavia before we indulge in the intellectual culture developing there.27 Even though the twelfth century cannot be rigidly separated from what precedes it, this period witnessed major cultural innovations: the establishment of the Church and religious institutions, the emergence of many monasteries and churches in Norway, and the birth of the Old Norse literary tradition. The institutional development of the North, both secular and religious, was closely related to that of European institutions and structures. In 1104, the Nordic countries became an independent church province, under the archbishop of Lund. In 1152/53, the Norwegian province, including Iceland, was founded under the 27 Once again, medieval Scandinavia, in this context, encompasses primarily Norway and Iceland, but studies of textual and material culture produced in Denmark and Sweden are included and drawn into the discussions where relevant, in order to juxtapose the cultural development in various corners of Scandinavia. Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 11 archbishop of Niðarós,28 and in 1164, Sweden (and finland) were headed by the archbishop of Uppsala.29 The establishment of independent church provinces meant closer contact with the papacy, which was a primary patron of education and university development. Cathedral chapters, which were responsible for worship in the cathedral as well as the school for new clergymen, were established in Norway immediately after the establishment of the Norwegian province.30 The first Benedictine monasteries in Norway were established and built towards the end of the eleventh/ beginning of the the twelfth century and the abbots of the monasteries were under the immediate direction of the bishops. When the first bishop of Bergen lived at Selja, the monastery of St Alban was established there. A couple of decades after the bishop moved to Bergen, Munkeliv monastery was established there, possibly c. 1110; Holmkloster was simultaneously established in Niðarós. Several nunneries were established before 1150 as well, such as Nonneseter in Bergen, Gimsøy near Skien, Bakke near Niðarós. Benedictine monasteries were founded also in Iceland, Þingeyrar (c. 1133) and Munkaþverá (c. 1155). Around 1150, the Cistercians started to establish their houses: Lyse near Bergen, Hovedøya near Oslo, and Tautra near Niðarós.31 The Augustinian order established themselves in the period 1150– 1200: konghelle and Helgseter in Niðarós, Halsnøy, and Bergen. Around 1240, the Dominicans established monasteries in Niðarós, Bergen, and Oslo, and later in Hamar. During the end of the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Premonstratensians became another important order in Norway, with Olavskloster in Tønsberg as their main see. The second half of the thirteenth century saw the establishment of the franciscans in konghelle, Tønsberg, Bergen, Marstrand, and Oslo, at a time when urbanization was intensifying.32 By 1300, there were all in all about thirty monasteries in Norway.33 28 See Johnsen, On the Background for the Establishment of the Norwegian Church Province. for a general study, see Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, pp. 100–28. 30 Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 122. 31 for a more detailed study of the establishment of the Cistercians in the Nordic countries, see france, ‘Cistercienserne i Norden indtil, c. 1200’, pp. 47–60. See also Henriksen, ‘Cistercienserne i Norge og biskopene’, pp. 61–76. See also Gervin, Klostrene ved verdens ende. for a discussion on Nonneseter in Bergen, see Ommundsen, ‘Nonneseter i Bergen – eit benediktinarkloster’. 32 Jón Viðar Sigurðsson, Norsk historie 800–1300, pp. 174–75; Bjørkvik, ‘klostergods og klosterdrift i Norge i mellomalderen’, pp. 147–64; Gunnes, ‘Ordener og kloster i norsk samfunnsliv’, pp. 131–46. 33 Jón Viðar Sigurðsson, Norsk historie 800–1300, p. 175. 29 12 Stefka G. Eriksen The first bishopric of Iceland, at Skálholt, is traditionally considered to have been founded in 1056, when Ísleifr, son of Gizurr the White, was elected bishop. Ísleifr was succeeded by his son Gizurr, who was a bishop between 1082 and 1118. He had the tithe introduced to Iceland in 1096, and allowed the founding of the bishopric in Hólar in the north. A cathedral school was established in Hólar, while there was a major learning centre at Haukadalur in the south. The first monastery in Iceland was established at Þingeyrar in 1133 and the first nunnery at kirkjubær in 1186.34 Even though the Icelandic Church was under the Norwegian archbishopric after 1152, it had its own independent characteristics. Individuals could for example build churches (following the old German Eigenkirchenwesen), in contrast to what was most common in the rest of Scandinavia, where churches were usually founded by the local community.35 If the owner of the church were not a priest himself, he would hire a priest. The whole farm would often be given to the church, to form a joint ecclesiastical institution called staðr, which was private and economically independent. The keeping of the church was inherited as private property.36 Another Icelandic characteristic was the existence of chieftain-priests, who would have both religious and secular power. There has been vigorous debate as to whether this system was a continuation of the dual role of the pagan goðar (chieftains) or not.37 This system led to a conflict between the lay aristocracy and the Church, for the independence of the latter, which was first addressed by Bishop Þorlákr at Skálholt (St Þorlákr). The conflict included a debate about the Icelandic bishop’s right to ordain goðar, and the system disappeared in the first half of the thirteenth century. Even though the Icelandic chieftains were no longer priests, many of them still lived at staðir, i.e. land and property belonging to the Church.38 At the end of the thirteenth century, there was a second stage in the conflict between the Church and the lay aristocracy.39 In 1273 there was an agreement between king Magnús the Lawmender and Archbishop Jón, when the king 34 Gunnar karlsson, The History of Iceland, pp. 38–39. See Bjørn Bandlien’s chapter in this volume, on the nature of these learning institutions and the intellectuals they promoted. 35 See kjartan Hauglid’s chapter in this volume for a discussion of this topic with regard to the Norwegian context. 36 Magnús Stefánsson, ‘The Norse Island Communities of the Western Ocean’, pp. 217–18. 37 Magnús Stefánsson, ‘The Norse Island Communities of the Western Ocean’, p. 216. 38 Gunnar karlsson, The History of Iceland, pp. 40–43. 39 kristoffer Vadum’s chapter in this volume discusses some aspects of the enactment of this conflict. Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 13 gave important rights to the Church with regard to the division of property between the two powers. When king Magnús died in 1280, an anti-clerical regency took over in Norway and declared all established agreements with the Church invalid: all church farms were now to be handed over to laymen.40 When king Eiríkr came to power, a less conflict-oriented relationship with the Church was attempted. An agreement was achieved in 1296/97 between king Eiríkr and Bishop Árni that those church farms which were owned entirely by the Church should be ruled by the bishop; if the Church owned less than half of a farm, it should be ruled by the laymen.41 The Catholic Church influenced not only the establishment of religious institutions in Scandinavia, but also the formation of the royal office. After the Civil Wars (1130–1240), Norway was united under a strong monarchy of kings of the Sverrir family.42 In 1217, Hákon Hákonarson was acclaimed king, but it was only after 1240, when he defeated his rival Skúli, that he functioned as sole ruler until his death in 1263. His reign was characterized by internal peace and external expansion of the Norwegian borders. In 1262–64, Iceland submitted to the Norwegian king, which implied the end of the free State period in Iceland, and a change from a kin-based social and political structure to a society led by royal subjects affiliated to the king.43 Greenland submitted to the Norwegian king as well in 1261. The Norwegian kingship at that time also covered the Hebrides, the Isle of Man, Shetland, and Orkney. king Hákon’s reign was also characterized by the development of legislation and the emergence of public justice, administered by both the Church and the king. A new Law of Succession was enacted (1260), and the earlier provincial laws were extensively revised, which subsequently led to the development of legislation on a national scale in 1274–77 by his son king Magnús.44 These innovations were related to 40 Gunnar karlsson, The History of Iceland, pp. 97–98. Gunnar karlsson, The History of Iceland, p. 99. 42 On the international relations between king Sverrir and England during the twelfth century, see Johnsen, Kong Sverre og England 1199–1202. for a more detailed survey of the development of the monarchy during the thirteenth century, see Bagge, ‘The Norwegian Monarchy in the Thirteenth Century’, pp. 159–77. Helle, ‘Towards Nationally Organised Systems of Government’, pp. 345–52. 43 Sveinbjörn Rafnsson, ‘The Atlantic Islands’, pp. 110–24; Magnús Stefánsson, ‘The Norse Island Communities’, pp. 202–20; Sverrir Jakobsson, ‘The Process of State-formation in Medieval Iceland’, pp. 1–20; Jón Viðar Sigurðsson, ‘The Icelandic Aristocracy after the fall of the free State’, pp. 153−66. 44 Helle, ‘The Norwegian kingdom: Succession, Disputes, Consolidation’, pp. 369–91. 41 14 Stefka G. Eriksen the gradual institutionalization of the royal office itself, when the idea of the king as a person and a member of an egalitarian war band was replaced by a symbolic office assumed by the representative of God’s just rule on earth.45 An official royal unction and coronation, defining kingship as existing by the grace of God, became a regular custom in Norway from 1247.46 Despite the general tendency towards centralization of the monarchy, the secular power in Norway and Iceland was spread around various political and cultural centres. In Iceland, for example, education and the writing and copying of manuscripts was done in both religious and secular centres, for example at the episcopal sees of Skálholt and Hólar, at various monasteries, but also at private schools at various chieftain farms, such as Haukadalur, where Ari Þorgilsson was educated, the farm of Oddi, which was founded by Sæmundr fróði, and at Reykholt, which belonged to Snorri Sturluson. 47 Many of the Icelandic chieftains were closely affiliated with the Norwegian kings and/or local religious institutions, which certainly conditioned the nature of the intellectual production at their centres.48 These religious and secular institutions were thus the main centres for learning, and arenas for direct cultural and ideological contact between Europe and the Norse political elite. furthermore, many of the leaders of these structures had received some of their education abroad at central learning centres such as the Universities of Paris and Bologna, among others. They brought back not only knowledge about specific issues, but also more general academic mental frameworks.49 45 Bagge, From Gang Leader to the Lord’s Anointed; Bagge, The Political Thought of the King’s Mirror. 46 Other areas of development during this period include international trade and the establishment of the Hanseatic League, see Nedkvitne, ‘Utenrikshandelen fra det vestafjelske Norge 1100–1600’; Nedkvitne, ‘Oslo og Hanseatene på Dronning Eufemias tid’, pp. 140–56. On the multiple international alliances through marriages and gift-exchanges, see Helle, ‘AngloNorwegian Relationships in the Reign of Håkon Håkonsson (1217–1263)’, pp. 101–14. 47 Meulengracht Sørensen, ‘Social Institutions and Belief Systems of Medieval Iceland’, pp. 25–26. On Reykholt, see Mundal, ed., Reykholt som Makt- og Lærdomssenter. 48 See for example Helgi Þorláksson, ‘Snorri Sturluson, Reykholt og augustinerordenen’, pp. 65–76. 49 Sawyer, Medieval Scandinavia, p. 123; Bagge, ‘Nordic Students at foreign Universities until 1660’, pp. 1–29; Johnsen, ‘Les relations intellectuelles entre la france et la Norvège (1150–1214)’, pp. 247–68; Johnsen, ‘Hvor studerte biskopbrødrene Arne og Audfinn?’, pp. 89–98; Johnsen, ‘Om St. Victorklosteret og Nordmennene’, pp. 405–32. See the essay by Mats Malm in this volume. Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 15 As already mentioned, Scandinavian cultural history, including literature, art, and architecture, developed under considerable influence from European tendencies. The many Old Norse translations of Latin,50 french,51 and German texts52 are direct evidence of this import of culture. Despite their local peculiarities, very many of the major Old Norse indigenous texts were also written according to principles of Latin literary production, such as historiographies,53 Snorri’s Edda54 and the Poetic Edda,55 fornaldarsögur (Legendary Sagas),56 kings’ sagas,57 The King’s Mirror,58 and even the most indigenous of all genres: the Icelandic family sagas59 and skaldic poetry.60 In addition, there is a consid50 On the translations of saint’s lives, see kormack, ‘Christian Biography’, pp. 27–42; on visionary literature, see Wellendorf, Kristelig visionslitteratur i norrøn tradition; on the Old Norse Homily Book, see Haugen and Ommundsen, eds, Vår eldste bok; Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir, ‘Prose of Christian Instruction’, pp. 338–53. Latin historiographies were also translated into Old Norse, see Würth, ‘Historiography and Pseudo-History’, pp. 155–72; Würth, Der ‘Antikenroman’ in der isländischen Literatur des Mittelalters; on Alexander saga, see Petterson, ‘fri översättning i det medeltida Västnorden’; on Barlaams saga, see Johansson and Arvidsson, eds, Barlaam i nord. 51 for surveys of Old Norse translations from french, see Sif Rikhardsdottir, Medieval Translations and Cultural Discourse; kalinke, ed., The Arthur of the North; Eriksen, Writing and Reading in Medieval Manuscript Culture. 52 On Þiðreks saga, see Johansson and flaten, eds, Francia et Germania; Andersson, ‘An Interpretation of Þidreks saga’, pp. 347−77. 53 Some of the first Old Norse historiography was written in Latin, as for example Historia Norvegiae (c. 1160–1210), Historia de antiquitate regum Norvagiensium written by Theodoricus monachus (c. 1130), and Oddr’s Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar, which was later translated into Old Norse (c. 1190). Some of the oldest Icelandic historiography was written directly in the vernacular, such as Íslendingabók (c. 1122–33) and Landnámabók (first half of twelfth century). See Meulengracht Sørensen, ‘Social Institutions and Belief Systems’, pp. 8−29. 54 Jørgensen, ed., Snorres Edda i europeisk og islandsk kultur. 55 Clunies Ross, A History of Old Norse Poetry and Poetics. 56 Torfi H. Tulinius, The Matter of the North; Lassen, Odin på Kristent Pergament; Lassen, ‘Origines gentium and the Learned Origin of Fornaldarsögur Norðurlanda’, pp. 33–58. See also the three anthologies on fornaldarsögur, ed. by Ármann Jakobsson, Annette Lassen, and Agnete Ney, Fornaldarsagornas struktur och ideologi; Fornaldarsagaerne: Myter og virkelighed; The Legendary Sagas: Origins and Development. 57 Ármann Jakobsson, ‘Royal Biography’, pp. 388–402. 58 See Bagge, The Political Thought of the King’s Mirror; Vadum, Dom og straff i Kongespeilet. 59 for a summary of the ‘free-prose’ as opposed to the ‘book-prose’ theory, see Clover, ‘Icelandic family Sagas’, pp. 239–40. 60 See for example Clunies Ross, ‘Medieval Icelandic Textual Culture’, pp. 163–82; Guðrún Nordal, Tools of Literacy. 16 Stefka G. Eriksen erable body of material in Latin61 as well as individual fragments from manuscripts in Old french62 and Middle High German63 from Norway. These texts and fragments testify that Old Norse literary culture was formed in conjunction with Latin and other vernacular literatures, on the Continent as well as in Scandinavia.64 The debate about the extent of European influence on Scandinavian literary tradition, generally described, consists of two main lines of argumentation: one of them promotes the European influence as most significant, while the other acknowledges it, but emphasizes the local, vernacular, and/or oral aspects of Old Norse culture.65 Our understanding of intellectual culture, as something translatable and simultaneously actively made, will serve to bridge the gap between these two extremes. The dichotomies of imported vs. local, written vs. oral, Latin vs. vernacular, learned vs. popular are to be replaced by an understanding that the interaction between Europe and Scandinavia always entails a combination of a certain degree of service to existing models, and their adaptation to a new target context and culture. 66 Medieval Scandinavian culture is thus conceptualized not as a passive receiver but an active participant in the cultural dialogue; it is the result of a process of translatio of local, traditional models and European ones, a dynamic two-way process of adaptation. The debates are similar from the point of view of the history of art and architecture. The building of churches, monasteries, and other monumental buildings is related to the general political and institutional development as 61 Ommundsen, ‘Books, Scribes and Sequences in Medieval Norway’. Bandlien, ‘Possible Routes of a Crusader Manuscript (Pal. Lat. 1963) to Norway’. 63 Bandlien, ‘På sporet av ridderen av det runde hjul’, pp. 223–32. 64 Mortensen, ‘Den formative dialog mellem latinsk og folkesproglig litteratur ca 600–1250’, pp. 229–71; Mortensen, ‘from Vernacular Interviews to Latin Prose (ca. 600–1200)’, pp. 53–68. 65 See for example Steinsland, Den Hellige Kongen; Gísli Sigurðsson, The Medieval Icelandic Saga and Oral Tradition. Bagge suggests that the uniqueness of the Nordic civilization can be justified on the grounds of its different literature, i.e. the Icelandic family sagas, which is closely related to the character of Icelandic society (Bagge, ‘Nordic Uniqueness in the Middle Ages?’, pp. 49–76). 66 The relationship between orality and literacy in medieval Scandinavia has been discussed in many publications. See for example Rankovic, Melve, and Mundal, eds, Along the Oral-written Continuum; Mundal and Wellendorf, eds, Oral Art Forms and their Passage into Writing. On the influence of oral mentalities on the formation of such literary genres as ballads and visionary literature, see Wellendorf, ‘Apocalypse Now? The Draumkvæde and Visionary Literature’, pp. 135–50. 62 Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 17 described above, as well as the stylistic requirements of the Romanesque and, later, Gothic models.67 Yet this influence interacted with local aesthetic and functional concerns.68 These material cultural expressions were conditioned by and in turn conditioned the creation of oral and literary expressions,69 and the adaptation of Christian theological and liturgical concerns to this new targetcontext.70 The visuality of Old Norse manuscripts was similarly conditioned by the dynamic relation between the type of cultural centres where the manuscripts were produced, their nature (religious or secular), and the competence and needs of the textual community there.71 Behind the creation of all textual and cultural productions were creative individuals. Old Norse culture has preserved the names of some known individual poets and writers, such as Snorri Sturluson72 and many skaldic poets.73 In such cases, however, one should resist the temptation to make medieval narrators into modern-style authors, as medieval texts and manuscripts are always the result of the efforts of a collective production team. The majority of medieval texts, as 67 On the English background of the architecture and liturgy in Trondheim Cathedral, see Binski, ‘Liturgy and Local knowledge’, pp. 21–46. On king Hákon’s Hall in Bergen, see Ekroll, Med kleber og kalk: Norsk steinbygging i mellomalderen. On Akershus Castle in Oslo, see Simensen, ‘Håkon V Magnusson og finansieringen av Akershus festning’, pp. 36–44. 68 On the symbolic value and aesthetics of stave churches, see fuglesang, ‘Stavkirken – norsk og europeisk’. 69 On the interdependence between memory (oral culture), visuality, and materiality foregrounded in both the textual and the material sources with regard to the Stave Church Homily, see Laugerud, ‘To See with the Eyes of the Soul’, pp. 43–68; Schumacher, ‘Den hellige ands port’, pp. 153–68; Aavitsland, ‘Visualisert didaktikk?’, pp. 217–37. for another example of the link between visual representations, orality, and literacy, see Stang, ‘Body and Soul’, pp. 161–78. 70 for a study of Niðarós Cathedral, for example, see Andås, ‘Art and Ritual in the Liminal Zone’, pp. 47–126; Chadd, ‘The Ritual of Palm Sunday: Reading Nidaros’, pp. 253–78. 71 See Liepe, Studies in Icelandic Fourteenth-Century Book Painting; Liepe, ‘Bild, text och ornamentik i isländska handskrifter från 1300-talet’, pp. 113–25. On the organization and interplay between text and manuscript illuminations, rubrics, marginalia, etc. see Liepe, ‘The knight and the Dragon Slayer’, pp. 179–200; Rowe, The Development of Flateyjarbók; Liepe, ‘Domkyrkor och kloster som konstcentra’, pp. 169–94. 72 Snorri has been credited with the creation of Heimskringla, and it has been debated whether he might have written Egil’s saga as well; for a survey of the issue see Clover, ‘Icelandic family Sagas’, pp. 245–46. for a comparison of Snorri’s work and that of Saxo, see Jørgensen, friis-Jensen, and Mundal, eds, Saxo og Snorre. See also faulkes, ‘The Sources of Skáldskaparmál: Snorri’s Intellectual Background’, pp. 59–76; Wanner, Snorri Sturluson and the Edda. 73 for a list of skalds see frank, ‘Skaldic Poetry’, p. 161. 18 Stefka G. Eriksen well as art, were created, copied, translated, and re-rendered by unknown writers, artists, and thinkers; sometimes a name may be preserved, but nothing more is known of the person.74 Nonetheless, anonymity is not the same as lack of recognition of the individual’s creative capacity and intellectual labour. furthermore, intellectual activity lay not only behind the creation of literature or art, it was also a major aspect of the appreciation, comprehension, and internalization process of all cultural expressions.75 Several Old Norse sources distinguish between hearing, as a sensory experience, and listening and understanding, as a cognitive process.76 Old Norse skaldic poetry may be given as a prime example of the significance of the latter: the kenning system of the poetry is based on the juxtaposition and comparison of several main cognitive domains, the physical (the body and the home), the mythological (gods, dwarfs, giants), political and social structures (king, war, family).77 The mental capacities of cognition were central for the creation, but also for the decoding and understanding of the metaphors in skaldic poetry. The latter was a common pastime of the intellectual elite in Norway and Iceland, because of the link between the metaphorical aesthetics of the poetry and people’s physical and social existence.78 In this book we therefore aim to keep in mind and acknowledge the significance of individual cognition and intellectuality, always seen in relation to communal cultural norms, as our sources illustrate the manifold realizations of individual creative thought and also the importance of the community as a centre for the origin and rise of ideas.79 The intellectual culture of medieval Scandinavia c. 1100–1350 was undoubtedly formed under the influence of European models of institutionalizing and thinking. Nonetheless, its core nature was also conditioned by the local political, economic, cultural, and religious circumstances and structures, which were different from those in Europe. Our project contributes to the existing discus- 74 See Rancovic, ed., Modes of Authorship in the Middle Ages. On the cognitive process of learning based on European sources, see Carruthers, ‘Mechanisms for the Transmission of Culture’, pp. 1–27. 76 See for example the prologue to The King’s Mirror, ed. and trans. by Larson, pp. 72–76, or a narrator’s comment in Elis Saga ok Rosamundu, ed. by kölbing, p. 33. 77 See Clunies Ross, ‘The Cognitive Approach to Skaldic Poetics’, p. 273. See also Bergsveinn Birgisson, ‘What Have We Lost by Writing?’, pp. 163–85. 78 Clunies Ross, ‘The Cognitive Approach to Skaldic Poetics’, pp. 176–81. 79 On the discussion of the individual in various Old Norse genres, see Bagge, ‘kingship and Individuality in Medieval Historiography’, pp. 25–41. 75 Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 19 sion by means of a different theoretical conceptualization of intellectual culture, emphasizing the primacy of its cognitive nature, and consequently the significance of its translatability and multimediality.80 The studies elucidate various types of intellectual activities and processes in Europe and Scandinavia, illustrating the variety and polyphony existent in medieval Scandinavia, as well as foregrounding that this polyphony continuously created a unified cultural whole. The book does not aim to give an exhaustive depiction of Scandinavian literary and material culture but rather to discuss the premises for its creation by bringing to the fore the intellectual cognitive processes behind cultural production. A Roadmap The book will take the reader on a road trip through various intellectual processes and activities. The essays are grouped according to three major themes or clusters of intellectual activities: negotiating secular and religious authority and identity; thinking and learning through verbal and visual means; ruminating on worldly existence and heavenly salvation. Despite this structure, we ask our readers to keep in mind the constant and complex overlaps between these intellectual processes, as these are most often integral parts of the intellectual pursuits of the same individual. This is illustrated in detail in the first background chapter in the book, by Gunnar Harðarson. By surveying textual sources from medieval Norway and Iceland, he shows that textual and material culture is a result of and a predicative for various intellectual processes, such as negotiating secular and religious authority, teaching and learning, preaching, instructing, and arguing, reasoning, and judging, and often a combination of these is pursued by one and the same individual. In relation to these cognitive processes, he discusses individual intellectuals, their multiple social roles, and the social networks they form part of, such as the authors Sturla Þórðarson and Snorri Sturluson, king Magnús Hákonarson, or the lawman Haukr Erlendsson, to mention just a few. Thus, Gunnar Harðarson’s chapter provides a general survey of the complex intellectual culture in medieval Norway and Iceland and its peculiarities compared to European tendencies, and functions as an introductory framework to the following chapters which focus on and study in greater detail the separate processes and parts of this culture. 80 The term ‘multimedial’ is used here to indicate that medieval cultural expressions could be realized through various media, i.e. orally, in writing, through art and architecture, or a combination of these. 20 Stefka G. Eriksen Negotiating Identity Even though the book focuses on medieval Scandinavia, the first part of the book — about negotiation processes of secular and religious authority and identity — begins with a contribution by Ian P. Wei who discusses intellectual culture in medieval Paris. He foregrounds the lack of normativity in the academic discourse at the University of Paris through the treatment of topics such as money and marriage in quodlibetal disputations.81 Masters of theology at the University of Paris in the thirteenth century considered themselves to be at the summit of a hierarchy of learning, an elite to which others were bound to turn for authoritative judgement on moral issues. They therefore claimed a guiding role in Christian society, elucidating the truth, removing doubt and error, defending the faith, and teaching others how to preach and attend to the curing of souls in confession. Modern scholars have rightly analysed the abstract moral theory and grand normative assertions that they produced in fulfilment of this role. In this chapter Ian P. Wei, however, pays more attention to the complexity of academic discourse. Disputations about marriage problems and money show that academic discourse was multilayered, with arguments working on different levels, some implicit rather than explicit. Reading these academic texts in new modes can help us to see beyond the masters’ normative assertions and appreciate the complexity of intellectual discourse and its place in medieval society, as well as when it was ‘translated’ to new target cultures such as medieval Scandinavia.82 Looking beyond the discourses on money and marriage, the essay illustrates the discursive nature of the university models of thinking that Scandinavian students may have acquired in Paris. This chapter shows that intellectual discourse at the University of Paris was not as normative and dog81 The primary significance of Paris as an intellectual centre with enormous influence all over Europe is undisputed. This does not, however, mean that Scandinavian frameworks of thought were not influenced, directly or indirectly, from other intellectual centres in England or Germany, as will become clear from the essays in the collection. 82 The emphasis on the complexity and dynamic nature of the masters’ teachings is crucial when the debate is to be investigated in the Old Norse context, where there are very few, if any, explicit theoretical theological debates on money and usury. There is a relevant ongoing project, ‘Religion and Money’, at the University of Oslo, which addresses the link between religious thought and the use of money from a historical, archaeological, and numismatic perspective. for more information see: <http://www.khm.uio.no/english/research/projects/ religion-and-money/> [last checked 11 November 2014]. Old Norse sources likewise present little theoretical discussion with regard to marriage, but they nonetheless convey a complex and varied attitude to marriage in practice. See, for example, Bandlien, Strategies of Passion. Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 21 matic as it is traditionally regarded. This lack of absolute normativity, allowing for and demanding continuous intellectual activity, is a central premise for our understanding of intellectual culture in medieval Scandinavia, as it may have been a key element of the intellectual competence that was brought back to various Scandinavian institutions. following on one of Ian P. Wei’s arguments, that ways of knowing are conditioned by their respective institutions, the following three articles discuss how representatives of various religious and secular institutions in Norway and Iceland negotiated their authority and/or identity through various material and textual means. kjartan Hauglid focuses on Romanesque stone buildings in Norway as visual and material representatives of the cultural translatio taking place from the twelfth century onwards. Hauglid argues that the diversity of styles and architectural expressions in this period is a deliberate choice of the Norwegian patrons and can be seen as a demonstration of secular and aristocratic power. The essay shows how the cognitive processes behind the production of stone sculptures were conditioned by the political and economic capital of the commissioning secular aristocracy, as well as the patrons’ cultural and aesthetic horizons developed through intercultural exchange. In the next chapter, Bjørn Bandlien takes the reader to Iceland and discusses the production of knowledge, ideas, and intellectual identities in various Icelandic social spaces. He argues that various ways of learning and knowing can be seen as means of expression for different types of intellectual identities and structures in Iceland. Bandlien suggests three types of Icelandic intellectual: the courtier-bishop type, the bishop or learned man as the protector of Christianity against the demonic wilderness, and the ascetic cleric, although these seem to be intermingled and given different emphases depending on the situation. Through a case study of Sverris saga, which he sees as a hybrid text braiding local warrior ideals with learned ideology from Sallust, Ovid, biblical commentaries, saints’ lives, and the theology of both Sts Victor and Clairvaux, Bandlien demonstrates not only the complexity and polyphony conditioning this identity-negotiating process through writing, but also through reading. In the last essay of this section, kristoffer Vadum continues the discussion of the premises for negotiating social identity and authority. He investigates how Grímr Hólmsteinsson (d. 1298), author of an Icelandic saga about John the Baptist (Jóns saga Baptista II), used material from canon law in his hagiographical saga narrative in order to communicate ecclesiastical claims in the ongoing struggle against private churches in Iceland. Grímr does this by extensive use of one of the major penitential manuals from the thirteenth century, Raymond 22 Stefka G. Eriksen of Peñafort’s Summa de casibus, reworking the source text in order to angle the arguments more clearly towards local problems. Although the polemics in the saga are primarily directed towards an Icelandic context, more or less the same arguments are found in contemporary Norwegian sources, related to a general conflict between secular and ecclesiastical authorities that spread throughout the province of Niðarós in the 1280s. Jóns saga Baptista thereby sheds light on how canon law and canonistic texts functioned as an integral part of ecclesiastical ideology in the Norse areas at the end of the thirteenth century. As very little is known about the impact of canonistic texts in Iceland and Norway in this period, the saga, a mixture and adaptation of canon law and a hagiographical narrative, gives rare testimony not only to the reception but also to the use of such texts among clerics on the periphery of Europe. These chapters demonstrate that identity and authority negotiation was realized through preaching, debating publicly, writing ambiguously, leaving space for custom and personality, infusing people with fear (Wei); through a conscious, deliberate, and propagandistic choice of style in newly built churches, commissioned by early Norwegian Christian kings (Hauglid); through literary representations of specific types of intellectuals and sometimes a fascinating mixture of these (Bandlien); and through literary translations and their accommodation in new literary contexts (Vadum). All chapters display the close link between the personal individual concerns of the creative intellectual and the local ideological and political circumstances within which he aimed to situate himself. Thinking in Figures In the next section of the book, the focus falls on intellectual processes such as studying and learning, composing and creating, through linguistic and figurative use of Latin and the vernaculars. As in the previous section, the first essay in this section provides a glimpse of the European background. The university institutional culture with all its polyphonic impulses, as described by Ian P. Wei, had great implications for the development of the linguistic arts and their positioning in relation to each other. In her essay, Rita Copeland traces some of the innovative methods in the study of grammar and rhetoric from the twelfth to the thirteenth centuries and onwards, in various European contexts, and relates it to the steadily increasing vernacularization of medieval Europe. further, she compares the treatment of tropes in grammar as opposed to rhetoric, by paying closer attention to one trope, metalepsis (Latin: transumptio), using Geoffroi de Vinsauf ’s Poetria Nova Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 23 and the commentary on Donatus’s Barbarismus by the Pseudo-kilwardby, in order to illustrate how the vocabulary associated with tropes (or the vocabulary of eloquentia) is diffused in learned vernacular discourse. In the next chapter, Åslaug Ommundsen demonstrates that the development of Latin grammar and rhetoric as discussed by Rita Copeland was also spread in medieval Scandinavia, by studying textual culture in Latin produced in Norway and Iceland at the beginning of the thirteenth century. This Latin textuality is manifested and preserved in manuscripts and manuscript fragments, as well as rune sticks. Ommundsen presents the making of these textual manifestations as a consequence of Latin education in the Old Norse world. She discusses whether Norway and Iceland followed the trends in Europe regarding the grammars and readers used for more advanced stages of education. She argues that in addition to the custom of Scandinavian students going abroad for studies, Latin textuality was actively taught, produced, and used throughout the Middle Ages in Norway and Iceland, alongside and in conjunction with Old Norse texts. Upon translatio, the content, form, and even materiality of Scandinavian Latin textuality were thus adjusted to the resources and demands of the Old Norse target culture. Old Norse vernacularity gradually established itself alongside the permanence and ubiquity of Latin textuality. Mikael Males studies the interplay between Old Norse poetry and Latin learning. He divides the impact of broadly defined grammatica on Old Icelandic poetry and literature into three stages: the urgency to establish vernacular orthography, expressed in the First Grammatical Treatise from around 1150, is replaced with an aggressive selfassertiveness communicated in the Third Grammatical Treatise from around 1250. In a version of the prologue to the four grammatical treatises, dating to c. 1350, there does not seem to be any need to insist on the primary significance of vernacular script and poetry any longer, because these had already reached their desired status. Based on such observations, Males argues that grammatical studies underwent considerable adaptations to the native poetic tradition, but also that this tradition changed under the impact of Latin grammatica. In the last chapter of this part, Mats Malm discusses the rhetorical art of memory and modes of visualization, or visual cognition, in two different cultural and intellectual contexts in medieval Scandinavia: Icelandic learned culture of the twelfth century, which was discussed in the previous chapter, and Swedish fourteenth-century Vadstena. These two cultures seem to exploit and adapt the heritage of Latin learning in different ways and with a varying degree of adaptation. The two examples emphasize the significance of the local circumstances for the formation of a specific intellectual culture, under foreign influence. 24 Stefka G. Eriksen This section displays the importance of figurative images when thinking and learning, in both Latin and the vernaculars. Even though figurative language is more elusive and relatively absent in some vernacular learning (Copeland), it forms part of the intellectual culture in medieval Scandinavia, both through the copying of Latin texts (Ommundsen), but also through original composition in Old Norse (Males and Malm). This is due to the Old Norse poets’ consciousness concerning the use of metre and their historical awareness with regard to language and literary tradition (Males). Visualization, verbalization, and memorization were thus pedagogical and structuring tools in both vernacular and Latin contexts of Scandinavia, but each was expressed very differently (Malm). Worldly Existence and Heavenly Salvation The last thematic section of the book concerns intellectual processes linking decision making and participation in worldly forums, and rumination and preparation for heavenly salvation. In a sense, this heading is relevant for all intellectual processes in the Middle Ages, but here we will take a look at how ritual participation in the Mass linked worldly and heavenly existence, how the interior of a church could function as a stimulus further inspiring this intellectual and spiritual process, and how theological ruminations on the link between body and soul could be relevant for the personal and professional development of a lawman. Sigurd Hareide takes us to the sphere of theology and liturgy by focusing on the ritual of ‘Holy Mass’ and by discussing how this untranslatable Latin ritual was interpreted in Old Norse translations of Latin expositions of the Mass. These Old Norse sources were part of a flourishing literary genre in Europe at the time, the expositiones missae, expositions of the Mass. In Hareide’s study of Messukýringar, the collection of Old Norse liturgical expositions, the ‘source text’ is not so much the Latin expositions of the Mass as the Latin Mass ritual itself. further, the translation or ‘target text’ discussed is ultimately not the translation from Latin to Old Norse exposition, but instead the translation from Latin to Old Norse ritual and from biblical salvation history to daily life and heavenly hope in medieval Scandinavia. Through the analysis of this common and universal Latin ritual at the centre of medieval culture and of its Old Norse interpretation, light is also cast upon the relationship between the culture of the intellectual elite of interpreters and professional performers of the Mass on the one hand, and of the common people taking part in the Mass, on the other. Performing, interpreting, and participating in the Mass are seen here as similar cognitive hermeneutical processes, involving not only spiritual Introduction: Intellectual Culture and Medieval Scandinavia 25 meditation on and faith in the Christian message, but also intellectual understanding and meaning-creation on several levels. As the Mass ritual was universal in Christian Europe, its translatio to Old Norse texts is — not surprisingly — characterized by a strategy to retain the universal. This study thus elucidates how faithful reproduction of a source also represents intellectual agency. The universality of the mystical process is touched upon in the next essay as well. By studying the altar frontal from Lisbjerg church in eastern Jutland, Denmark, kristin B. Aavitsland discusses the self-understanding and inner meditation of the ‘intellectual’, art-commissioning class of twelfth-century Denmark. The altar ensemble from Lisbjerg, which presents a fascinating and unparalleled array of personified virtues in combination with saints’ figures, is seen as a source of an ideological translatio of aspects of the monastic pedagogy in the empire and the french kingdom to a Danish context. The educational ideals of German and frankish schools, where numerous Danish intellectuals were educated, were founded on an understanding of the virtues as the main link between the external and internal in human nature. The translation and adaptation of this ideology to Scandinavia may be seen in the reconciliation of concerns for both the transcendental sphere of salvation history and the earthly sphere of good manners and social conduct, as attested by the pedagogical programme of the Lisbjerg altar. finally, Stefka G. Eriksen studies the relationship between the body and the soul, the physical and the spiritual from a literary point of view. The body-andsoul matter is conveyed and debated in a great variety of textual and art historical medieval sources, and in this chapter Eriksen demonstrates the topic’s wide meaning-potential and its centrality in several aspects of Old Norse medieval culture. She studies two Old Norse textual representations of the body-andsoul matter in their respective manuscript and cultural contexts: one is a translation of the Old french poem Un samedi par nuit and appears, for example, in the Old Norse Homily Book (AM 619 4to), and the other is a translation of Hugues de Saint-Victor’s Soliloquium de arrha animae, preserved in Hauksbók, among other manuscripts. The fluidity and translatability of the topic emphasizes its relevance for conveying theological, philosophical and epistemological, and political discourses. Both dialogues are shown to foreground inner reflection and the intellectual activity of thinking and meditating. Their reception in very different Old Norse social contexts indicates that one’s individual ethical development, search for knowledge, emotionality, and spirituality were essential elements in the making of both clerical and secular intellectual culture in medieval Norway and Iceland during the thirteenth and at the beginning of the fourteenth centuries. 26 Stefka G. Eriksen This section reveals that cognitive and spiritual involvement and transformation could be inspired by physical presence at the Mass and understanding, if not all the words, the ritual movements and the meaning of the physical environment (Hareide). Church art was one of these meaningful elements; it can be indicative of the self-understanding of the art-commissioning class as well as of the inner self-cultivating processes they aimed to inspire with the art they commissioned (Aavitsland). Such inner spiritual processes were significant not only when in church and during Mass, but were essential for the personal ascent of all Christians, as private individuals or professionals. The main motivation behind the story related in this book is to elucidate the variety of intellectual and ideational processes that lie behind, and are inspired by, the textual and material culture of medieval Scandinavia. These have been structured here in three main clusters of activities: negotiating authority and identity, studying and creating in word and image, and reflecting upon and linking worldly concerns and heavenly salvation. In the discussion of these processes, we show that intellectuals could have multiple social roles and functions: they could be literary and art patrons, kings and secular aristocrats, students and teachers, bishops and priests, lawyers, poets, writers and scribes, and certainly artisans. They could have different intentions for their cultural expressions, which were infused with a combination of the foreign, on the one hand, and the local, on the other; they could have different strategies for how to achieve this, by innovating or staying faithful. The book explains this complexity not by means of the traditional dichotomies of written vs. oral material, Latin vs. vernacular, lay vs. secular, European vs. Nordic, but in terms of the cognition of the creative individuals, where the various faculties — physical perception of the world; memory and creation; rationality, emotionality, and spirituality; and decision making — are inevitably and constantly linked. 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