Journal of European Landscapes 1 (2020): 49–63
DOI 10.5117/JEL.2020.1.56265
Research Article
Approaches to collaborative landscape analysis and planning
Guillermo Reher1, Véronique Karine Simon2, Mateja Šmid Hribar3,
Lone Kristensen4, Jørgen Primdahl4
1 International Studies Foundation, Madrid, Spain
2 Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research (NIKU), Oslo, Norway
3 Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana, Slovenia
4 Department of Geosciences and Natural Resource Management, Copenhagen University, Copenhagen, Denmark
Corresponding author: Guillermo Reher (guillermo.reher@gmail.com)
Received 7 July 2020 | Accepted 22 September 2020 | Published 17 December 2020
Abstract
This paper aims to ground the research paradigm of public engagement within the field of landscape and heritage. Both the European Landscape Convention and the Faro Convention, major international agreements that shape both these dimensions, stress
the need to reinforce the democratic nature of projects. This participation needs to go beyond informing stakeholders and formal
hearings, and community values and ideas should be included in the planning process. This entails addressing the complexities
of stakeholder deliberation and the solution of thorny problems. The present study examines in detail four case studies from the
Netherlands, Slovenia and Denmark, in which public participation was crucial in different stages of the project development. The
methodologies employed, as well as the effect that such engagement had on the general results, will be highlighted. Finally, the
discussion of results will evaluate the findings through the lens of deliberative democracy within territorial planning.
Keywords
public participation, landscape, European Landscape Convention, planning
Introduction
The public participation paradigm
Public or non-expert, participation in research has increasingly become an aspiration placed upon the research
community by both science and public policymakers.1
Its proposed benefits include the empowering of local
communities and the strengthening of social cohesion
and local identity2, greater transparency and a democratic spirit, which is reflected in international charters and
documents3, and in the daily practice of researchers and
practitioners.4 As such, public participation plays a significant role in horizontal (between different participants)
and vertical (between national, regional or local levels
of representation) negotiations in achieving sustainable
futures.5 The intention behind the implementation of ‘a
participatory, dialogue-based approach’, such as implied
in the European Landscape Convention6, represents a
step in this direction.7
Although this aspiration is not alien to the field of
planning8, its scope has changed thanks to the ‘participatory turn’ of the 2000s.9 Consequently, the paradigm of rural planning in Europe developed from
mere resource management into more collaborative
approaches in which local communities participate in
decision-making concerning environmental quality and
forms of agricultural modernization.10 To this effect, “…
landscape governance requires social institutions that
can recognize and negotiate among pluralistic conceptions of the good and address the political and pragmatic task of adjudicating among competing representations of a place…”.11
Despite new governance rhetoric aimed to mandatorily include public participation in planning and managing, it is a substantial challenge to carry this out.12 Innes
and Booher claim that the traditional methods described
in participative documents fail to fulfil their task resulting in a governance ritual ‘designed to satisfy legal re-
Copyright Guillermo Reher et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY 4.0), which
permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
50
Guillermo Reher et al.: Arguing for deliberative theory when engaging local population
quirements’.13 An ample literature on that matter shows
that these methods seldom fulfil ideal requirements.14
One of the outcomes of these changes regarding participation has been the recent development of Integrated Landscape Management –ILM–, which has public
participation as a cornerstone. In analysing ILM, Mann
has identified clear positive outputs of community engagement in planning but also a glaring lack of effective
tools to carry it out.15 In this paper we first discuss general background to these challenges, and next outline
and discuss practical planning examples where tools and
methods for collaboration and integrated management
have been applied.
Deliberative theory in planning
The collaborative planning concept, which originated
in the mid 1980’s16, developed as a reaction to the dominating, centralised and top-down rational planning
model.17 According to Campbell & Marshall “collaborative planning resonates with other concepts which have
gained currency, both in the literature and in the practical world of local government, in the late 1990s including communitarianism, citizenship, and participatory
democracy”.18 In this approach, planning is seen as an
interactive governance process concerned with the quality of places and territories while acknowledging daily
life experiences of the people affected.19 These principles
are embedded in the deliberative approach to public engagement in planning discussed in this article.
Innes & Booher have identified four models of planning, from the most traditional to the most innovative,
where the role and participation of the public in planning increases concomitantly.20 According to them, the
two dominant forms are: a) a technical bureaucratic and
political one which embodies ‘ritualistic versions of public involvement’ (they are still dominating the market);
and b) the social and collaborative one, which attach
importance to involvement, interdependence of interests, and diversity of the public. The latter, however,
have shortcomings which have been highlighted before.
A collaborative model of planning, which belongs to a
more deliberative approach to participation, is the most
advanced alternative involving interests and citizens.
Collaborative governance and interactive policymaking,
which aim to provide methods akin, yet alternatives to
deliberation, exist, but have been side-lined in this paper for analytical purposes. Nonetheless, many of the
references and ideas used have ample echoes as well
outside deliberation.
John Dryzek is one of the main theorists behind the
principle of deliberative democracy, a theory which roots
the legitimacy of democracy on free and open debate –
deliberation–, when that debate can affect the outcome
of political decisions.21 His political theory, which claims
to challenge a liberal view of democracy based on interest aggregation –Social Choice Theory–, is explained in
two subsequent publications22 and the theoretical structures of Jürgen Habermas and John Rawls.
A deliberative system is composed by the following
elements23:
•
•
•
•
•
Public space: a free space for open discussion,
which can range from social media to public squares.
Empowered space: a space for discussion promoted or recognized by institutions.
Transmission: a mechanism where public space
can influence empowered space.
Accountability: a mechanism of control of empowered space by public space.
Decisiveness: the previous four elements contribute to political decision.
More recently, Dryzek has published a review of the theory and application of deliberative governance.24 Within it,
he has addressed the capacity that ‘minipublics’ have for
managing specific contexts that in a way resemble the stakeholders of a cultural landscape. In his analysis he has used
three case studies based on the way in which deliberation
was conceived and included in the system, reaching conclusions regarding how effective that deliberation was.25
One strand of deliberative theory has focused on the
potential for approaching ‘wicked problems’, i.e. ill-defined problems depending on elusive political judgement
for resolution.26 Conditions for addressing such problems effectively include: diversity of participants, focus
on common problems, openness without uninformed or
pre-established positions, combinations of expert and
community knowledge, maintaining all ideas on the table.
Recently, it has been argued that these wicked problems
can only be solved if they are approached with flexibility,
deliberation and in a transdisciplinary fashion27, characteristics which are shared by the case studies presented
here. Kühn has proposed using a new type of strategic
planning to solve these wicked problems using collaborative approaches.28 An example of this approach can be
seen in a case study of the North-Western Danish coast,
demonstrating that a collaborative approach to strategic
planning can help solve a wicked problem.29
The deliberative approach has been used in many instances to negotiate problems.30 The process basically
leads to a shared understanding of a problem and agreements of all participants on what needs to be done and
what actions can be taken to improve the collective welfare.31 They promote a deeper involvement of the public
and place emphasis on autonomy, popular sovereignty,
equality and democracy.32 There are several possible approaches available for deliberative models of democracy.
Some of these show a close link with Jürgen Habermas´
social theory33, and focus on communicative action and
dialogue, which means an approach oriented to ‘reaching
understanding’, or rather ‘reaching consensus’, through
public dialogue.34 Others borrow from Anthony Giddens’
structuration theory.35 Overall, tension is avoided, and
instead, ideas, information, and experiences are shared
to create new strategies and synergies. The methods that
follow are growing in popularity as they come closer to a
successful participation process.
Journal of European Landscapes 1: 49–63
However, as Innes and Booher indicate, the deliberative model still remains “the least privileged, the least recognized, and the least understood of the models”.36 The
dialogues taking place in the public sphere most often
fell outside mainstream governmental frameworks and
outside the formal laws and regulations regarding participation. They are typically seen as provisional and unofficial. One reason for that is that actions taken within deliberative citizen participation must be agreed upon or
carried out by certified experts. Otherwise they may be
difficult to implement, overlooked by the public authorities, fragmented or even outdated. Their benefits are often disregarded and their virtues are still met with scepticism by the more traditional political institutions.37
This tradition in landscape planning however appears
to fall short from the running paradigms of deliberative
democracy theory.38 There is an attempt to improve this,
particularly through the Ecosystem services concept
which provides a space for a dialogue among different
stakeholders.39 It has been proposed as a platform that
allows for the solution of wicked problems –see below–
and a framework for further integration of science in
policy and public governance.40 In this concept, a new
analytic-deliberative approach is used when carrying out
Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA). These include
feedback using ‘multi-criteria decision analysis’ –MCDA–
which have proven to be more precise than non-deliberative criteria in evaluating benefits, including economic
efficiency, while also including cultural values.41
The aim of this paper is to contribute to existing
scholarship on public participation in rural landscape
planning by providing case studies that involved varied
but comparable methodologies. This will be done by contending to Opdam’s observation that there is much to be
said for applying a deliberative approach to landscape
planning. This requires involvement of the community
in order to exchange and share knowledge and values, as
an alternative and supplement to top-down analysis and
solutions. This article builds upon the literature of previous studies that have evaluated participation processes
in planning and management. It provides an analytical
framework described in the methodology section for assessing some of the tools and methods that can be used,
helping to overcome the challenge described above.
From rhetoric to practice
Based on a literature review, Paul Opdam noted that “it
is obvious that the scientific state of the art is not ready
to deliver adequate tools to support community-based
landscape planning”.42 Opdam’s contention is applicable mainly to rural landscapes, such as the case studies
we have presented here. In European urban landscapes,
there is a longer tradition for linking knowledge to participatory action.43 Concerning rural landscapes increased
attention has recently been given to landscape governance including broad involvement of citizens and other key
stakeholders.44 Nared et al. analysed legal frameworks
51
of participatory rural planning in Alpine countries and
highlighted that the role of stakeholder participation in
spatial planning has increased.45 However, in the general
planning practice participation processes appears to be
weak due to an overall lack of theoretical and technical
knowledge according to Nared et al.46 They claimed that
it is mainly done on a pro-forma level, seeking to check
the appropriate boxes for the sake of social perception,
not an actual desire to achieve significant results. In
other words, a gap appears between participation rhetoric and practice.47
Towards a scholarship of participation
The public participation paradigm responds to a general
challenge of traditional forms of expert roles in society,
such as the so-called dissemination model –also known
as “deficit model”– in which the boundaries between
experts and the public are blurred but not eliminated.48
On the other hand, many have called for a true multi-vocal knowledge, where everyone is a specialist, and only
some are certified, in order to undo narratives imposed
from above, and de-colonize discourse.49 How exactly the
argumentative nature of science can be interlaced with
public concerns has recently been argued by stressing
the importance of incorporating this argumentation into
public deliberation.50 It has been challenged, however,
whether comprehensive public participation actually
enhances the impact of research on society, or should
experts focus more on Participative Action Research
principles, which see the participation as a tool towards
improving people’s lives, not as an end in itself.51
This debate, hence, has much to do with how knowledge is conceived in our society. A common response to
this is to increase the amount of knowledge transmission,
and facilitate the positive effects that science has on society: knowledge transfer. In planning this usually involves
a closer relation between research and the planning process and governance.52 Nassauer and Opdam have suggested that design represents a way to link research and
practice.53 By most definitions, landscape is the medium
that enables a synthesis in which design and creativity
play a key role in incorporating processes and values into
management and planning.54 Indeed, the incorporation
of landscape ecology principles and practices into design
is, though still fraught with problems, a valuable goal to
be pursued.55 Fortunately, the more extensive use of various tools can facilitate the incorporation into datasets
of the various levels, priorities, processes and visions that
are involved in landscape management.56
Dryzek himself has addressed the potential of applying deliberative theory to environmental sciences.57
Already in 2005, during the participatory turn, a comparative study from various Canadian provinces highlighted the diversity of participatory approaches and how effectively they used public opinion.58 In it some examples
did not include participation at all, so their conclusions
bridge nicely how the public was used and perceived in
processes before and after the turn.59 The various me-
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Guillermo Reher et al.: Arguing for deliberative theory when engaging local population
thods and factors used there are in clear relation with
the methodology of the present paper.
Conrad et al. have claimed that “…there is … a need for
more explicit assessment and evaluation of public participation procedures, introducing a stronger element of
rigour”.60 The scholarship mentioned is designed to provide the critical apparatus for honestly assessing public
participation methods and techniques. Various studies
have focused on further incorporating deliberation into
research and application, as in the case Lihme, Denmark.61 A success story, or cautionary tale, can also be
found in the Drentsche Aa in the Netherlands.62
One such study can be found in the production of a
Forest Landscape Management Plan in Italy, which involved a detailed participation process at an initial stage,
that turned out to be very successful –as proven by a second participatory process– both in implementing the
management plan, and in providing the participants with
many benefits.63 The public participation process was divided into five stages: communication and information,
stakeholder analysis, first consultation stage, synthesis
and preparation of the scenarios, and second consultation
stage.64 The analysis used four attributes: procedure, moment of participation, learning interaction and delegation
of power.65 The effect and the representativeness of public
participation in the final result of a planning process was
assessed for five different Norwegian examples.66 Recently, a critical assessment of participatory planning policy
regarding climate adaptation has focused not on whether
that participation was efficient, but on whether this participation proved beneficial for the ultimate outcome.67
There is ample experience of the different methods
used to ensure public participation. The pioneering study of Mumpower, for instance, contrasted the various
techniques with the constraints they suffered, including
the competing reasons for doing participation, as well
as the negotiation of different expectations.68 Recently,
an array of techniques has also been pondered based
on various case studies of urban planning.69 The onset
of digital technologies and the internet appears to have
facilitated public participation on a scale and capacity
previously unseen.70 Notably, the role of Geographic Information Systems for this purpose –known as PPGIS–,
has become central to the very idea of participation.71
Measuring the success of participation is as old as the
paradigm itself, as the ‘ladder of participation’ created by
Sherry Arnstein bears witness.72 This method has been
used and criticized from various disciplines attempting
to address participation assessment.73 And yet, it is still
used to the very present.74
Approaching landscape
through deliberation
According to Primdahl and Kristensen75, three dimensions are crucial in landscape characterization and com-
munity involvement in collaborative landscape strategy-making:
•
•
•
Landscape as a common good
Landscape rights: users vs. owners
Landscape as a development factor
Whereas the first two are closely related to conflict management, the latter is linked to place-making. Both must
be dealt with in all landscape planning processes, although
the ‘right’ combination of conflict management and
place-making is context-dependent.76 Landscape analysis
and planning, therefore relies on a flexible methodology,
that better reflects the negotiated nature of alternative
approaches in different contexts, and with different goals.
Methodology
In this study there are four experiences derived from
case studies which have taken place in the more traditional realm of in-person exchange. The cases have been
chosen because they have been followed through to the
implementation phase, and they have included a deliberative approach to the research, planning project or
implementation phases. The experience and techniques
used for participation are shared, and evaluated, and
conclusions will be reached regarding the best strategies
with which to ensure their success.
Table 1. Case studies and phase in which public participation
took place
Case studies
Črni Vrh (SI)
Phase which included local participation
Research
Planning
Implementation
X
X
X
Flyndersø Nature Park (DK)
Kosovelje (SI)
Midden-Delfland (NL)
X
X
X
X
X
X
Specific issues to be described will be the public participation methodology (data source, data gatherers,
workshops, use of mediators and facilitators, exhibitions, kitchen-table discussions, etc.), the effect of this
participation on the recommendations, and the evidence of the impact of this participation on the final result.
These issues will be analysed and discussed in the discussion section.
Case studies
Črni Vrh plateau (Slovenia)
The Črni Vrh plateau is in the Municipality of Idrija in
Slovenia which was included, together with Almaden
(Spain), in the UNESCO World Heritage List, as the largest mercury mine in the world. The Črni Vrh plateau,
encompassing several karst fields, sinkholes, and forested mountain ridges, is in the southern part of the
Journal of European Landscapes 1: 49–63
municipality. For ages, this unique environment, with its
harsh living conditions, has offered its inhabitants a rigorous but prosperous way of life. Since the Middle Ages
it has been in contact with other regions thanks to a road
connecting it with the coast. The mid-19th century saw a
rapid development of cottage industries (joinery, basketry, rake-making, shoemaking, lacemaking, and the production of linen and pails). Additionally, in the inter-war
period tourism also flourished.77
The municipality of Idrija was a case study within the
project SY_CULTour – Synergy of Culture and Tourism:
Utilisation of Cultural Potentials in Less Favoured Rural
Regions –, which started in March 2011 and lasted 3
years. The local community of the Črni Vrh plateau was
chosen as a specific pilot area after consultations with
the municipality and with the Idrija and Cerkno Developmental Agency –ICRA– in 2012. At the time, 654 people lived within the pilot area’s main village, and 1250
on the whole plateau. Additionally, Črni Vrh had never
benefited from involvement in comparable development
projects in the past, and the municipal government showed keen interest in testing new strategies that would
produce sustainable development.78
Initial fieldwork followed standard methodologies, including documenting listed cultural heritage assets, and
the definition of landscape characters. Local participation, therefore, followed a traditional appraisal survey on
behalf of the research team. It would, however, have a
profound effect in the second part of the research phase,
as well as in the implementation phase.79
Initially, the strategy was to use local mediators, people who could be used as relays and collectors of local
stakeholders. This method failed to bring together a
representative group, prompting the research team to
contact stakeholders – public institutions, companies,
tourism, individuals etc.– directly for the first workshop
in Fall 2012. A combination of internet search, field
work, and phone conversations provided enough information to identify and select individuals who could be
instrumental to the project. This started a process were
contacts led to further contacts, and even to other participants becoming interested. Eventually, more than 40
people attended the first meeting. Overall, the following
7 workshops convened forty-five to fifty people. In these
meetings the Geopark Idrija was always included, due to
their interest in the oversight of further development in
this area in the future.80
The participation was high and people were willing to
meet, discuss and, for some of them, to work on the implementation of different planned tourist products –e.g.
preparing a guiding booklet, organizing a bilateral meeting between Slovenian and Italian community, visiting
local community in Italy, opening the Military museum,
organizing activities around sowing and later picking
flax, etc.–. The participants of the workshops were mostly individuals, but among them were also local holders of
cultural values and representatives of local associations.
The first workshop hosted many representatives from
53
official institutions: The Municipality, the Developmental Agency, the Tourist Information Centre and Geopark
Idrija. The second one, however, had only one representative present.
Local participation had a great effect in the research
phase, primarily by enhancing the inventory of cultural
values available. Not only was there an extension of the
official lists, but also the types of heritage become more
diversified. For example, before local input was included, only one item of intangible heritage was included
in the official register – bobbin lace-making–; after the
workshops the focus shifted from listed tangible heritage – old homesteads, churches, WWII memorials– to
practices and skills inherent to the area. Locals themselves started to point out specific cultural values that they
believed had development potential. This revealed the
following structural pattern81:
•
•
Cultural heritage lists are developed by experts with
the intention of preserving and recognizing heritage. These lists are neither designed for, nor useful
for, finding strategies for local development.
Local communities are much more sensitive towards
what good can come out of the heritage, which is
why they quickly associate it with a development potential. The ‘lists’ they can come up with might be
completely different from the official lists.
Local participation significantly changed and enhanced the list of cultural values. Another important finding
discovered by the research team during participation
process was the fact that cultural values are especially
important for providing social benefits such as building
local cohesion, fostering an intergenerational dialogue,
maintaining local identity, promoting the local living environment, and empowering people. In the initial stage
of the project the cultural values were rarely associated
with economic gains.
One of the project outputs which symbolises the engagement of the local community is the guide booklet
for the Črni Vrh plateau which was published with the
support of the SY_CULTour project, by the local community and the Geopark Idrija, as well as an annotated
map.82 The locals publicly presented both products.
Another output was the creation and inauguration
of a military museum. Finally, several activities began
which celebrate the intangible heritage, and they are
still ongoing: more specifically, flax farming and other
product-based activities.
Flyndersø Nature Park (Denmark)
Flyndersø Nature Park is a 90 km2 landscape project located in Skive Municipality in North-western Denmark.
It is a remote rural area with a low population density
– by Danish standards–: only 25 hab./km2. The post-glacial landscape is currently used for extensive farming,
woodland, heathland, and wetlands. It is an area, relati-
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Guillermo Reher et al.: Arguing for deliberative theory when engaging local population
vely rich in biodiversity and cultural heritage, including
historic peat production feature, manor houses and medieval villages.
In 2006 an administrative reform merged many small
municipalities into larger ones, one of which was Skive,
which englobed 5 previous municipalities. One of the
core challenges this rural population faced was economic decline. To combat it, one proposal by the council
was to create a nature park, which would add new assets
to the municipality as a living and visiting place. Their
interest dovetailed with a new university-led research
project, which provided funding for action research activities. Thus, a consortium was formed between the university and the municipality aimed at doing preparatory
work for the nature park.83
The project involved deliberative dialogue with the
local community. It started by preparing a planning
process in collaboration with people who were invited
through open announcements in the local newspaper
as well as personal invitations sent to particularly engaged citizens, identified by municipal planners. Municipal
staff and outside experts also attended the process which
ran from January 2012 to September 2012. The process
was organized with open-ended sessions, meaning that
nothing had been decided beforehand except the testing
of the idea of a regional nature park. The chief municipal
planner expressed it in this way to the participating citizens: ‘If you want to move fast with this park process we
will follow you, if you want to make the process slower
we will slow down as well’. Patsy Healey’s concepts of
strategic planning were used as an inspiration for guiding the process, including the tasks of mobilizing attention to the landscape as a whole, scoping the situation, mobilizing resources and generating frameworks for
strategic projects.
The process included an excursion and four expert
lectures –with an attendance of 50–80 people each–,
which allowed the local population to engage with the
potential values of the area. Also, an interview survey
was conducted including app. 80% of farmers with
properties over 5 ha. The survey provided information
about landowners’ agricultural and landscape management practices, their values and plans for the future.84
The lectures and the survey constituted the first part of
the planning process mainly aimed at mobilizing interest for the project and creating a first common understanding of the planning area, as well as its potential.
Nonetheless, ideas for developing the area were already
being presented and discussed.
The second part of the planning process included
three workshops in a span of 6 weeks. They reviewed the
values and potential of the area, and formulated visions
for strategic projects. In this process, it became clear that
the area was not perceived as a coherent whole by the
25–30 participants –understandably, as they came from
different communities within or from outside the area–.
This was an enormous challenge which was overcome
through trial and error. On the one hand, a landscape
character map was provided85, but local people failed to
derive cohesion from it. This led to the use of new and
broader character units as a template to establish what
areas had to be protected, maintained or transformed in
future planning.
This process resulted in a new coherent view of the
landscape, a view based on the ecological and geological
significance of the area and resulting from a deliberative
planning process which included a high number of participants. This new tangibility was quite evident towards
the end of the process. A written strategy document was
produced outlining what the landscape should look like
in 2025, including possible strategic projects to be carried out. To prepare and oversee the implementation of
these, voluntary working groups were formed.
The strategy was presented publicly and, after minor
edits, formally adopted by the municipality for the implementation of its nature park. This was included into
the municipal plan, which opened further opportunities for fundraising in support of the working groups
and the implementation of specific projects. Some municipal budgetary constraints froze the implementation
in 2014, but in 2015 the process continued after a large
grant was given by a charitable foundation and public
pressure compelled the politicians to continue with
the park. Now, with funds, a project leader has been
appointed and there is strong cooperation between the
municipality and the local community; the process is
back on track.
Local participation in this project included landowners
–many of whom were farmers–, and landscape users. In
the final strategy, it was the user perspective in combination with the nature curation perspective that predominated. This is natural since it was a nature park that was
being created. On the other hand, this perspective thwarted any further discussion of possible farming uses of the
land, including multifunctional farming, which might
have been rewarding. A potentially contentious issue, access rights to private land, was overcome rather easily as
many landowners were willing to allow this in order to
improve the ecological development of their land.
Ultimately, participation worked because there was
actual room for decision-making, and a trust between
the participants was quickly established, partly due to
the facilitating and mediating role carried out by the
university academics involved. Local participants greatly enriched their understanding regarding cultural and
natural heritage of the area, as well as recreational possibilities. Finally, participants willingly participated in the
implementation process, supplementing a municipal
administration which initially had neither the resources
nor the will to carry it out.
This case is an example of bottom-up processes leading
to a proposal for a regional nature park designation of a
mosaic landscape in central Jutland. Local landowners
and residents have played a key role in formulating the
aims and content of the park and their pressure was key
when local political priorities seemed to threaten the
establishment of the park. The case also represents an
example of intensive activities focused on establishing a
Journal of European Landscapes 1: 49–63
common awareness of an area as a coherent landscape,
rich in natural and cultural histories.
Kosovelje (Slovenia)
Kosovelje is a small village in the Municipality of Sežana in Slovenia, located in the Karst region –a 500 km2
limestone plateau in South Western Slovenia–. The area
is unattractive for agriculture because of the thin topsoil,
lack of water and limestone bedrock. It has, however, always been settled because of its proximity to the sea and
mild climate. The natural vegetation disappeared due
to centuries of human pressure, deforestation and excessive grazing. The result was a rocky desert which was
partially reforested during the industrial era. After WWII,
natural reforestation began due to the abandonment of
traditional land use.86
The Slovene Research Agency funded a research project entitled “Cultural Landscapes Caught between Public Good, Private Interests and Politics” (2014–2018).
The focus was on public goods, common-pool resources
and commons87 in cultural landscapes.88 The community
of Kosovelje was one of the pilot areas in the project. This
case study was sought because it fit certain criteria –an
unprotected area, non-intensive agriculture, in the Karst
region–, and Kosovelje opportunely showed its interest
in local development after having a meeting during the
Summer of 2015.
Local participation began early, for their concerns
were already a matter of debate before the project started. Later these proved to be a good practice and became
fundamental drivers of the project activities themselves.
Experience had taught the research team the importance
of having a mediator –a person, who knows the situation
in the community and who has capacity, or resources, to
gather and activate people–. One such person harnessed
the synergy between Kosovelje and the research project
by arranging an unofficial visit in August 2015, which
tapped the extraordinary energy and willingness of this
tiny community.
Each activity carried out was previously informed
and explained to participants, as well as organized, by
the local mediator. This led to a first official workshop
in November 2015, organized by invitation by the same
person. On this occasion, the local community shared
and explained their heritage, revealing the importance
of drystone walls that were falling apart. Indeed, these
had already garnered the attention of civil society in the
Karst, and this project helped foster greater synergy. As
a result, two specific workshops took place – one in September 2016 and another one in March 2017 –, aiming
to educate residents how to restore drystone walls.
The mediator arranged more individual, face to face,
meetings with 15 residents during December 2015
to June 2016 in order to include the opinion of most
households in the village. Conducting interviews meant
several visits to the place and allowed talking about different topics related to the people, their way of life and
the perception of their landscape. A field walk in May
55
2016 further mobilised local energy and initiative, including people volunteering to provide breakfast, put on an
art exhibit, etc. Furthermore, the researchers noticed the
positive side effects of just dropping by or participating
in other local activities, which helped create social ties
between them. Local participation has revealed genuinely interesting aspects, as listed underneath:
•
•
•
How and what residents consider valuable in their
landscapes.
How locals perceive the benefits of Ecosystem Services.
Any conflicts regarding landscape use.
With the project activities, locals got better insight
into their landscape/living environment; they became
more aware of their role towards desired landscape changes. For example, the local drystone walls, which are an
integral part of the society’s identity and pride, were falling apart. The regional unit of the Institute for cultural
heritage conservation did not have the necessary financial resources, so the residents decided to take charge of
the restoration themselves. Another example is the overgrowth of agricultural land due to abandonment. Locals
realized that it is a threat to their landscape and one or
two families nowadays hire a farmer from a neighbouring village to mow meadows on their properties.
The research changed perceptions of a landscape,
including perception of benefits and ecosystem services obtained by locals, perception of public good, common-pool resources and commons in their landscape,
the key role played by drystone walls etc.89 The participation of the local population in the research was necessary to underscore the original ideas and perspectives of
the locals. Without them the study would have lacked
the insight into local context understanding.
The residents became not only more aware of the research project, but they also better understood their landscape. They also saw themselves as the main responsible
agent for its preservation. This fact empowered them
and contributed to their decision to actively participate
in a drystone wall restoration. They raised awareness of
public goods and common-pool resources in their living
environment. In Autumn 2016 they decided to redevelop an old “pond” in the middle of the settlement that
had been filled with stones for decades and finished the
construction by September 2018. Appropriately, the construction contains a drystone wall around the pond, providing a public space for gatherings.
Midden-Delfland (The Netherlands)
Midden-Delfland is an agricultural area in the southern
wing of the Randstad. One of the characteristics of this
area is that it preserved many of its natural qualities,
such as the peat meadow landscape90, which was very appreciated by the neighbours. Although Midden-Delfland
refers to a specific municipality, it has also come to be
the collective name of an inter-municipal development
project including also neighbouring towns.
56
Guillermo Reher et al.: Arguing for deliberative theory when engaging local population
The Gebiedvisie Midden Delfland 2025 –Middle Delfland future vision for 2025– started off as an initiative
of Midden-Delfland municipality. The process which started in 2005 gathering together various parties composed
of various stakeholders, and the surrounding municipalities, and generating the starting document that would
shape the process.91 The initial meetings included more
than 120 people from different stakeholder groups,
meetings organized by Future Search using specific facilitating techniques provided by KaapZ.92 This initial
format led to an initial consultation strategy based on a
workshop in November 2007 for discussing what aspects
of the landscape were most relevant, and how the rural
and urban could be further connected.93 The results of
these were used to establish the actual development project associated to the Gebiedvisie.
Thus, the project Landschapontwikkelingsperspectief
(LOP) Midden-Delfland 2025 was born, a landscape development scheme shared between 6 municipalities and
the local water board. This LOP substituted the 1977 plan
whose end in 2009 prompted the need to decide what
to do with the area. The LOP was carried out by architecture firm Bosch-Slabbers. It presented three scenarios
for future use of the land: a nature reserve, continued
farmland, or recreational use. These three scenarios were
then considered, and shared, in the consultations done
with local communities. At first major workshops, in
the style of 2005, were established, called ontwerptafel
–design table–, in July 2008. But these became difficult
due to the competing perspectives of the stakeholders
that were present. Therefore, Bosch-Slabbers decided to
change the perspective. Thus, Kitchen-table discussions
occurred with neighbours, asking them for specific goals,
visions, and requesting more global visions, not focused
solely on the individual’s priorities. This allowed a closer
and negotiated understanding of the aspirations and priorities of neighbours. The final result was the creation of
a comprehensive Atlas94, which included detailed plans
for each polder. Each one of these included a description of the qualities and characteristics, and a plan for the
development in the 2025 horizon. The LOP was publicly
approved and lauded in December 2009.
The implementation stage has been used to enhance
the positive momentum derived from public participation. In October 2015 De 24 uur van Midden-Delfland
–24-hours of Middle-Delfland–, was an intensive workshop which served to generate a report regarding the
implementation strategy.95 This workshop included institutions, professionals and volunteers.
Discussion
Public participation methods
In this section, a brief analysis is carried out regarding
the participation methodologies used in the four case
studies presented, and the effects this participation had
on the overall project.
Table 2. Participation methodologies used in the case studies
Case study
Open
workshop
Event by
invitation
Interview
Črni Vrh (SI)
Yes
Yes
No
Flyndersø Nature Park (DK)
Yes
Yes
Yes
Kosovelje (SI)
Yes
Yes
Yes
Midden-Delfland (NL)
No
Yes
Yes
Open workshops: Workshops with open invitation to local communities can be organised by means of
collective e-mails, public announcements, etc. However,
results of such calls can be disappointing when it comes
to organizing meaningful community involvement, as
the phenomenon of self-exclusion or self-selection often
occurs, as is common in any context of volunteering. At
Črni Vrh, the attempt to use locals as ‘gateways’ to the
community proved to be a failure, so the research team
resorted to contacting local stakeholders directly.96 The
open workshops at Flyndersø were held after local stakeholders had become engaged in the idea of a nature
park through lectures and other public activities. Three
workshops took place over a period of a month and a
half. Twenty-five to thirty people participated from different parts of the area, both from the study area and
from outside.
Workshops by invitation: A workshop by invitation
requires personal engagement with various stakeholders
and members of local communities, to ensure their participation in collective events. Črni Vrh was a venue where
seven on invitation workshops were held.97 Participants
were contacted and invited personally after being identified by the local community, internet research and fieldwork. The importance of local mediators, that is people
who can harness and engage a local community because
they are part of that community, has proven to be crucial
in the case of Kosovelje. It was a mediator who became
the main organizer of events, and the person who issued
invitations. As in the case of the open workshops, the
personal and interpersonal qualities of this person was
of vital importance in the participation process. Between
November 2015 and March 2017 there was one guided
field walk, two specific workshops on rural drystone wall
restoration and a focus group at the end of the project.
The Midden-Delfland project held workshops by invitation called ‘design tables’ but competing interests between stakeholders hampered progress. Recently, another
workshop was carried out ’24-hours of Middle-Delfland’,
used to assess implementation and produce a report.
Interviews: Interviews have to do with small-scale
events where small groups of people belonging to the
local community. These do not only include interviews,
but also conversation and collaboration, in the spirit of
deliberation: a broad exchange of ideas. In Flyndersø, interviews were streamlined through a survey that reached
80% of the landowners.98 In Kosovelje they were important, always planned by the local representative, and arranged with fifteen different people at their homes, to
reach as many voices of the community as possible. Mid-
Journal of European Landscapes 1: 49–63
den-Delfland saw the development of the ‘kitchen-table
conversations’, in which the project team actively visited
houses, and engaged with locals in their own homes.
57
•
•
Effect of participation on implementation
The results of the workshops held at Črni Vrh were well
above expectations. Participants were asked to add local
cultural values to their landscape, and although the official lists were not changed, there is a sharper understanding
of the value of listed and unlisted cultural heritage. Community contributions have indeed brought to light a wide
range of intangible heritage. It was noted that the official
lists lacked local priorities and were sometimes outdated.
Research with local participation revealed that cultural values are particularly important in creating social benefits
such as building local cohesion, maintaining intergenerational dialogue, contributing to local identity or pride, promoting the local environment and empowering people.
The carefully organized educational and collaborative
process at Flyndersø helped form, in the minds of the
local community, the idea that it was a coherent landscape, in which all the parts were interdependent. They
developed a strategy based on a vision for 2025, and organized working groups to oversee the implementation
of the strategy. Deliberative cooperation at Flyndersø
led the local strategy to be presented to and accepted by
the municipality. Hence, the local government sought
further funding for the actual implementation. The receptivity that local population in Denmark found towards this deliberative role renders it unsurprising that
for Dryzek and Niemeyer it was also their Danish case
study which appeared to best reflect the potential of deliberation within that socio-political context which they
labelled as ‘actively-inclusive’.99
In Kosovelje, the effect of participation was similarly rewarding, revealing the local perception of cultural
values, and made the locals more aware of the positive
effect that taking responsibility for their own landscape
could have. Two drystone wall restoration workshops
were held to give the local residents the opportunity to
restore their own landscape and numerous smaller local activities followed. In Midden Delfland, on the other
hand, public participation effectively shaped the nuances of the implementation plan carried out.
Potential benefits of the deliberative approach in
landscape planning
In order to effectively assess this potential, it is necessary
to re-examine what John Dryzek argues should be ‘deliberative democracy’100:
•
•
pluralistic in embracing the necessity to communicate across difference without erasing difference;
reflexive in its questioning orientation to established traditions (including the tradition of deliberative democracy itself;
•
transnational in its capacity to extend across state
boundaries into settings where there is no constitutional framework;
ecological in terms of openness to communication
with non-human nature;
dynamic in its openness to over-changing constraints upon and opportunities for democratization”.
The case studies described in this paper show a clear
link to the deliberative model. They distance themselves
from traditional participation techniques, but still borrow some essential parts of the social sciences research
methods, like inviting ordinary people to come together
and reflect over values and visions of how the world
should be. Yet they don’t make the same mistakes as the
social sciences research methods described earlier. These
cases benefit from a pro-active participation approach
where all involved parties shared ownership of plans and
where the results intend to be advantageous for all involved parties.101 As Sjölander-Lindqvist et al. point out,
several crucial dimensions are to be looked at to secure
a successful participation process – such as the actors´
relationship to the sites, places and landscapes, and the
amount of engagement that occur over time.102 The cases show a clear social movement in which citizens both
have a close relationship with their landscape and cultural heritage, and are not afraid to volunteer in their free
time (e.g. Črni Vrh plateau and Kosovelje). The examples
from Slovenia sometimes achieved veritable self-mobilization, a type of participation in which people participate by taking initiatives independently of external institutions; this is particularly true for the Kosovelje project.
Another point to a successful participation process is
paying attention to the context. “The boundaries drawn
for participation need to be understood in a social, geographical and historical context as this will affect what interests can be advanced”.103 The cases prove that a holistic
approach of the problem –at a landscape level- is necessary in order to adapt to the plurality of contexts, actors
and purposes. Simultaneously, it is the unique context
and particularities of the place and the inhabitants that
are at the core of the process in each case. Adaptation and
flexibility of the participation methods are key elements
to the success of dialogue and negotiation in planning
processes. In this respect “participatory measures […] need
to be adapted to a plurality of contexts, actors and purposes” to be perceived as legitimate and sustainable.104
Although the degree of participation varies from one
case to another, all cases demonstrate that the encouragement for more interactive conversations among public officials, interest groups and individual citizens has created
new synergies among all these parties and helped them
create local agendas that are sustainable and applicable.
One important dimension described in the cases was
the time factor as mentioned by Sjölander-Lindqvist et
al. and Swensen et al.105 The element of time here reflects on two aspects that are closely linked. Firstly,
there is a need to recognize that participatory approa-
58
Guillermo Reher et al.: Arguing for deliberative theory when engaging local population
ches are time demanding. In fact, the social processes
that involve a fluid, democratic set of arrangements
within civil society often require time and patience to
be successful.106 It is often a contentious issue for busy
administrative bureaucracies and with regards to stringent budgets. Secondly, there is a need to recognize that
space-time is integral with human action, experience
and social practice.107 This suggests that the relationship
between people and landscapes evolves through time, as
an ongoing process. The notion of time applied to participatory approaches concurs with Stephenson’s ‘cultural values model’.108 These values “that are shared by
a group or community, or are given legitimacy through
a socially accepted way of assigning values”109, are imbedded in the landscape through a continuum of forms,
practices and relationships that evolve in time. Participation methods are one way to collect the temporal and
dynamic nature of cultural values in the landscape. It
is generally considered that differing conceptualisations
of time play in shaping our understandings of the world.110 Dialogues and negotiations bring these interests
together, which has been revealed in the subscript of all
the examined case studies.
Conclusions
The four case studies presented here demonstrate the importance of community participation in landscape projects. Although there is still a long way to go in terms of
tools and approaches asked for by Opdam111, the case studies presented above show that progress can indeed be
made towards deliberative forms of landscape governance. The spirit and the letter of the European Landscape
Convention, which seeks to empower local stakeholders,
is becoming increasingly acceptable. It is important to acknowledge a significant caveat to these conclusions: larger scale scenarios, competing interests and conflictive
situations probably affect whether these methods can be
applicable. But the answers to those challenges may well
be found in the negotiated nature of deliberation.
When going beyond the traditional approaches and
engaging with deliberative action, this type of participation can take project engagement to a new level. Local
communities feel more involved and are even willing to
volunteer in their free time. This leads to greater community care, and stewardship for a local landscape, which
ultimately benefits the landscape as a cultural heritage.
Acknowledgements
This paper is the result of the collaboration among CHeriScape partners and network members. CHeriScape112,
Cultural Heritage in Landscape is a networking project
funded by the pilot call of the European Joint Programming Initiative on Cultural Heritage (JPI-CH113). The
case Črni Vrh was part of the project SY_CULTour (Synergy
of Culture and Tourism: Utilization of Cultural Potentials
in Less-Favoured Rural Areas) and was co-financed by the
Southeast Europe Transnational Cooperation Program.
The case of Kosovelje was part of the national research
project titled “Cultural Landscapes Caught between Pu-
blic Good, Private Interests and Politics” funded by the
Slovene Research Agency (ID J6-6854) and also supported
by research core funding Geography of Slovenia (No. P60101). As a member of the network, Stijn Koole has also
been of assistance, although he has been unable to participate directly. The Flyndersø Nature Park case was part
of the DIAPLAN project co-financed by the Realdania and
Danish Outdoor Council. Finally, the local communities of
Črni Vrh, Flyndersø, Kosovelje and Midden-Delfland, are
to be thanked for their invaluable contribution to the case
studies explored here and, therefore, also to this paper.
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Endnotes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
Callon et al., Agir dans un monde incertain; Egoz et al., Defining Landscape Democracy; Egoz et al., The Right to Landscape; Kleinman, Science,
Technology, and Democracy.
Bole et al., “Participatory research.”
e.g. European Commission White Paper on Governance, COM/2001/0428
Dietz and Stern, Public Participation; Ivner et al., “New tools”; Reed, “Stakeholder participation.”
Nared and Bole, “Participatory Research.”
CoE, The European Landscape Convention.
Jones, “The European landscape convention.”
Innes and Booher, “Reframing Public Participation”; Söderholm, “The Deliberative Approach.”
Collins and Evans, “The Third Wave”; Kleinman, “Democratizations of Science”; Parkins and Mitchell, “Public Participation.”
Rodela, “Advancing.”
Williams, “Making sense of ‘place’.”
Innes and Booher, Public Participation in Planning; “Reframing Public Participation”; Sjölander-Lindqvist et al., “Negotiations.”
Innes and Booher, “Reframing Public Participation.”
Hoch, What Planners Do; Innes and Gruber, “Planning Styles in Conflict”; Lukensmeyer and Hasselblad Torres, “Public Deliberation”.
Mann et al., “The potential for integrated landscape management”.
Healey, Collaborative Planning; “In Search of the “Strategic”; Barratt and Oliveira, “Exploring the Experiences”.
Azcárate, “Fostering Participation and Dialogue Using Strategic Environmental Assessment”; an early critique in Rothblatt, “Rational Planning
Reexamined”.
Campbell & Marshall, “Moral Obligations.”
cf. Cars et al., Urban Governance; Healey, “Collaborative Planning in Perspective.”
Innes & Booher, Public Participation in Planning.
Dryzek and List, “Social Choice Theory.”
John S. Dryzek, Discursive Democracy; Deliberative Democracy and Beyond.
Dryzek, “Democratization.”
Dryzek and Niemeyer, Foundations and Frontiers.
Dryzek and Niemeyer, “Mini-Publics.”
Rittel and Webber, “Dilemmas in a General Theory of Planning”. For a definition: Innes and Booher, “Collaborative Rationality as a Strategy”.
62
Guillermo Reher et al.: Arguing for deliberative theory when engaging local population
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
Head and Xiang, “Why is an APT approach”; Martin, “Tackling Wicked Problems.”
Kühn, “Strategic planning.”
Tietjen and Jørgensen, “Translating a wicked problem.”
Forester, “On the theory and practice.”
Söderholm, “The Deliberative Approach.”
Benhabib, “Toward a Deliberative Model”; Gutmann and Thompson, Why Deliberative Democracy?; Lukensmeyer and Torres, Public Deliberation; Mouffe, “Deliberative Democracy.”
33. Bolton, A comparison; see also Habermas, Moral consciousness.
34. Bolton, A comparison.
35. Giddens, The Constitution of Society; Healey, “Collaborative Planning in Perspective.”
36. Innes and Booher, Public Participation in Planning.
37. Dietz and Stern, Public Participation; Innes and Booher, Public Participation in Planning; Lukensmeyer and Torres, Public Deliberation; Mouffe,
“Deliberative Democracy”; Yang, “Public Administrators’ Trust.”
38. Lo, “Analysis and Democracy.”
39. Menzel and Teng, “Ecosystem Services”; Schröter et al., “Ecosystem Services.”
40. Schröter et al., “Ecosystem Services as a Contested Concept” 519.
41. Cegan et al., “Trends and applications”; Huang et al., “Multi-criteria decision analysis”; Karjalainen et al., “Integrating ecosystem services”;
Langemeyer et al., “Bridging the gap.”
42. Opdam, “Using Ecosystem Services.”
43. Faehnle, “Collaborative Planning of Urban Green Infrastructure” Faehnle et al., “How Can Residents’ Experiences Inform”; Fors et al., “User
Participation in Urban Green Spaces”; Bahrain Shuib, Hashim and Akmaniza Mohd Nasir, “Community Participation Strategies”; Wates, The
Community Planning Handbook.
44. Arts et al. “Landscape Approaches”; Primdahl et al., “Rural landscape governance”; Southern et al., “Sustainable landscape governance.”
45. Nared et al., “Achieving sustainable spatial development.”
46. Nared et al., “Achieving sustainable spatial development.”
47. Conrad et al., “Rhetoric and Reporting”; Jones, “European Landscape and Participation”; Freeman, Nairn and Sligo, “’Professionalising’ Participation”.
48. MacDonald, Behind the Scenes at the Science Museum; Bauer, “The Evolution of Public Understanding”.
49. Jasanoff, “Technologies of humility”; Wylie, “The Integrity of Narratives.”
50. Popa et al., “Discussion structures.”
51. Reason and Bradbury, “Introduction to Groundings.”
52. Beunen and Opdam, “When landscape planning.”
53. Nassauer and Opdam, “Design in science.”
54. Nassauer, “Landscape as medium.”
55. Gagné et al., “A Simple Landscape Design Framework”.
56. Raymond et al., “Integrating multiple elements.”
57. Dryzek, “Deliberative engagement.”
58. Lecomte et al., “Participatory requirements.”
59. Lecomte et al., “Participatory requirements.”
60. Conrad et al., “Rhetoric and Reporting.”
61. Swaffield et al., “Discursive Relationships.”
62. Van Bommel et al., “Social learning.”
63. De Meo et al., “An Approach to Public Involvement”.
64. Paletto, Cantiani and De Meo, “Public Participation in Forest Landscape”.
65. Based on Lecomte et al., “Participatory requirements”; Paletto et al., “Public Participation.”
66. Eiter and Lange Vik, “Public Participation in Landscape Planning”.
67. Cvitanovic et al., “Maximising the Benefits”.
68. Mumpower, “Selecting and Evaluating”.
69. Haklay, Jankowski and Zwoliński, “Selected Modern Methods”.
70. Evans-Cowley and Hollander, “The New Generation”.
71. Pocewicz et al., “An Evaluation of Internet”.
72. Arnstein, “A Ladder of Citizen Participation”.
73. Quetzal Tritter and McCallum, “The Snakes and Ladders”.
74. Contreras, “Using Arnstein’s Ladder”.
75. Primdahl and Kristensen, “Landscape strategy.”
76. Healey, Collaborative Planning.
77. Gorjup-Kavčič et al., The Črni Vrh Plateau.
78. Šmid Hribar and Ledinek Lozej, “The Role of Identifying”.
Journal of European Landscapes 1: 49–63
63
79. Šmid Hribar, Bole and Pipan, “Sustainable Heritage Management”: 104–106; Bole, Šmid Hribar and Pipan, “Participatory Research in Community Development”.
80. Šmid Hribar, Bole and Pipan, “Sustainable Heritage Management,” 104–105.
81. Ibid., 106.
82. Gorjup-Kavčič et al., The Črni Vrh Plateau.
83. Søderkvist Kristensen, Primdahl and Vejre, Dialogbaseret Planlægning i Det Åbne Land.
84. Aagaard Christensen, Søderkvist Kristensen and Primdahl, “Landbrugsundersøgelse for Området Flyndersø”.
85. Primdahl and Søderkvist Kristensen, “Landscape Strategy Making”.
86. Zorn, Kumer and Ferk, “Od Gozda Do Gozda”.
87. Ddefined in Ostrom, Governing the Commons.
88. Šmid Hribar et al., “Public Goods”.
89. Šmid Hribar et al., “Public Goods”.
90. Pedroli, Pinto Correia and Primdahl, “Challenges for a Shared European Countryside”.
91. Griffioen, Gebiedsvisie Midden-Delfland.
92. Van der Ploeg et al., Meesterwerkenmaak Je Samen.
93. DN Urbland, Poorten Van Midden-Delfland.
94. Slabbers et al., Atlas.
95. Griffioen, Uitvoeringsprogramma.
96. Šmid Hribar, Bole and Pipan, “Sustainable Heritage Management: Social, Economic and Other Potentials of Culture in Local Development,” 104.
97. Ibid.
98. Christensen, Kristensen and Primdahl, “Landbrugsundersøgelse Form Området Flyndersø – Sønder Lem Vig, Skive Kommune”.
99. Dryzek and Niemeyer, “Mini-Publics and Their Macro Consequences.”
100. Dryzek, Deliberative Democracy.
101. Swensen et al., “Alternative Perspectives?,” 214.
102. Sjölander-Lindqvist et al., “Negotiations.”
103. Sjölander-Lindqvist et al., “Negotiations.”
104. Sjölander-Lindqvist et al., “Negotiations.”
105. Sjölander-Lindqvist et al., “Negotiations” and Swensen et al., “Alternative perspectives?”
106. Jones, “The European landscape convention.”
107. May and Thrift, Timespace.
108. Stephenson, “The Cultural Values Model,” 129.
109. Ibid.
110. May and Thrift, Timespace.
111. Opdam, “Using Ecosystem Services.”
112. www.cheriscape.eu
113. http://www.jpi-culturalheritage.eu/