Prophetic Scribalism: A Semantic, Textual and
Hypertextual Study of the Serek Texts
by
Chad Martin Stauber
A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements
for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy
Near & Middle Eastern Civilizations
University of Toronto
© Copyright by Chad Martin Stauber 2013
PROPHETIC SCRIBALISM: A SEMANTIC, TEXTUAL AND
HYPERTEXTUAL STUDY OF THE SEREK TEXTS
Chad Martin Stauber
Doctorate of Philosophy
Near & Middle Eastern Civilizations
University of Toronto
2013
ABSTRACT
This thesis challenges the position that the serek texts are primarily prescriptive and legal, as they
have been customarily defined. It argues that the term serek should be reconceptualized according to
descriptive analysis, with the purpose of creating what C. Newsom terms a ‘Gestalt structure.’ In order
to achieve this, four serek texts (M, S, Sa, and D) will be analyzed at three literary levels—semantic,
textual and hypertextual—explaining how the elements at these levels interact as cohesive wholes,
thus serving to create a more complete picture of this group of texts as a literary unity. Thus, while the
separate, constituent semantic, textual and hypertextual parts must be analysed as separate elements,
the fundamental questions posed regarding these elements will be different in a Gestalt paradigm as
compared to a traditional, definitional analysis. Going from the micro to the macro, the first chapter
will look at the serek texts through the ‘microscope’ of close philological analysis, examining how the
term serek functions atomistically within the Dead Sea Scrolls. Building upon these results, the second
chapter will more broadly analyse the structure, themes and narrative apparent in the serek texts, thus
creating a fuller understanding of how the serek texts relate to one another and respond to
circumstances in community life. Finally, the last chapter seeks yet more broadly to understand the
serek texts in the wider literary milieu of the Second Temple Period. Here, a scribal technique present
in the serek texts will be compared to a similar technique used in the Book of Isaiah—arguably the
most important prophetic work for the Qumran sectarians.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Sarianna Metso, whose expertise,
understanding and patience have added considerably to my graduate experience. I appreciate her
vast knowledge, insightful comments and steadfast devotion as a teacher, all of which have enabled
me to complete this dissertation. In addition, I wish to thank the members of my committee, Dr.
Hindy Najman, and Dr. Judith Newman for their generous assistance and guidance at every level of
this research project.
I thank my loving parents—Linda and Clifford Stauber—for the support they have provided me
throughout my entire life. Also, I wish to acknowledge my partner and best friend, Jason, without
whose love, encouragement and support I would not have finished this dissertation.
Finally, I recognize that this research would not have been possible without the financial assistance
and support of the University of Toronto (Scholarships and Fellowships), the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council (CGS), the Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations
(Teaching Assistantships and bursaries) and the Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities (OGS),
and express my gratitude to those agencies.
לב האדם לאדם-כמים הפנים לפנים כן
Just as water reflects the face, so one human heart reflects another
Prov 27:19
iii
Table of Contents
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ............................................................................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgments .......................................................................................................................................................... iii
Table of Contents ............................................................................................................................................................ iv
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................................................... vii
List of Appendices......................................................................................................................................................... viii
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................................... 1
1 Impetus.............................................................................................................................................................................. 1
2 From Genre to Gestalt .................................................................................................................................................. 3
3 Three Levels of Analysis ............................................................................................................................................. 13
3.1 Semantic Level: The Term Serek in the DSS ....................................................................................................... 14
3.2 Textual Level: Textual Features within the Serek Texts ................................................................................. 17
3.3 Hypertextual Level: A Scribal Technique in the Serek Texts ........................................................................ 18
Chapter 1 ............................................................................................................................................................................23
1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................................23
1.1 Use of the root סר"ך................................................................................................................................................. 24
2 Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS ............................................................................................................... 31
2.1 Spatial Disposition ....................................................................................................................................................32
2.2 Hierarchical Disposition ........................................................................................................................................ 48
2.3 Martial Disposition .................................................................................................................................................. 60
2.4 Procedural Disposition........................................................................................................................................... 68
3 Conclusions .................................................................................................................................................................. 79
3.1 Implications for Creating a Gestalt Paradigm of Serek Texts ........................................................................ 81
Chapter 2 .......................................................................................................................................................................... 84
1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................. 84
2 Structure—The Compilation................................................................................................................................... 88
Table of Contents
v
2.1 Preamble ..................................................................................................................................................................... 88
2.2 The Compilation ...................................................................................................................................................... 89
2.3 The Account ............................................................................................................................................................... 91
2.4 The Instruction ......................................................................................................................................................... 94
2.5 Hymn, Liturgy & Prayer ......................................................................................................................................... 96
2.6 Summary .................................................................................................................................................................... 99
3 Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future............................................................................................................ 100
3.1 The War Scroll―The Basis of a Narrative..........................................................................................................101
3.2 The Community Cycle (S, Sa & Sb) .................................................................................................................... 103
3.3 The Damascus Document ...................................................................................................................................... 106
3.4 Summary .................................................................................................................................................................... 111
4 Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’ .................................................................................................................... 112
4.1 The Community Cycle ............................................................................................................................................ 113
4.2 The War Scroll ........................................................................................................................................................... 115
4.3 The Damascus Document...................................................................................................................................... 120
4.4 Summary ................................................................................................................................................................... 123
5 Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design ................................................................................................................... 124
5.1 The Community Cycle............................................................................................................................................ 124
5.2 The War Scroll .......................................................................................................................................................... 127
5.3 The Damascus Document ....................................................................................................................................... 131
5.4 Summary ................................................................................................................................................................... 133
6 Conclusions ................................................................................................................................................................. 134
Chapter 3 ......................................................................................................................................................................... 137
1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................. 137
2 From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality.............................................................................................................. 139
2.1 Hypertextuality in the Serek Texts ...................................................................................................................... 144
2.2 The Scribal Technique of Hypertextuality in Deutero-Isaiah..................................................................... 146
Table of Contents
vi
3 Analysis of Hypertextuality in the Serek Texts & in Deutero-Isaiah ............................................................ 149
3.1 Fulfillment in the Serek Texts and in Deutero-Isaiah ..................................................................................... 151
3.2 Reprediction in the Serek Texts and in Deutero-Isaiah................................................................................ 180
4 Conclusions ................................................................................................................................................................. 213
Final Conclusions .......................................................................................................................................................... 218
Bibliography .................................................................................................................................................................. 303
List of Tables
vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Semantic Range of Serek ................................................................................................................. 81
Table 2: Comparison of Semantic & Textual Levels .............................................................................. 86
Table 3: Structural Similarities Between S, Sa, Sb, M & D .................................................................... 90
Table 4: Chronology of the End-Time Wars ............................................................................................ 197
List of Appendices
viii
LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M ........................................................................................................... 229
Appendix B: Text of 1QM............................................................................................................................. 240
Appendix C: Hypertextuality in the Community Cycle ..................................................................... 250
Appendix D: Text of 1QS .............................................................................................................................. 258
Appendix E: Text of 1QSa ............................................................................................................................ 266
Appendix F: Text of 1QSb ............................................................................................................................ 268
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D ............................................................................................................. 271
Appendix H: Text of CD............................................................................................................................... 284
Appendix I: סר''ךin Four Major Semantic Categories ....................................................................... 295
Appendix J: Proposal for a New Lexical Entry....................................................................................... 302
Introduction: Impetus
1
INTRODUCTION
1 Impetus
The impetus for writing this dissertation comes from the observation that the term serek—
present primarily in the War Scroll (M), in the Serek Hayaḥad (S), in the Rule of the
Congregation (Sa), and in the Damascus Document (D)—has not been adequately
understood. 1 An example of this ambiguity of meaning can be seen in the quotation below in
which J. Duhaime—in a companion book to M—summarizes the range of scholarly opinion
on the literary genre of M:
In spite of the indications that 1QM has some sort of literary history, the whole text, in
its final shape, was probably intended as a rather coherent document, assembled
according to accepted conventions and modeled after one of the genres available in
the cultural environment of its redactor(s). For the Qumranites, it probably belonged
to the general category of ‘rule’ (serek). In modern times, 1QM has often been
associated with the apocalyptic literature, mainly in the first decades of Dead Sea
Scrolls studies. A few interpreters see it as a sectarian liturgy. It has also been
suggested that its contents and basic patterns might have been partially derived from
Maccabaean or Graeco-Roman military manuals. […] As it now stands, 1QM contains
elements that are connected with those found in apocalyptic literature, but clearly it
does not belong to the literary genre of the apocalypses. No compelling argument has
been adduced, either, to support the identification of this document as a script for a
cultic drama, in spite of a liturgical dimension that certainly associates it with priestly
circles. In its current form, this composition is an eschatological rule that parallels, in
a religious and utopian way, the genre of the Graeco-Roman tactical treatise. 2
1
This material includes the MSS of the documents from Qumran Caves 1, 4 and 5.
2
See J. Duhaime, The War Texts: 1QM and Related Manuscripts (London: T&T Clark, 2004), 53-61.
Introduction: Impetus
2
It may be surprising for those who have first read S to discover that the scribes of M also
introduce their document with the title serek. 3 This is particularly puzzling since it has
become common amongst scholars to use ‘serek’ as a legal term that primarily collected and
listed various laws and precepts; that is, the central prescriptive rule-texts or halakha for the
various communities represented in scrolls.4 One might ask: Does this mean that M is also a
serek text in the sense of being a prescriptive legal text? 5 Even if some scholars have come to
recognize that the legislative activity represented in the serek texts was the most recent stage
in the progressive revelation of the law for the covenanters, why is it that M is not included in
these debates? 6 If this is the case, what precisely does this mean in the case of M? 7 If S and the
The first line of the text has been reconstructed with ( וז]ה ספר סרך[ המלחמה1:1). The reading is not certain, but
it is accepted by nearly every scholar.
3
4
See in particular the discussion about the genre of S in S. Metso, The Serekh Texts (London: T&T Clark, 2007), 7.
Also see her recent discussion about the feasibility of using serek texts for historical reconstruction in S. Metso,
"Problems in Reconstructing the Organizational Chart of the Essenes," DSD 16.3 (2009). Metso points out: “If
these documents were meant as prescriptive legal texts, as is often presumed, one has to ask what purpose such
high amounts of non-legal material would have served in prescriptive documents. In prescriptive legal
documents, such passages would seem rather superfluous” (391). The trend not to include M in discussions about
the serek texts can also be seen in S. Tzoref, "The Use of Scripture in the Community Rule," in A Companion to
Biblical Interpretation in Early Judaism, ed. M. Henze (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2012), 203-34.
5
Vermes, for example, assumes that M is a ‘rule;’ thus, he includes it under the rubric of ‘Rule Texts’ in his
Penguin-translation; see G. Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, rev. ed. (London: Penguin Books,
2004), 163-90. Nevertheless, since 2000 many scholars, whether consciously or not, have moved away from
conceptualizing M as a ‘rule-text,’ and it has become standard to call the document the War Scroll, rather than
referring to it as the War Rule, which was commonly done in the 60’s and 70’s. This may be because scholars are
reluctant to see this scroll as a ‘law-text’ in any conventional sense—there being a fine line between the term
‘rule’ and ‘law.’ For example, Charlesworth has claimed that while “in the Rule of the Community the term serek
denotes the ‘rule’ that contains the regulations of the community, in the War Scroll (1QM) it designates the
military organization of the Qumranites.” See J. H. Charlesworth, "Community Organization: Community
Organization in the Rule of the Community," in Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. L. H. Schiffman and J. C.
VanderKam (New York: OUP, 2000), 134. While this is true in some of the occurrences of serek in M, this is not the
case in all occurrences.
6
See, for example, A. P. Jassen, "The Presentation of the Ancient Prophets as Lawgivers at Qumran," JBL 127.2
(2008): 319-22.
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
3
more explicitly eschatological Sa also claim to be serek texts, then what is the ‘common
denominator’ connecting such similarly classified works? How are these texts connected
semantically by their use of the term serek? Furthermore, how are these texts further
connected at the textual and hypertextual levels? This dissertation will attempt to address
these questions by analyzing texts that make extensive use of the term serek according to a
uniquely modified form of genre analysis, namely Gestalt analysis.
2 From Genre to Gestalt
[…] genres are still categories, and the need to understand how they work persists:
how to relate genres to features, to works, to other genres, to readers and to writers.
But categories are not what we thought they were: they are not ‘cut-and-dried,’ but
rich, complex and flexible.
Michael Sinding 8
It might be argued that genre distinction is dispensable when analyzing a text, nevertheless
several objections to genre analysis can be anticipated: What does it matter in any case how
we categorize a text? Should not the content and context be the primary concern for scholars
rather than categorization? While traditional form-critical analysis may seem outdated to
7
In DJD 39, Lange defines the greater category of legal texts found near Qumran as “Texts Concerned with
Religious Law.” He goes on to say that “Texts such as the War Rule demonstrate that religious law was not
restricted to questions of halakha in Second Temple Judaism but also dealt with other topics such as the
eschatological war of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness. For this reason, the broader term ‘religious
law’ seems more appropriate than the more commonly used term ‘halakhic texts.’” See A. Lange and U.
Mittmann-Richert, "Annotated List of the Texts from the Judaean Desert Classified by Content and Genre," in
DJD 39, ed. E. Tov, The Texts from the Judaean Desert: Indices and An Introduction to the Discoveries in the
Judaean Desert Series (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002), 119.
8
See M. Sinding, "After Definitions: Genre, Categories, and Cognitive Science," Genre 35.2 (2002): 184.
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
4
some, ultimately the acts of categorization and classification must be major components of
any literary analysis because such naming of objects is at the root of our cognitive processes. 9
As humans, we can only speak about ‘things’ insofar as we have words to describe them. More
importantly perhaps, categorization has at its root the act of comparison; we must compare
texts to recognize their similarities and differences—a process that helps us better
understand texts and their function. Thus, the categorization of texts is imperative as it
provides a cognitive vehicle through which one may compare and contrast other similar texts
and contexts, and it is through such comparison and contrast that a text comes to life. If a text
is grossly mis-categorized—or worse not given a genre distinction at all—it runs the risk, for
all intents and purposes, of being marginalized and thus rendered silent in scholarship. 10
Despite the fact that ‘categorization’ is indispensable, before deciding on how to proceed with
a ‘genre’ analysis, we must sort through the several theories on how so to do. 11
9
See comment by Miller: “The urge to classify is fundamental, and although it involves […] difficulties […],
classification is necessary to language and learning,” see C. R. Miller, "Genre as Social Action," Quarterly Journal of
Speech 70.2 (1984): 151.
10
Another question needs clarification; that is: Who categorizes texts in the first place? It is the primary concern
of this dissertation to expound how the scribes themselves of the ancient documents under consideration
understood and used the term serek, rather than how we might specifically try to understand it. Thus, when I
speak about categorization, I am primarily referring to the covenanters’ own categorization as evidenced by their
use of the term as a title for various documents and sections of documents.
11
Bernstein has recently published an article entitled “The Dead Sea Scrolls and Jewish Biblical Interpretation in
Antiquity: A Multi-Generic Perspective.” While the title might suggest its usefulness for this study, Bernstein does
not discuss the serek texts, and he does not describe in detail his approach to genre; see M. Bernstein, "The Dead
Sea Scrolls and Jewish Biblical Interpretation in Antiquity: A Multi-Generic Perspective," in The Dead Sea Scrolls
at 60: Scholarly Contributions of New York University Faculty and Alumni, ed. L. Schiffman and S. Tzoref (Leiden:
Brill, 2010).
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
5
In the last 50 years, the study of genre has been reconceived in important ways. For
centuries―from Plato and Aristotle to the beginning of the 20th century—genres were seen as
concrete, each distinguished by its unique features of form and content. For example, the
school master of yesteryears would speak confidently and definitively about drama or epic
with such subcategories as lyric, sonnet or ode. As summarized by A. Freedman and P.
Medway, according to this traditional view genres have four facets; (1) they are always literary;
(2) they are defined by textual regularities in form and content; (3) they are fixed; and (4) they
can be classified into mutually exclusive categories. 12 While it remains germane to speak about
form and content in any discussion about genre, more recently the general trend has been to
recognize that such textual regularities must be examined within a broader context, what has
been called an ‘interdefined’ Gestalt structure. 13 For example, C. Miller has pointed out that
similarities of textual form and substance can be insightfully correlated to recurring social
situations in which the texts participate. 14 This approach can be defined as descriptive—in
that it describes the writer’s social motive in responding to certain recurrent social
situations—rather than definitional, where a scholar sets out to extract precise formulas of
form and content present in any given type of text. In addition to these insights, C. Geertz has
emphasized that such reconceptualizations of genre in the humanities lead writers in our
12
See A. Freedman and P. Medway, "Introduction: New Views of Genre and Their Implications for Education," in
Learning and Teaching Genre, ed. A. Freedman and P. Medway (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 1994), 1.
13
14
See ibid., 1-3.
Miller’s program is to: “examine the connection between genre and recurrent situation and the way in which
genre can be said to represent typified rhetorical action,” see Miller, "Genre as Social Action," 151.
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
6
times to actively blur traditional prescriptive genres and that this situation allows for society
as a whole to change. 15 In light of such intellectual changes, most scholars are reluctant to
develop grand classificatory systems. 16
If we turn to Biblical Studies, perhaps the most popular and effusive definition of genre in the
field comes from J. J. Collins’ work on apocalypses. In the introduction to Semeia 14, he defines
a genre category as “a group of written texts marked by distinctive recurring characteristics
which constitute a recognizable and coherent type of writing.” 17 As can be seen, this
description is primarily definitional and as such some scholars―in particular C.
Newsom―have argued that it should be nuanced. Newsom maintains that given the current
trends in genre studies, Collins’ definition contains several limiting factors. First, a definitional
approach on its own does not explain how a given genre functions as a form of human
communication. Second, a definitional approach does not look to a text’s rhetorical
15
See C. Geertz, "Blurred Genres: The Refiguration of Social Thought," in Local Knowledge: Further Essays in
Interpretive Anthropology (New York: Basic Books, 1983), 20-23.
16
Fowler, for example, has been keen to look to how texts inherit their similarities: “the basis of resemblance lies
in literary tradition […] a sequence of influence and imitation and inherited codes connecting works in the
genre.” See A. Fowler, Kinds of Literature: An Introduction to the Theory of Genres and Modes (Cambridge MA:
HUP, 1982), 42-43. Fowler bases his insights on the work of L. Wittgenstein’s theory of Familienähnlichkeiten
(family resemblances) in which Wittgenstein emphasizes that it is not possible to deduce essential defining
features of any ‘genre;’ but rather, one can only describe relative resemblances between given texts. The
following is the famous passage in which Wittgenstein describes family resemblances: “I:66 Betrachte z.B. einmal
Vorgänge, die wir “Spiele” nennen. Ich meine Brettspiele, Kartenspiele, Ballspiele, Kampfspiele, u.s.w. Was ist
allen diesen gemeinsam?—Sag nicht: “Es muß ihnen etwas gemeinsam sein, sonst hießen sie nicht ‘Spiele’”—
sondern schau, ob ihnen allen etwas gemeinsam ist.—Denn, wenn du sie anschaust, wirst du zwar nicht etwas
sehen, was allen gemeinsam ware, aber du wirst Ähnlichkeiten, Verwandtschaften, sehen, und zwar eine ganze
Reihe… Wir sehen ein kompliziertes Netz von Ähnlichkeiten, die einander übergreifen und kreuzen.
Ähnlichkeiten im Großen und Kleinen.” Taken from Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations
(Philosophische Untersuchungen): The German Text, with a revised English Translation, trans. G. E. M. Anscombe, 3
ed. (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2001 [1953]), 27.
17
See J. J. Collins, "Introduction," Semeia 14 (Apocalypse: Towards a Morphology of Genre) (1979): 1.
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
7
orientation. 18 She points out further that given the number of new ‘genres’ found at Qumran, it
is clear that genre-making was an important task for the covenanters. Thus, it is imperative
that scholars continue to find new lenses through which to approach genres in Qumran
research if they are to understand how these communities functioned. 19 Within her
discussion, Newsom brings to light E. Rosch’s work on ‘prototype theory,’ which Newsom
claims can provide a useful tool for the reconceptualization of genre in the field. 20 While
Rosch is not directly involved in theories about literary genres, her work has provided
interesting insights into the processes through which humans create categories. Her base
definition of a prototype is as follows:
18
Newsom has described Collin’s approach to genre as a “classificatory ‘box’” model: “The first, and unfortunately
still common, understanding of genre is that it is a classificatory “box” into which one sorts various kinds of
speech acts, usually identified by a list of distinguishing characteristics. See C. Newsom, "Spying out the Land: A
Report from Genology," in Seeking out the Wisdom of the Ancients: Essays to Honor Michael V. Fox on the Occasion
of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2005). In a later article, Newsom describes the limitations
of such an approach: “in the memorable characterization of Alastair Fowler, [the classificatory ‘box’ model] treats
genre as though it were a matter of pigeonholes, whereas genres are far more like pigeons. Although this view of
genre has been criticized for years, it has an amazing persistence, and indeed is not to be entirely despised. The
genuine insight connected with this view of genre is that genre is related to the larger cultural practice of
classification.” See C. Newsom, "Pairing Research Questions and Theories of Genre: A Case Study of the Hodayot,"
DSD 17 (2010): 243.
19
See comments from Newsom: “One of the features that has often been noted about the sectarian literature from
the Qumran caves is the number of new genres developed by the community. These include, most notably,
serakhim, pesharim, hodayot, mishmarot, and a variety of distinctive liturgical texts, such as the Songs of the
Sabbath Sacrifice, covenant ceremony texts, marriage rituals, rituals of expulsion, and so forth. While it is
possible that the vagaries of preservation prevent us from knowing of examples of these genres from other Jewish
communities of the Second Temple period, scholars consider most if not all of these genres to be unique to the
Yaḥad community movement. While each type has been studied in significant detail, to my knowledge there has
been little or no research into the question of how one might think of these new works as a genre system. There
are a number of questions that one might ask. To what needs of the sectarian community do these new genres
represent a response? How do they segment the life of the community? What different competencies do they
develop within their users? In what ways are the different genres, as distinct generic worlds, complementary and
overlapping? How do they work together to construct the integrated sectarian world and also to differentiate it
into a series of discrete experiences?” Newsom, "Pairing Research Questions and Theories of Genre: A Case Study
of the Hodayot," 256.
20
See Newsom, "Spying out the Land: A Report from Genology," 442.
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
8
By prototypes of categories we have generally meant the clearest cases of category
membership defined operationally by people’s judgments of goodness of
membership in the category […]. In short, prototypes appear to be just those
members of a category that most reflect the redundancy structure of the category as a
whole. 21
In her article “Spying out the Land: A Report from Genology,” Newsom takes such insights and
distills them into the following:
Categories are not best thought of as defined by distinctive features possessed by
every member of the group, but rather by a recognition of prototypical examples that
serve as templates against which other possible instances are viewed. [… For
example] even though robins, ostriches, swallows, eagles, and penguins are all birds,
people tend to treat robins and sparrows as ‘typical’ members of the category ‘birds’
and ostriches and penguins as ‘atypical.’ Thus robins and sparrows are the prototypes
for the category ‘bird.’ The category can be extended to cover other birds that do not
conform to the prototype (e.g., those that are large or do not fly or do not sing), but
the birds that do not closely resemble the prototypes have a marginal status. 22
Thus, prototypes of any given genre will be easily recognizable simply because they are just
that—they are recognizable to the onlooker. However, as Rosch goes on: “With respect to
prototypes, it appears to be those category members judged the more prototypical that have
attributes that enable them to fit into the typical and agreed upon script elements.” 23 In other
words, when humans create categories, they do so with particular events—discrete bounded
temporal units—in mind. Thus, there are—when I speak about cooking a meal for example—
prototypical instruments involved such as a frying pan, a pot, and a wooden spoon, which are
21
See E. Rosch, "Principles of Categorization," in Cognition and Categorization, ed. E. Rosch and B. B. Lloyd
(Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1978), 36-37.
22
See Newsom, "Spying out the Land: A Report from Genology," 442.
23
See Rosch, "Principles of Categorization," 45.
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
9
bound into the category of cooking implements, in addition to being bound to a particular
event, called preparing a meal. 24 By extension, if we are undertaking a literary analysis of texts
that we take to be of the same ‘category,’ we would have to demonstrate that the features of
these texts (i.e., their vocabulary, structure, content, themes, and other literary techniques—
parallel to the kitchen utensils mentioned above) must be bound within a cohesive
framework. In Newsom’s words:
The significance of this analysis of cognitive models for genre is that “elements” alone
are not what trigger recognition of a genre; instead, what triggers it is the way in
which they are related to one another in a Gestalt structure that serves as an idealized
cognitive model. 25
Thus, in a literary context, the relationship of these elements in a Gestalt structure―what we
can call a Gestalt paradigm― accounts for the textual features (i.e., form, content, themes,
and other literary techniques) of the genre and the place of the text within the greater world
in which it was created. 26 In this way, a Gestalt analysis is one way in which one can move
24
For a Western chef, a wok or a hibachi may not be prototypical cooking instruments; nevertheless, they can be
identified as belonging to the same category even if not as prototypes.
25
26
See Newsom, "Spying out the Land: A Report from Genology," 444.
For example, Freedman and Medway give the example of the personal letter in which a teenaged girl writes to
her friend over the summer: “As researchers, we could analyze this letter and categorize those textual features
that mark it generically as a teenage girl’s personal letter: its syntax (many conjoined, short independent clauses);
its lexicon (informal, often colloquial); its punctuation (many dashes, exclamations points, no semicolons); its
format (overall, that of a letter, but modified by the occasional smiley and/or frowning face, I’s dotted with
hearts, etc.); its substance and its tone. Such a characterization would be typical of traditional ways of looking at
genre. Current reconceptions of genre would focus, instead, on [the girl’s] letter as a typical rhetorical action
taken within a recurring social situation. In this case, the rhetorical action undertaken is one in which intimate
social ties are being maintained and strengthened—in the context of a teenage sub-culture within a particular
socio-cultural community […]. All the formal features specified above can be understood to derive from and
relate to the writer’s social motive in responding to a recurrent social situation of a certain type.” See Freedman
and Medway, "Introduction: New Views of Genre and Their Implications for Education," 2-3.
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
10
away from a definitional approach (form and content) and move towards a descriptive
approach (form and function). 27 Such an analysis would account for not only the rhetorical
orientation of a text, but would also explain how it functions as a form of human
communication interrelated within the world in which it was created. Thus, a Gestalt
paradigm describes how the texts function as a whole. 28
It must be pointed out that Newsom does not set out to provide a comprehensive or practical
model for how to effectuate a descriptive over a definitional analysis of a literary text. Her use
of Rosch and her evocation of Gestalt are meant to provide us with an alternative conceptual
framework through which we can approach texts as cohesive wholes. The work of turning this
conceptual framework into a practical model for analysis is left to us. In the case of the serek
texts, we can assume that there existed in antiquity an assumption that S, M and D were
intimately related in their wholes, because they are labeled—or significant parts within are
27
As has been pointed out by Brooke, “[…] how should ‘authority’ of texts or textual traditions within particular
groups of texts be articulated suitably? Whatever might be the creative and hermetically strong ways of
answering that question, the question itself brings to the fore the issue of the primacy of a text’s status and
function, matters that could well seem to have more controlling force in generic discussion than a text’s form and
content, but which are often assumed or ignored in debates about genre.” See G. J. Brooke, "Genre Theory,
Rewritten Bible and Pesher," DSD 17 (2010): 363-64. It is my hope that a descriptive approach to genre analysis (in
the form of Gestalt analysis) will provide such an opportunity to explore the form and function of the serek texts
rather than concentrating on their form and content.
28
Gestalt theory was born within the context of psychology under the auspices of M. Wertheimer. Wertheimer
was concerned, in the context of psychology, with comprehension as the product of seeing the world in its
interrelatedness, rather than through the atomization of its parts; see, for example, M. Wertheimer, Productive
Thinking (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1945). For an evaluation of the continued influence of Wertheimer,
see D. Brett King et al., "The Legacy of Max Wertheimer and Gestalt Psychology," Social Research 61.4 (1994:
Winter): 907-35.
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
11
labeled—by their scribes as serakhim. 29 Given that this is their assumption, in order for us to
describe what a serek text is in a Gestalt paradigm, we must understand what makes these
texts function cohesively. Essentially, this means creating a synchronic literary study. 30
Understanding what the root סר"ךmeans and how the literary characteristics of the serek
texts come together to generate a unified rhetorical orientation will allow us to understand
the serek texts as a unique form of human communication. My suggestion for effectuating a
descriptive Gestalt analysis is to analyse the serek texts at three literary levels—semantic,
textual and hypertextual—all the while minding to explain how the elements at these levels
interact as cohesive wholes, thus serving to create a more complete picture of this group as a
literary unity. 31 Thus, while the separate, constituent semantic, textual and hypertextual parts
30F
29
In the case of D, large sections are labeled as serek texts. See Chapter 1 for references.
30
Despite the name of the dissertation, Parker’s study on M is primarily concerned with historical matters; see J.
O. Parker, The Genres of the Dead Sea War Scroll (PhD diss., Mid-America Baptist Theological Seminary, 1997).
31
These three levels parallel somewhat Frye’s first three levels laid out in his Anatomy of Criticism. Here, Frye
attempts to analyze, in a systematic and ‘scientific’ manner, the fundamental principles which would allow a
literary critic to make literature ‘intelligible;’ he warns that ‘either literary criticism is scientific, or all these highly
trained and intelligent scholars are wasting their time on some kind of pseudo-science like phrenology,’ see N.
Frye, Anatomy of Criticism: Four Essays (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1957), 8. In short, his project set
out to develop what would become a five-fold taxonomy for classifying literature. The primary categories of this
system Frye would call phases: literal, descriptive, formal, mythical and anagogic. In Frye’s own words: “Phase: (1)
one of the five contexts in which the narrative and meaning of a work of literature may be considered, classified
as literal, descriptive, formal, archetypal, and anagogic” ibid., 367. Each of these phases would describe a
particular contextual relationship. For example, the literal phase would answer the question: How do the
smallest parts of the text function? At this level, the critic would analyze symbolic ‘motifs.’ In the second
descriptive phase, the question is: How does the message relate to the historical circumstances in which the text
was written? At this level, the critic would analyze symbolic ‘signs.’ In the third formal phase, the question is:
How does the text relate grossly to other texts? At this level, the critic would analyze symbolic ‘images.’ In the
fourth phase, the question is: What does the text mean in the imaginative comprehension as a whole? At this
level, the critic would analyze symbolic ‘archetypes.’ Finally, at the fifth and final level, the question is: What does
the text mean in religious or divine comprehension as a whole? At this level, the critic would analyze symbolic
‘monads.’ His system is summarized by R. D. Denham, "Introduction," in Anatomy of Criticism: Four Essays
(Toronto: TUP, 2007). The following table is my adaptation thereof:
Introduction: From Genre to Gestalt
12
must be analysed as separate elements, the fundamental questions posed regarding these
elements will be different in a Gestalt paradigm as compared to a traditional, definitional
analysis.
If we are perceptive with such an analysis, we should be able to account for a unified Gestalt
paradigm of the serek texts by asking the following three questions: (1) At the semantic level,
what does the term ‘serek’ mean and how does this meaning unite the texts? (2) At the textual
level, how do the serek texts function as a form of communication that supports a particular
and unified worldview as a response to events or circumstances with which the group was
faced? And; (3) at the hypertextual level, how did the serek texts fit into and interact with the
greater Jewish literary tradition? Finally, if such a connection can be made, how does this
Phases
Literal
Descriptive
Formal
Mythical
Anagogic
Type of Symbol
Motif
Sign
Image
Archetype
Monad
Narrative (Mythos)
Rhythm or
movement of
words; flow of
particular sounds
Relation of order
of words to life;
imitations of real
events
Typical event
or example
Ritual recurrent
act of symbolic
communication
Total human ritual,
or unlimited social
action
Pattern or
structural unity;
ambiguous and
complex verbal
pattern
Relation of
pattern to
assertive
propositions;
imitation of
objects
Typical precept
Dream: conflict
of desire and
reality
Total dream, or
unlimited human
desire
‘Textual’ or New
Criticism
Historical and
documentary
criticism
Commentary
and
interpretation
Archetypal
criticism
(convention
and genre)
Anagogic criticism
(connected with
religion)
Meaning (Dianoia)
Related Kind Of
Criticism
Shaping
principle
Containing
principle
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
13
connection provide a unified rhetorical orientation? 32 Each of these questions must be
addressed with an eye to understanding the documents as integrated wholes. The answers to
the questions will point us to what Newsom calls the “social contract” that the scribes of serek
texts were trying to make with their readers. 33
3 Three Levels of Analysis
In order to answer the question of what a serek text is, I will first approach the representative
texts through the lens of a semantic analysis. This will allow me to establish philologically how
the root סר"ךis used in situ. Second, in order to understand to what sort of events they were
responding, I will undertake a textual analysis that will examine the structure, narrative, a
central theme and a philosophical tenet that all occur in and unify each of the serek texts. This
will allow me to establish further how the serek texts were collectively responding to their
32
The first two chapters will examine the serek texts in a synchronic manner, and the third will attempt as much
as possible, to analyse the texts diachronically. The problem that arises when attempting a diachronic study of
the serek texts is, however, that there are no other ‘serek-like’ texts that come before. Thus, other creative forms
of comparison will have to be devised in order to facilitate such a study (see below).
33
In a recent article, Newsom has summarized six common ways of thinking about genre: (1) Classificatory ‘Box’
Model: “into which one sorts various kinds of speech acts, usually identified by a list of distinguishing
characteristics;” (2) Family Resemblance: “criss-crossing and overlapping networks of similarity;” (3) Mode of
Comprehension: “actively engages in an act of intertextuality that helps us locate this text in relation to others
with which we are already familiar;” (4) Communication and Cultural ‘Know-How’: “social function of genre;” (5)
Modes of Perception: “a form of knowing and conceptualizing the world;” and (6) Recognizing the Dialogic nature
of Genre as both Synchronic and Diachronic: “ecology of genres or genre systems at a given point in time and
across periods of time.” Newsom, "Pairing Research Questions and Theories of Genre: A Case Study of the
Hodayot," 272-75. The Gestalt model I am following most resembles her “Communication and Cultural KnowHow” model. On that model, she goes on to say: “By understanding genres, one comes to have cultural
competency in producing and understanding certain kinds of speech. While one could also understand this
approach as a form of intertextual attention, more attention is paid here to the internal structure and distinctive
elements of repeated speech acts, their social contexts, and the purposes for which they are useful.” Ibid., 274. I
will have a particular way of taking the term ‘intertextual,’ which accords with the work of Genette (see Chapter
1).
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
14
environment. Finally, in order to understand how the serek texts fit into the greater Jewish
literary tradition of the Second Temple period, I will explore the scribal technique of
hypertextuality as it was adopted and adapted within the serek texts. Taken together, analyses
of the semantic, textual and hypertextual levels will allow us to read the serek texts as wholes,
and as social contracts for those who read and lived by them.
3.1 Semantic Level: The Term Serek in the DSS
In the first chapter, I will work to understand what the root סר"ךsignifies semantically. In
order to accomplish this, I will work to establish philologically how each individual instance
functions in its given context. By way of this analysis, I will show that at its core the root
describes a particular ‘ordering,’ or ‘laying out’ of conceptual or physical objects in relation to
other objects.34 Parsed further, it is used to describe several dispositions—spatial, hierarchical,
3F
martial and procedural—according to which the Qumran covenanters organized themselves
and hoped to organize themselves in the end time. Thus, the Qumran covenanters—arranged
in a particular order either in their community setting, in a military arrangement, or
conceptually in accordance with preconceived instructions—become, to make an analogy,
the timbers of a great building, the foundation of which was Scripture. 35 The serek as God’s
34F
34
At its core, as scholars have recognized that the term serek—as it appears in M, D and S—appears to mean
‘rule,’ ‘order,’ or ‘body of regulations.’ See The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 6 (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix
Press, 2007), 199; ibid. However, it is clear that the semantic range of these stems from a military context meaning
‘to muster’ or ‘to array.’ Thus, the core meaning of serek appears to be ‘laying out,’ or ‘arranging.’
35
Within this study, I use the term ‘Scripture’ with a recognition of the pluriformity inherent in these texts, as has
been pointed in particular by Ulrich, "Pluriformity in the Biblical Text, Text Groups, and Questions of Canon," in
The Madrid Qumran Congress: Proceedings of the International Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Madrid, March 18-
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
15
order, the serek as community, the serek as army, and the serek as instruction are themselves
edifices—structures that are both real and imagined. I have chosen the term ‘disposition’ to
describe each instance of סר"ךin the scrolls as this is—to my mind—the most neutral term in
the English language that connotes ‘arranging’ and ‘laying out.’ 36
35F
21, 1991, ed. Julio Trebolle Barrera and Luis Vegas Montaner, STDJ, 11 (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 23-41. See also Brooke,
"The Qumran Scrolls and the Demise of the Distinction between Higher and Lower Criticism," in New Directions
in Qumran Studies: Proceedings of the Bristol Colloquium on the Dead Sea Scrolls, 8-10 September 2003, Library of
Second Temple Studies (52) (London: T&T Clark, 2005), 26-42.
36
While I will not be using critical spatial theory explicitly in this study, it is important to lay out some
background for the reader. The impetus for critical spatial studies has at its core an interest in understanding the
space or spaces produced by a society as complex cultural products; see M. K. George, "Space and History: Siting
Critical Space for Biblical Studies," in Constructions of Space I: Theory, Geography, and Narrative, ed. Jon L.
Berquist and Claudia V. Camp (London: T&T Clark, 2007), 15. Spatial theorists have pointed out that there has
been great focus on history and time in many disciplines of research in the modern period; however, the study of
spaces has been neglected. Such contemporary spatial theorists—for example Y. ‒F. Tuan, J. Berger, and H.
Lefebvre—are beginning the critical task of reassessing the role of space in critical social theory, after its
subordination to time and history in the modern period. E. W. Soja gives voice to this new methodological
orientation, when he writes in Postmodern Geographies that, in the contemporary geopolitical world, “it may be
space more than time that hides consequences from us, the ‘making of geography’ more than the ‘making of
history’ that provides the most revealing tactical and theoretical world,” see E. W. Soja, Postmodern Geographies:
The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory (London: Verso, 1989), 1. While space, according to these
theorists, is physical, it also goes beyond the material. As summarized by George:
“To understand space as a social product, the result of social ideas and practices, is not to make a claim about
matter, motion, or other physical properties of the universe. Rather, it is an understanding and recognition of the
role human beings, individually and collectively, play in creating the spaces they occupy and inhabit. Space is
more than matter, motion, or physical properties, just as it is more than the symbolic, mythological, or religious
meanings spaces come to have for people and societies;” see George, "Space and History: Siting Critical Space for
Biblical Studies," 15. Other theorists have gone on to conclude that once ‘space’ is imbued with all of this social
complexity, it transforms into ‘place.’ In the words of T. Cresswell: “Place is how we make the world meaningful
and the way we experience the world. Place, at a basic level, is space invested with meaning in the context of
power.” Other theorists have expanded this paradigm even further to explain space in terms of its physical
(‘Firstspace’), conceptual (‘Secondspace’) and social (‘Thirdspace’) dimensions. Critical Spatial Theory―which
was first conceived of by H. Lefebvre and further nuanced by Soja―maintains at its core that space can be
parsed into a tripartite division; see Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), 38-39. In
Lefebvre’s view: (1) Physical—(L’espace perçu); perceived space; physical surroundings; reducible to numerical
analysis and statistical tables (mathematical objectivity) (Soja calls this ‘Firstspace’); (2) Conceptual—(L’espace
conçu); ‘place;’ mental space; perceptions of space; ideas about space (Soja calls this ‘Secondspace’). E.g.,
maps/debates about how a space should be; therefore, texts about utopias; and, (3) Social—(L’espace vécu);
‘space;’ living in space in relation to other people (Soja calls this ‘Thirdspace’). E.g., actual uses of space. In
principle, this division is usually indivisible in the real world. See comments by Berquist: “Although some have
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
16
The major contribution of this chapter will be that the individual instances of סר"ךhave never
been analyzed comprehensively to understand how they serve to provide semantic
conceptual maps―a conceptual map that provides a unified template for a longed-after ideal
society.37 This analysis shows that M is much more intimately connected with other serek texts
36F
than has previously been assumed, and therefore it ought to be included seriously in
discussions about the serakhim. Furthermore, it will be found that the four dispositions
discussed in this chapter also have parallels at the textual level, which will then be explored
further in Chapter 2.
interpreted Soja’s theoretical contributions as providing a new tripartite ontology of space, Soja’s work argues
against any such ontology. The three spaces of Firstspace, Secondspace, and Thirdspace are not different realities
of space or even different modes of spatiality. Rather, they represent what the interpreter sees when examining
space in different ways. […]. To interrogate those representations is to investigate the power relations that
produced the constructs. […] One could speak, therefore, of Soja’s work not as an ontology of space but as a
deconstructive method for spatial discourse. One uses Soja’s theory not by parsing space into its constituent
parts but by altering the power relations involved in seeing space, in variations that are not random but are
certainly kaleidoscopic,” see Jon L. Berquist, "Introduction: Critical Spatiality and the Uses of Theory," in
Constructions of Space I: Theory, Geography, and Narrative, LHB/OTS 481 (London: T&T Clark, 2007), 8. While
these theories were originally developed within the field of human geography, it has become apparent in the last
decade that their use in biblical studies has proved—and will continue to prove—insightful. In the words of
George: “There are many spaces biblical scholars encounter in their work […]. Critical spatiality provides scholars
with a means of examining and analyzing such spaces in terms of the social practices and forces that created
them […]. Space is a complex social phenomenon, one that involves not only physical space, but also the
conceptual systems created and employed to organize it, and the symbolic and mythological meanings societies
develop in order to live in space; see George, "Space and History: Siting Critical Space for Biblical Studies," 29. For
some recent work in biblical studies which makes use of critical spatiality, see, for example, W. R. Miller, "A
Bakhtinian Reading of Narrative Space and its Relationship to Social Space," in Constructions of Space I: Theory,
Geography, and Narrative (London: T&T Clark, 2007), 124-40. See also S. J. Schweitzer, "Exploring the Utopian
Space of Chronicles: Some Spatial Anomalies," in Constructions of Space I: Theory, Geography, and Narrative
(London: T&T Clark, 2007), 141-56.
37
While W. Schniedewind is more concerned with showing how Qumran Hebrew (QH) can be explained by its
tendency to “preclassical archaizing,” his comments about QH as being a “language integrally tied to its role in
society” might be helpful here in conceptualizing serek. See Schniedewind, "Linguistic Ideology in Qumran
Hebrew," in Diggers at the Well: Proceedings of a Third International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea
Scrolls & Ben Sira, ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde, STDJ 36 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 245-55. Also see his comments
regarding the pesher genre in Schniedewind, "Qumran Hebrew as an Antilanguage," JBL 118.2 (1999): 235-52.
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
17
3.2 Textual Level: Textual Features within the Serek Texts
While individual elements within a text—such as the repeated use of the term serek—cannot
alone define what a serek text is, in the case of the heavily used term serek, such an analysis
provides us with an important base upon which we can make further inquiries. The second
chapter will build upon this semantic base in order to further expand upon a Gestalt paradigm
for the serek texts. To accomplish this, it will be necessary to access the particular worldview
according to which the serek texts functioned. This can be accomplished by identifying some
of the key textual elements of the serek texts, and to establish how these elements point to a
unified story about how the world of the covenanters works. This information will help us to
discover what the unified ethos of these texts is.
In Chapter 2, I will examine four elements that correspond to the four semantic dispositions
described in Chapter 1. First, at the textual level, the serek texts create compilations consisting
of at least three text-types: the account, the instruction and the hymn/prayer/liturgy. In each of
the serek texts, these text-types are woven into an integrated structure to create complex
compilations. Second, in Chapter 1 we will have seen that the root סר"ךcould also denote a
hierarchical disposition―at the textual level, this is paralleled by the existence of an
integrated, chronological narrative about the ‘eschaton’; a story emerges in each of the serek
texts in which there is a movement from a worse situation in the present to a better situation
in the future. Thus, the narrative moves along a hierarchical trajectory to a better future.
Third, semantically the root סר"ךcould also denote a martial disposition, which is paralleled
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
18
by a third element in the serek texts; that is, the central theme of the ‘enemy other.’ From this
textual element, each of the serek texts is imbued with an ‘us’ versus ‘them’ ethos that begins
to colour the entire worldview of the covenanters. Finally, the semantic disposition of the
instruction is paralleled at the textual level by an overarching philosophical tenet of ‘divine
design,’ in which the texts emphasize how God’s plan manifests in history. The instructions, at
the textual level, provide a template for the Children of Light to follow in order to fulfill this
divine plan.
It is the contention of this chapter that these textual elements—strengthened by their
parallels in the dispositions of Chapter 1—will put into relief what sort of worldview is being
maintained and strengthened through these texts. This is a worldview largely coloured by
animosity and the desire for separation from that which is seen to be errant. Such answers will
give us concrete insights into the social motivation behind the serek texts, and will answer
whether the term serek is used merely as a header for a set of legal precepts—a header
introducing practical, perceived observations that were translated into written sections that
described the everyday lives of the Qumran covenanters—or whether we can comfortably
describe serek texts as texts geared towards the eschaton, and thus reasonably include within
our analyses a text such as M, which is most often left out.
3.3 Hypertextual Level: A Scribal Technique in the Serek Texts
The final chapter will establish how the serek texts interacted with the greater Jewish literary
tradition, by seeking a prototype to which the scribes looked back. The hope is that if such a
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
19
prototype can be established, that it will provide a broader picture that will give a deeper
context for our understanding of the serek texts as interrelated documents, thus completing a
Gestalt paradigm. In Duhaime’s comments quoted at the beginning of this introduction, he
rightly points out that M has often been associated with apocalyptic and eschatological
literature. Given that all these serek texts have been noted for their predictive elements, it will
be useful to see whether one can find some commonality between these predictive elements
and elements in earlier Jewish texts that might function in a similar manner. In the case of S,
for example, Jassen has made the case that even the legal sections can be seen as a
continuation of divine revelation. 38 In the case of D, it has been recognized that at least the
admonition looks ahead to the future. 39 Also, it has been pointed out that certain sections of D
are concerned with messianism. 40 Despite these observations, most current work on the
document has concentrated on its laws and on redactional criticism.41 In addition, Sa has also
38
See A. P. Jassen, "The Presentation of the Ancient Prophets as Lawgivers at Qumran," 314-19. Also see Jassen,
"Prophecy after 'The Prophets': The Dead Sea Scrolls and the History of Prophecy in Judaism," in The Dead Sea
Scrolls in Context: Integrating the Dead Sea Scrolls in the Study of Ancient Texts, Languages, and Cultures (Leiden:
Brill, 2011), 577-93.
39
As regards D, Collins has pointed out that the “Damascus Document has an overview of history reminiscent of
the Enochic writings, and implies a calculation of the date of the ‘end’ or decisive divine intervention,” see
Collins, Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls (London & New York: Routledge, 1997), 10. While Grossman does
not classify D as a predictive text, she does recognize the importance of the greater framework of the compiled
text: “Such texts lay out the history of a community—often in the context of larger national or cosmic historical
accounts—but they also acknowledge the importance of the community’s present-time experience and their
anticipation of the future,” see Grossman, Reading for History in the Damascus Document: A Methodological Study
(Leiden: Brill, 2002), 225.
40
41
See Hempel, The Damascus Texts (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 75.
See, for example, Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction (Leiden: Brill,
1998). See also Hempel, "The Laws of the Damascus Document and 4QMMT," in The Damascus Document: A
Centennial of Discovery. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the
Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 4-8 February, 1998, STDJ 34 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 69-84. Of course, it
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
20
featured in discussions about apocalypticism and eschatology. 42 While the majority of scholars
have not gone as far as to classify M and Sa as apocalypses per se, many have pointed out that
both documents demonstrate predictive qualities; that is, they very explicitly describe future
events which have not yet taken place. The question these observations beg is: Should one
investigate more to see if prediction constitutes an important rhetorical practice of all the
serek texts? 43 If so, how is such prediction executed and is there a template we can identify for
making such predictions about the future? Perhaps the most obvious text to look to as being a
template for the scribes of the serek texts would be Isaiah, since this text itself is predictive
and was found at Qumran in more abundance than any other text.
Beyond the fact that Isaiah was the most widely attested prophetic work found in the caves
near Qumran, it also provides an interesting point of comparison because it demonstrates a
unique and parallel manner in which it purports to predict future events; that is, Isaiah―in
particular Deutero-Isaiah (Isa 40-66)―alludes to former prophetic texts to show how these
older pronouncements have already been fulfilled, or how they will soon be fulfilled. 44 In
should be pointed out that this was also because in early years of DSS’s scholarship, the laws were often
neglected.
42
On Sa, see Schiffman, The Eschatological Community of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989).
43
This step can be described as my attempt to hypothesize about the rhetorical classification of serek discourse.
As pointed out by Miller: “A useful principle of classification for discourse, then should have some basis in the
conventions of rhetorical practice, including the ways actual rhetors and audiences have of comprehending the
discourse they use.” See Miller, "Genre as Social Action," 152. It cannot be denied, given the content of sections of
M and Sa that they were used in some manner to predict future scenarios.
44
My point of departure to understand how Deutero-Isaiah functions as a prophetic text that alludes back to
older prophecies, comes from a study on scriptural allusion in Deutero-Isaiah by Sommer. Sommer shows that
Isa 40-66 related to older prophecies in several manners: through historical recontextualization, reprediction,
reversal of meaning, fulfillment of earlier prophecies and through typologies; see ‘Deutero-Isaiah’s Use of Jeremiah’
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
21
doing so, the scribes of Deutero-Isaiah take the older authoritative scriptures out of their
original contexts, and recast them into new prophecies. This technique cannot be properly
called ‘commentary,’ since a commentary would assume that the commentator’s purpose was
to shed light on the text that is evoked. Rather, in Deutero-Isaiah, the older prophetic texts are
evoked to comment upon the scribe’s own time. Thus, the relationship between the older
‘base’ text and the new text can be described as hypertextual, in the words of G. Genette, who
defines hypertextuality as: “any relationship uniting a text B (which [he calls] the hypertext) to
an earlier text A ([which he calls] the hypotext), upon which it is grafted in a manner that is
not a commentary.” 45 This process of making use of authoritative scriptural lemmata outside
of their original context and weaving them into a new context can be described as a scribal
technique—a scribal technique that aims to create the fabric of new revelations. This is
precisely the scribal technique we find at work in the serek texts as a united group. 46
Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66 (Stanford: Standford University Press, 1998), 32-72.
While such nuances of usage cannot be seen explicitly in the serek texts, an important common denominator
exists between these sets of texts. At the heart of Deutero-Isaiah’s usage of biblical allusion was one primary use:
to show how the ancient prophets had already predicted events in the present and those to come. In a similar
manner, I will investigate to see whether such biblical allusion is used in the serek texts either to show the
fulfillment of those previous prophecies, or to show how those previous prophecies can be repredicted in a new
context.
45
See G. Genette, Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree, trans. C. Newman and C. Doubinsky (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 5.
46
I must say a quick word about what constitutes a prophetic text in the context of this study. Since I am trying to
understand how the scribes of the serek texts were using prophetic allusion, I must follow their conception of a
prophet. Thus, I will assume that any text attributed to a prophet would have constituted a prophetic text. Thus, I
will consider all of the Pentateuch as prophetic given that it is attributed to Moses; in addition, the Psalms,
mostly attributed to David, must also be considered prophetic from the point of view of the covenanters. For
example, on David as a prophet see J. Kugel, "David the Prophet," in Poetry and Prophecy: The Beginnings of a
Literary Tradition (Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 1990). On the conception of the prophet in Second
Introduction: Three Levels of Analysis
22
In this chapter, I will examine how Deutero-Isaiah 47 makes use of hypertextuality and
compare this with similar usage in the representative serek texts—M, S, Sa, and D. 48 If such a
conceptual link exists at this technical level, then there is good reason to believe that the
scribal technique of scriptural hypertextuality used in the oracles of Isa 40-55 may have served
as a unifying conceptual prototype and authority conferring strategy for the scribes who
penned the serek texts, thus further binding these texts, including M, into a single whole. 49
Temple times in more general terms, see Barton, Oracles of God: Perceptions of Ancient Prophecy in Israel after the
Exile (Oxford: OUP, 1986), 96-140.
47
As regards ‘Deutero-Isaiah,’ I agree with Sommer that these two sections—while they are generally described
as Second and Third Isaiah—are sufficiently similar to warrant calling the entire section ‘Deutero-Isaiah’; see
comments in Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 1-5. For the scholarly consensus, see R.
J. Clifford, "Second Isaiah," in ABD, ed. D. N. Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c.1992), 490-501. See also C. R.
Seitz, "Third Isaiah," in ABD, ed. D. N. Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c. 1992), 472-88.
48
Is has been suggested by Brooke that all of the DSS can be described as relating to earlier authoritative
scripture, see Brooke, "The Dead Sea Scrolls," in The Biblical World (London: Routledge, 2002), 250-69. I am not
claiming that the serek texts are unique in this, but rather, I am describing this scribal technique in order to
emphasize how the serek texts are functioning overall. This is one of the advantages of using a descriptive over a
definitional approach to understanding the serek texts; that is, I am able to describe various elements present in
all of the serek texts to understand how they function as a group, rather than concentrating on the elements that
only occur within serek texts and not in other groups of texts. The simple fact of the matter is that the serek texts
use authoritative scripture to predict the future. The interesting question that will be dealt with later is: Why?
49
I am using Najman’s term ‘authority conferring strategy’ in this context to describe hypertextuality as a scribal
technique. In her study on Jubilees, Najman uses the term to describe four strategies that take the form of motifs
and scribal techniques used by the scribes of Jubilees (e.g., mention of Heavenly tablets; Angel of the Presence
dictating to Moses; Mosaic attribution; and, authentic interpretation); see Najman, "Interpretation as Primordial
Writing: Jubilees and Its Authority Conferring Strategies," JSJ 30.4 (1999): 379-410. See also Najman, "Angels at
Sinai; Exegesis, Theology and Interpretive Authority," DSD 7.3 (2000): 313-33.
Chapter 1: Introduction
23
CHAPTER 1
Semantic Level: The Root סר " ךin the DSS
1 Introduction
The purpose of this section is to establish what the contextual semantic range of the root סר"ך
is. Many scholars have assumed that סר"ךhas at its core a legalistic semantic field; that is,
under the header �ס ֶר,ֶ 50 the various ‘sectarian’ communities primarily collected and listed
various prescriptive laws and precepts thereby creating the central rule-texts represented in
scrolls found near Khirbet Qumran. 51 However, this definition is more problematic when M is
also taken into account; and indeed, because of this difficulty, it is often surprising for
students who have first read S to discover that the scribes of M also introduce several sections
of their work with the noun �ס ֶר.ֶ 52 Furthermore, one must also contend with the fact that D
51F
uses the term 10 times (out of approximately 50 occurrences) to introduce various sections,
and thus should also be considered a serek text. This leads to the question: Does this mean
that M is also a serek text in the sense of being a prescriptive law text? 53 If this is the case, what
52F
I have used the Massoretic vowel-pointing for serek (�)ס ֶר
ֶ as a noun to distinguish more clearly in my text from
sarak ( )סר"ךas a root.
50
51
See in particular Metso’s discussion about the genre of S in Metso, The Serekh Texts, 7.
The first line of the text has been reconstructed with ( וז]ה ספר סרך[ המלחמה1:1). The reading is not certain,
but it is accepted by nearly every scholar.
52
53
Vermes, for example, assumes that M is a ‘rule;’ thus, he includes it under the rubric of ‘Rule Texts’ in his
Penguin-translation; see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 163-90. Nevertheless, since 2000 many
scholars whether consciously or not, have moved away from conceptualizing M as a ‘rule-text,’ and it has become
standard to call the document the War Scroll, rather than referring to it as the War Rule, which was commonly
done in the 1960’s and 1970’s. This may be because scholars are reluctant to see this scroll as a ‘law-text’—there
being a fine line between the term ‘rule’ and ‘law.’ For example, Charlesworth has claimed that while “in the Rule
of the Community the term serek denotes the ‘rule’ that contains the regulations of the community, in the War
Chapter 1: Introduction
24
precisely does this mean as regards M, S, Sa, Sb and D taken together collectively? On the
surface at least, if one were to consider only the prevalence of the root סר''ךin any of the
scrolls found near Khirbet Qumran, one should conclude that M were a strong representative
of serek texts. 54 In order to begin to understand how each of these texts is unified, this section
will examine the root סר''ךto see how it is used in the DSS in order to determine what
semantic range of meaning ought to be ascribed to the term. Within this analysis, one will be
able to make conclusions about what the motivation was for the Qumran covenanters to use
the root in particular texts and not in others.
1.1 Use of the root סר"ך
Despite the fact that the root is well attested in the DSS, when first faced with translating it,
scholars had to use much ingenuity, intuition and etymology given that the root was very rare
in other ancient Semitic sources. סר''ךonly occurs a handful of times in Rabbinic literature
where it was usually given a semantic range between ‘usage,’ ‘example,’ and ‘habit.’ 55 A
preliminary exploration of the term was carried out by R. H. Charles in his translation of the
Testament of Levi. In a footnote, Charles points out that the root סר''ךwas translated into
Scroll (1QM) it designates the military organization of the Qumranites,” see Charlesworth, "Community
Organization: Community Organization in the Rule of the Community," 134. Does this mean that these two texts
actually belong to very different genres? Is there any sense in calling them both ‘rules’?
54
The root סר''ךoccurs 4 times in D, 8 times in S, 4 times in Sa, and finally 24 times in M.
Jastrow gives two definitions for סר''ך: (1) Safaʿel of ( אר''ךcf. ‘ )סר"גto interweave,’ ‘to twist;’ also ‘to wrong,’
corresponding to Hebrew עות: see Lam 3:59 (1027). (2) ‘to clutch,’ ‘to hold fast,’ ‘to cling to.’ The noun � ֶס ֶרmeans
‘example,’ ‘clinging to,’ ‘habit,’ following the example of’ (1028). In these sources, the primary semantic range for
סר"ךis “to cling to,” or “to follow the example of;” for example, in b. Nid 67b, a daughter is implored to follow her
mother’s good example in matters of menstrual purity: ;משום סרך בתהsee Jastrow, A Dictionary of the
Targumim, Talmud Bavli, Talmud Yerushalmi and Midrashic Literature (New York: Verlag Choreb, 1926), 1028.
55
Chapter 1: Introduction
25
Greek by the term τάξις, which Charles translated into English as ‘rank,’ the context which
was: Εἶδον δὲ περὶ αὐτοῦ, ὅτι οὐκ ἔσται ἐν πρώτῃ τάξει—“And I saw concerning him, that he
would not be in the first rank” (T. Levi 11:3). 56 It was after the discovery of the Cairo Genizah
and the subsequent translation of the Fragments of a Zadokite Work—later to be dubbed the
Damascus Document—that the meaning of the root was re-visited; however, S. Schechter—
who first translated the enigmatic Zadokite Work—did not go beyond the rabbinic meaning of
‘custom’ for his edition, connecting it with מנהגand משפט. 57 After the DSS were discovered,
most scholars did not go beyond Schechter as regards their interpretation of סר"ך. E. L.
Sukenik maintained that the basic meaning of the root סר"ךwas equivalent of —נה"גwith a
semantic range of ‘habit’ or ‘custom.’ 58 However, as more of the DSS were published—in
particular M—scholars began to claim that the best translation for the nominal form � ֶס ֶרin
the newly discovered texts was ‘ordinance’ or ‘post in an array.’ In this manner, they
connected the new texts back to Charles’ observations that had connected the term to τάξις,
which could also have military connotations.
The first critical edition of M, published by Sukenik’s son Yadin in 1955, devotes a separate
section to the root סר"ך. One can glean Yadin’s views regarding the term from his footnotes
commenting upon 1QM 2:1:
56
See Charles, The Greek Versions of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (Oxford: OUP, 1908), 250.
In Schechter’s words: “The term סרךagain […] occurring frequently in the sense of custom (= מנהגor )משפט, is
almost entirely unknown otherwise in the Hebrew literature;” see Schechter, Documents of Jewish Sectaries:
Volume I: Fragments of a Zadokite Work (Cambridge: CUP, 1910), xi. In this volume, Schechter points to the
nominal use of the term in rabbinic sources (either as סרךor )סרכאin a manner similar to Jastrow above.
57
58
See Sukenik, ( מגילות גנוזות מתוך גניזה קדומה שנמצאה במדבר יהודהJerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1950), כז.
Chapter 1: Introduction
26
," "נוהג: הנזקקים לו במשמעויותיו השונות והקרובות,[ המונח "סרך" טיפוסי ביותר לכתבי הכת...] :יסרכו
" "שורה" או "סדר," "רשימה," "כת במבנה צבאי," "יחידה במבנה צבאי," "חוקה," "משטר59
‘They will arrange:’ […] the term serek is most characteristic for the writings of the
sect, which were in need of varying yet related meanings: “custom,” “rule,”
“regulation,” “unit in a military formation,” “sect in a military formation,” “list,” “row,”
or “arrangement” (my translation). 60
It seems here that Yadin appropriates his father’s interpretation of the term’s meaning—being
נוהג/custom—and adds to it two more meanings: rule (—משטרa connection that Schechter
had already made) and regulation ()חוקה. To these he adds several of the broader
connotations in the Greek τάξις: “unit in a military formation,” “sect in a military formation,”
“list,” “row,” or “arrangement.” 61
60F
In a commentary to S written in 1957, P. Wernberg-Møller reviews the work of Charles and
concludes that the term has three shades meaning: (1) a battle array; (2) a post or place in a
battle array; and (3) an ordinance.62 In addition to these comments, Wernberg-Møller also
concludes—with what he saw as added evidence from D—that � ֶס ֶרshould also be
conceptualized as a synonym for חוק. 63 However, what Wernberg-Møller did not note was that
62F
more specific casuistic rules in the DSS (in other words, if one does x, they will suffer y) are not
59
Whenever I quote from a Modern Hebrew (MH) text, I have typed the Hebrew in ‘David’ font (being the
standard MH font). Otherwise, any Classical Hebrew texts are written in ‘SBL Hebrew’ font.
60
See Yadin, ( מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושךJerusalem: The Bialik Institute, 1955), 265. The translation made by
C. Rabin is as follows: “dispose. The verb only here and in line 6, but cp. V, 4; for the meaning cf. Qumran I p.110, I,
23 ‘to lead forth the whole congregation, each man in his serek…;’” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of
Light against the Sons of Darkness, trans. Chaim and Batya Rabin (Oxford: OUP, 1962), 262-63 n.1.
61
See Liddell and Scott, An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1889), 792-93.
62
See Wernberg-Møller, The Manual of Discipline: Translated and Annotated with an Introduction (Leiden: Brill,
1957), 44.
63
See ibid.
Chapter 1: Introduction
27
introduced by the noun �ס ֶר,ֶ but rather by the formula אלה המשפטים. For example, in 1QS
6—a section which lists various transgressions and their punishments—the scribe begins
with the header: “ ואלה המשפטים אשר ישפטו בם במדרש יחד על פי הדבריםAnd these are the
‘regulations’ ( )משפטיםby which they shall judge in an examination of the Community
depending on the case” (1QS 6:24). This section then begins with laws that govern speech such
as lying and answering impatiently. These all have to do with breaches of order and various
transgressions and contain case-by-case penalties.64 Thus, it remains to be proven that the
noun � ֶס ֶרwould also denote a specific rule or precept.
By the 1970’s, B. Levine was emphasizing the connection between the root סר"ךas used in the
DSS and the same root in Aramaic meaning ‘head,’ or ‘officer.’ 65 He claimed, in light of this,
that the phrase ‘ ’סרך היחדcould be translated—by metonymic extension—as a ‘rule’ or
‘command’ established by a head-officer for the community (1QS 1:16-17). In addition, he saw
the verbal forms in M (e.g., at 2:1 & 2:6) were to be derived from the same range of meaning;
that is, as a Qal form referring to the ‘commanding’ done by a head-officer. 66 While 1QS 1:16-17
is perhaps the most problematic of all the cases of סר"ך, it may still be possible to find a
64
On the differences between apodictic and casuistic law, see Albrecht Alt, "The Origins of Israelite Law," in
Essays in Old Testament History and Religion (New York: Doubleday, 1967), 101-71. Also see R. Sonsino, "Forms of
Biblical Law," in ABD, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c. 1992), 252-54.
65
See B. A. Levine, "Aramaic Texts from Persepolis," JAOS 92 (1972): 72. This meaning in Aramaic may be derived
from Old Persian sara which means ‘head;’ see Franz Rosenthal, A Grammar of Biblical Aramaic, 7 ed.
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2006), 58 § 189. This may also be related to Geʿez seroḥ (ሌሮሕ) ‘Head Priest,’
see W. Leslau, Comparative Dictionary of GeÁez (Classical Ethiopic) (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2006), 513.
66
In a similar manner, Schiffman concluded several years later that the use of the root as a legal term had its
origins in a military context: “... serek became a general term for a series of orders or instructions and was used for
a list, a body of halakhot (usually on one subject) and even as a general term for sectarian law;” see Schiffman,
The Halakhah at Qumran (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 68.
Chapter 1: Introduction
28
meaning for the term in this context that conforms to the manner in which the root is used
overall in the scrolls, rather than trying to derive a meaning by comparing it to other cognate
languages. While comparisons with other languages and etymologies can be instructive, they
can also be misleading.67 For example, as regards Levine’s arguments, in order to understand
what סרך היחדmeans in its context it is equally—if not more important—to look at how the
term was used by a writer of the same language at the same time. While looking to Aramaic
cognates can be instructive, the meaning in Aramaic could possibly lead one away from the
meaning in Qumran Hebrew. 68
67F
In 1975, Schiffman examined the meaning of סר"ךin a section concentrating on ‘sectarian’
halakhic terminology. 69 In this section, he reviews the pertinent studies including an article by
68F
Weinfeld that would become the basis of Weinfeld’s later work on the topic (see below).70
69F
Schiffman assumes that the original use of the term must have come from a military context. 71
70F
67
Although his criticisms are in the context of biblical theology, Barr basically warns his reader of making similar
linguistic arguments in The Semantics of Biblical Language. In this work he is interested in criticizing methods
used in the handling of linguistic evidence in such theological discussions. Barr comments: “[a]s soon, therefore,
as the semantics of the words, within the period of the texts and the language of the texts, are neglected, the
interpreter has arrogated to himself a very large power of selectivity over the material. […] Whatever be the
answer to it, however, it is clear that there is no such question about the meaning of words, as distinct from texts.
Words can only be intelligibly interpreted by what they meant at the time of their use, within the language
system used by the speakers or writer;” see J. Barr, The Semantics of Biblical Language (Oxford: OUP, 1961), 139-40.
68
Such ‘false-friends’ as they are called by linguists, are apparent between many languages; for example, if I were
to try to understand the meaning of ‘manifestation’ in English by looking to the French manifestation, I might be
led to believe that a manifestation was a demonstration (which is how one would generally translate the French
into English).
69
See Schiffman, The Halakhah at Qumran, 60-68.
70
The article in Hebrew is Weinfeld, " המונחים וגלגולי התפתחותם בישראל ובעולם העתיק- הברית והחסד,"
Leshonenu 36 (1972): 85-105.
71
See Schiffman, The Halakhah at Qumran, 64.
Chapter 1: Introduction
29
He proceeds to say that the usual usage of סר"ךin the DSS is to introduce “a set of
regulations,” and he concludes that the regulations that the term introduces should be seen as
a “list of halakhot.” 72 He supports his conclusion by devising a historical development that
71F
assumes the term began its existence with a semantic range limited to military orders, and
then expanded to include the orders and instructions (halakhot) themselves.73
72F
Another treatment of the term comes at the beginning of Weinfeld’s monograph entitled The
Organizational Pattern and the Penal Code of the Qumran Sect (1986). After reviewing the
various attempts to translate the term, he reminds his readers of the root’s Semitic etymology:
according to his etymology, סר''ךoriginally connoted ‘twisting’ a thread, a meaning that
remains in the Syriac ܣܪܟas well as the rabbinic סר"ך, which were then extended to mean
‘to tie,’ ‘to adhere,’ and by extension ‘to follow;’ thus, custom or habit. 74 His conclusions are
thus: “the term serek should be ‘understood as ‘bond’ in the sense of binding rules (= the
code).” 75 According to his survey, this primary sense was then extended to create a threefold
semantic range in which סר"ךmeant: (1) a set of rules; (2) a military unit; or, (3) a political or
religious association. 76 The first two meanings are already dealt with by Schiffman (above) and
75F
72
See ibid., 67.
73
See ibid., 68.
74
As he points out, these basic meanings are also attested in Arabic, Akkadian and Hittite; see Weinfeld, The
Organizational Pattern and the Penal Code of the Qumran Sect: A Comparison with Guilds and Religious
Associations of the Hellenistic-Roman Period (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986), 10-11.
75
See ibid., 11.
76
See ibid., 13.
Chapter 1: Introduction
30
have good evidence to support them, but his third category should be scrutinized. 77 The
problem with his conclusions is that he assumes that the usage of סר"ךmust stem from the
same root that Jastrow had traced for his Rabbinic dictionary. However, this does not have to
be the case. As happens very often, we may be dealing with a different root סר"ך, which has a
separate etymological history, having a completely different semantic range.78
7F
We are left, after this survey, with a large semantic range for the root סר"ך: usage, example,
habit, custom; rank, post, ordinance; list, row, set, arrangement; battle array, military unit;
political or religious association. 79 In order to understand how this root unifies M, S, Sa, Sb and
78F
D, it is crucial that one understand precisely how this term was used in situ, rather than
devising etymologies. In order to complete a Gestalt paradigm of the serek texts, a systematic
survey of the term’s use in every occurrence in the DSS must be undertaken. Once this is
completed, it should be possible to establish first what it signifies, and second to determine
how it was used by the Qumran covenanters to express their particular conceptualization of
77
A. Schofield also includes a small section on serek in her book, although she does not have insights which go far
beyond Schiffman and Weinfeld; see Schofield, From Qumran to the Yahad: A New Paradigm of Textual
Development for the Community Rule (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 153-54. Also, Alexander summarizes the scholarship on
the term serek in his EDSS article, and he basically concludes that serek has the same connotations as the Greek
τάξις; see P. S. Alexander, "Rules," in Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York: OUP, 2000), 799. Finally, in a
recent commentary on M, Ibba gives three meanings for the term serek: regola ‘rule/law’ (1QM 3:3, 13; 5:3, 4; 6:16;
7:17; 8:14; 9:10; 13:1; 14:19 15:4, 5; 16:3), elenco ‘list/catalogue’ (1QM 4:6, 9, 11), and comando ‘order/command’ (1QM
6:10, 11, 14; 7:1; 18:6); see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica (Torino: Silvio Zamorani Editore, 1998), 28788.
78
Most recently, the term serek has been taken up by B. W. Conklin. His conclusions are that serek is a Persian
loanword, which originally meant ‘head,’ see Conklin, "Alleged Derivations of the Dead Sea Scroll Term SEREK,"
JSS 52.1 (2007): 45-46.
79
The results have been summarized in The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 6, 199-200.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
31
the world. Once this is established, one can draw conclusions about the type of information
the covenanters hoped to communicate via the root סר"ך.
2 Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
A survey of the frequency of the root סר''ךin the DSS yields approximately 80 occurrences;
however, if one excludes the instances in the Cave 4 parallels, one yields a tally of only about
50. 80 These are spread primarily amongst four documents: M (25 times), S (8 times), Sa (4
times) and D (10 times). 81 These occurrences will form the basis of my analysis, the results of
which are summarized in Appendices B and C. Given the survey of scholarship on the root
סר"ךabove, my conclusion is that few scholars would deny that סר"ךdenotes in many
instances an ‘arranging’ or ‘laying out.’ Thus, it is within this semantic range that my analysis
will start. In the following sections, I have chosen the term ‘disposition’ to categorize each
semantic range of the root סר"ךin the DSS, because this is to my mind the most neutral term
in the English language that connotes ‘arranging’ and ‘laying out.’ It will be my purpose,
through semantic categorization, to understand what sort of worldview the Qumran
80
This count does not include the parallels which occur in the Cave 4 materials. Where they do occur, the texts
read the same as the best intact witnesses from Cave 1 and the Cairo Genizah. The only exception is 1QS 1:16, the
Cave 4 parallel of which uses a different preposition before the word ;סרךsee Appendix A.
81
Outside of these documents, the root only arises a handful of times, in relatively damaged texts. Given their
condition, I will only include their analysis in the footnotes. Three times the root occurs in 4QHoroscope (4Q186
f2i 2:1-6), an astrological text with some words written in a cryptic script, and once again in another Cave 4 work,
4QAgesCreata which appears to describe periods of human history; see J. M. Allegro and A. A. Anderson,
"4QHoroscope (olim 4QCryptic)," in DJD 5, 88-91. In addition to these, there are three more occurrences, one
each in 4Q284 f1:6 (4QPurification Liturgy), 4Q287 f4:1 (4QBlessingsb) and 4Q421 f1:i,3 (4QWays of
Righteousnessb). There is a possible fourth in 4Q287 f4:1 (4QBerb) although the text is broken and the context is
hard to discern; for the publication see B. Nitzan, "4QBerakhotb," in DJD 11, 49-60.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
32
covenanters were describing when using —סר"ךi.e., what do the semantics of this term in
context tell us about the social reality of their world.
2.1 Spatial Disposition
The first semantic category into which the root סר"ךmight be placed can be called ‘spatial
disposition.’ I have used the descriptor ‘spatial’ here since it is used to organize physical
objects or information into space in a general manner. Thus, under this rubric, סר"ךmeans in
a simple and general way ‘to list,’ ‘to layout’ or ‘to organize,’ synonymously to the BH ער"ךor
סד"ר. As a nominal, the noun � ֶס ֶרin this category can be translated as list, layout,
arrangement or order (without the connotation of commanding). This meaning was already
described by Yadin when he noted that � ֶס ֶרcan be translated in a manner that approximates
סידורmeaning arrangement. 82
81F
There are at least 15 examples of the root סר"ךbeing used in M in a manner meaning “plan” or
“layout.” The first comes in 1QM 1:1, being the first line of the scroll, after which the beginnings
of the eschatological war are described:83
82F
̇ל ֯מ]שכיל סרך[ המלחמה84
For i[nstruction: the Layout of] the war 85
82
See Yadin, 347 ,מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושך.
83
The translations of the DSS in this chapter are my own unless otherwise stated.
84
This is the reconstruction according to Abegg’s critical edition; see Abegg, The War Scroll from Qumran Caves 1
and 4: A Critical Edition (Cincinnati, Ohio: Hebrew Union College Dissertation, 1992), 212.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
33
The most prevalent translation of this line has been “Rule (Règle) of the War;” taken without
reservation or explanation. 86 It must be pointed out that after this title, the scribe begins to
depict the first stages of the eschatological war: the enemies are listed and a chronology of
sorts is laid out. Nowhere in this section of M are regulations or principles given; neither is a
code nor body of regulations provided. Furthermore, what follows cannot properly be called a
single rule or regulation on its own. Thus, the term appears to be used here as a noun meaning
‘layout’ or ‘arrangement’ in the sense that the initial events of the War of the Kittim are
described as they will occur according to a particular, imagined chronology. Given the
eschatological dimensions of the description, this instance of סר"ךmight also be described as
conceptual; the motivation is to describe an imagined space that has not yet come to pass in
concrete terms.
This is not the only example of the root סר"ךbeing used in a spatial manner. The next
example comes several lines down in 1QM 2:6, this time occurring as a participle. In the
85
It should be pointed out that this instance of serek is a reconstructed reading; however, there is nearly universal
acceptance of the suggestion by Milik that the line should contain סרך. See Milik, "Review of Sukenik," RB 62
(1955): 598. Given the number of times that M uses the term, it is quite reasonable to assume that here too the
line contained סרך. Nearly every translation—baring Duhaime’s and Ibba’s which leave out the word—includes
the restored serek. See Duhaime, "War Scroll," in The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with
English Translations, PTSDSSP 2: Damascus Document, War Scroll and Related Documents (Tübingen - Louisville:
J. C. B. Mohr - Westminster/John Knox Press, 1995), 97. See also Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 63.
86
See J. P. van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction (Leiden: Brill, 1959), 35.
See also B. Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction (Te Assen:
Van Gorcum, 1962), 60. In addition, see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 165. For another, see
Abegg, "The War Scroll," in The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation (San Francisco: HarperCollins, 2005), 147. In
Yadin’s translation, made in conjunction with the Rabins, they translate: “And th[is is the book of the disposition
of] the war;” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 256. This translation
should be considered quite suitable here, especially if we bear in mind the definition of disposition; that is, an
action of setting in order or an arrangement; see The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on Historical Principles,
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), 532.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
34
context of this passage, the priests and their respective courses during the War of the
Divisions are described. The subject of this sentence is the sacrifices that will be set up:
... את כול אלה יסרוכו במועד שנת השמטה...
They shall lay out all these during the appointed time of the year of remission.
Here we are catapulted into a future time-frame after the Sons of Light have been restored to
their temple service. G. Vermes, Duhaime and M. Abegg all translate “they shall arrange” in
this instance, meaning—they will arrange the sacrifices.87 Given the context, it is hard to
imagine another meaning for the verb, and indeed this is the regular meaning given to the Qal
סר"ךin the DCH. 88 Given this meaning, it is possible to connect סר"ךhere to BH ;ער"ךfor
example, in Lev 1:7-8 one finds the root ער"ךused in the context of placing parts of a sacrifice
on the altar: ...—וערכו בני אהרון הכהנים את הנתחיםand Aaron’s sons, the priests, shall lay out
the sections. Thus, once again, we see that the term is used to describe the organization of
objects in a conceptual space, at the same time being brought into a future scenario. Thus, the
motivation here is to describe the future in a concrete manner; that is, the covenanters were
motivated by the desire to see their imagined future in terms that were as concrete as if they
were describing present circumstances.
87
See Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 167, and Duhaime, "War Scroll," 99. For Abegg’s
translation, see Wise, "Charter of a Jewish Sectarian Association," in The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation (New
York: HarperCollins, 2005), 149. Yadin translates this instance as —יבצעוthey will carry out / accomplish; see
Yadin, 267 , מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושךn.6; ibid. However, in his English edition, he chooses to translate
“they shall dispose at the time of the sabbatical year;” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against
the Sons of Darkness, 264. In this case, van der Ploeg also paraphrases this verbal form with the line: “ils
assigneront leurs postes”—they will assign their posts; see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté
avec une introduction, 36.
88
See The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 6, 199.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
35
In the third column of M, after the inception of the War of the Divisions has been recounted,
the scribes begin to catalogue in detail the precise characteristics of the banners that soldiers
will be required to bring into battle (1QM 3:13). The section begins with the following line:
...סרך אותות כול העדה למסורותם
(This is the) arrangement of the standards of the whole congregation according to
their enrollment…
Here the author goes on to describe a precise ranking for how the standards will be presented
in the future eschatological War of the Divisions in order for the Sons of Light to triumph in
battle: on each is written a particular formula, which could be likened unto a magic spell that
will conduct the enemy to their destruction. They are arranged in a precise order in this
passage: first the grand banner, then the banners of the heads of the camps, next the standard
of the tribe, and so forth. Yadin claims that this instance of סר"ךhas the connotation of MH
—תקנוןa set of rules or regulations; however, it is difficult to see how this meaning would
work here. Recognizing this perhaps, in his English translation he uses ‘disposition,’ a word
which he will use to translate nearly every instance of סר"ךin M. 89 The majority of translators
have chosen a variation of ‘rule’ to translate סר"ךin this passage; however, again in context
this meaning is hart to support. 90 Despite these translations, סר"ךis best rendered here as
89
For the comments on ;תקנוןsee Yadin, 276 , מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושךn. 12. For his English translation of
this passage see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 270. The only times
that Yadin does not use ‘disposition’ or ‘to dispose’ in his English translation are when he simply transcribes the
word as serek (see below).
90
See van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 38. See also Jongeling, Le
Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 122 & 27. A further translation can
be found in Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 97. Another can be found in Duhaime, "War Scroll," 103.
Finally, see Abegg, "The War Scroll," 150.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
36
arrangement, since this is not a principle or regulation, but rather it a description of how the
standards will be arranged. As in 1QM 1:1, this instance can be described as conceptual, as it
imagines a future spatial arrangement of objects that has not come to pass.
The next example of סר"ךbeing used in a spatial manner comes in 1QM 4:6 within a section
describing the standards:
...ואחריהם כול סרך פרוש שמותם...
…and after these, the entire list of the details of their names...
Most scholars have agreed that this instance of סר"ךmeans something akin to ‘list.’ 91 I would
claim that most of these translators, with the exception of B. Jongeling, have been forced to
expand upon their usual translation of סר"ךas ‘rule’ or ‘order,’ because this rendering simply
cannot be supported in the context of 1QM 4:6. And indeed, the DCH, translates this line as
the “list of the details of their names.” 92 Here the editors of DCH bring together the meaning of
פרושas it is in CD 4:4 and its variation in 4:6: הנה פרוש שמותיהםtranslated in the DCH as
91
Van der Ploeg translates this instance as “la série [ ]?סרךde leurs noms (bien) exprimés [( ”]?פרושmy italics),
although it is unclear which terms he is translating; see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté
avec une introduction, 39. Jongeling translates: “et après cela l’indication [ ]פרושcomplete de leurs noms en ordre
[( ”]סרךmy italics); see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction,
133. Here he tries his best to twist the passage thereby forcing into his translation ‘order,’ although it cannot be
accepted given the syntax of the line. Ibba translates “tutta la lista dei loro nomi”—the entire list of their names;
see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 102. Ibba explains his choice more precisely in his note where he
gives a literal reading: “Tutto l’elenco dettagliato dei loro nomi”—The entire detailed list of their names. He notes
that the elenco (list) in this context is translating פרוש, which is interesting because Ibba has also used elenco to
translate סרךin other contexts. Duhaime translates: “... and after these the whole ordered [ ]?סרךlist [ ]?פרושof
their names.” Abegg appears to have followed Jongeling with: “and after these the list [ ]?פרושof their names in
full [ ”;]?סרךsee Abegg, "The War Scroll," 151.
92
See The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 6, 200.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
37
“behold, (there/here are) the details of their names.” 93 Also in CD 15:2: בה כל פרוש השם, DCH
translates the line as “in it (i.e., the law of Moses) are all the details, i.e., the full spelling, of the
name (of Y).” 94 The DCH, I would argue, has produced the best translation for this line, a
translation that would put this instance of סר"ךunder the rubric of spatial organization:
meaning a general list or layout of the names, which shows their relation to one another in
conceptual space. Once again, within this eschatological context, this instance of סר"ךcan be
described as conceptual—it visualizes a physical banner that will present itself in the future
upon which will be written significant names, accompanied by ‘details’ that qualify each of
the names. This is a striking image, especially given the presumption in Second Temple times
that knowledge of a human or divine name carried with it great influence and effective power
over the name-sake.95 We have here effectively the description of a magical military tool that
94F
will materialize in the future.
The next example comes in 1QM 4:9, a section that introduces the order of the standards for
the whole congregation to be used during the war:
...סרך אותות העדה בצאתם למלחמה
(This is the) arrangement of the standards of the congregation. When they march
out for battle…
93
See ibid., 760.
94
See Baumgarten, DJD 18, 103-04.
95
For example, see comments from M. Rose in his article on the Names of God in the OT: “the knowledge of the
name opens up specific human dimensions for communication and for fellowship. The one who knows the name
of a god or a human can appeal to them. The knowledge of the name can thereby have effective power. Magic
and incantations attempt to use this knowledge through techniques which exploit the influence of the name;”
see Rose, "Names of God in the OT," in ABD, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c.1992), 1002.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
38
Once again, we are within an end-time context in which the covenanters conceptualize
banners that will be used during the War of the Divisions. That is, they are describing the
layout of the standards of the congregation with their relative insignias, as they will appear.96
The spatial order of these banners, to be presented during this future time, are described in
concrete terms as if they already existed.
In the next column of M, a new section begins in which the layout for the arming of various
divisions is described (1QM 5:3):
...סרך לסדר דגלי המלחמה
The layout for the order of fighting battalions…
Here it is hard to conceptualize the description given in M as a set of principles or regulations,
or further as a code of discipline. 97 It is easier to understand this instance as a spatial
arrangement—a layout of the battalions as they will look on the ground at a future time. Here
the precise number of soldiers in each division is related, including an exact portrayal of the
divine weapons that will be forged in gold, silver bronze and encrusted in jewels (1QM 5:5-6)
96
This is similar to Ibba’s assessment; he translates serek here as “ordinamento,”—arrangement—and he
comments that “the term סרךcan point either to [the word] ‘rule’ or ‘arrangement:’ “Il termine סרךpuò indicare
sia ‘regola’ che ‘ordinamento.’ Il contesto monstra che si vuole elencare, secondo un certo ordine stabilito, la
disposizione delle insegne della congregazione con le relative scritte,” see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione
Critica, 104. Both van der Ploeg and Jongeling translate this instance as “règle.” Yadin’s English translation prefers
once again “disposition;” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 276.
Here van der Ploeg and Jongeling both translate serek as ‘règle,’ in addition to translating לסדרas a Piʿel
infinitive construct with lamed-preposition; see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une
introduction, 40.; and Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction,
144. Yadin in his English translation uses “disposition;” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against
the Sons of Darkness, 278. Duhaime also translates this phrase as “(This is the) rule to array the fighting
battalions,” construing it as a title, and taking לסדרas an infinitive construct with lamed-preposition; see
Duhaime, "War Scroll," 107. While Abegg generally translates serek as ‘rule,’ he takes לסדרin this instance as a
verbal noun, rendering it ‘for arranging; see Abegg, "The War Scroll," 152.
97
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
39
for the occasion, reading more like a vision of the future than a set of regulations. In each of
these sections, the author goes on to paint a picture that includes magical military
paraphernalia, the dimensions of the banners, the magic formulas to be written on each, and
the specific spatial make-up of the fighting battalions.
The next example comes in 1QM 9:10—a rather damaged part of the scroll. Here, there
appears to be a description of a tactical maneuver that the scribes name ‘towers’:
סרך לשנות סדר דגלי המלחמה
The layout for changing the order of the battle divisions…
There is general agreement that סר"ךshould be translated as ‘rule’ here.98 It must be
emphasized that what follows this instance of סר"ך, once again, is not a list of instructions,
but rather a description of the maneuver itself. In this instance, סר"ךintroduces a conceptual
picture of a spatial organization that will manifest in the future.
The final use of סר"ךin this manner in M comes in 1QM 15:5, which describes the first
engagement in the War of the Divisions:
ס[[פר סרך עתו עם כול דברי הודותם
Book of the Arrangement of his Time including all the words of thanksgiving
98
See van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 44. See also Jongeling, Le
Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 238. Finally, see Duhaime, "War
Scroll," 115. Yadin connects this passage with 1QM 5:3; however, he does not comment about the word ;סרך
however, in his English translation he uses ‘disposition; see Yadin, 312 & 286 ,מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושך. For
his English translation see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 300.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
40
This use of סר"ךintroduces a book—the contents of which is not entirely known—often
translated as the ‘Book of Rule of his Time.’ 99 Yadin, in regard to this, comments:
( הוונו למעשה "סרך )סרד, שהכיל את סרך התפילות לעתים ולמועדים השונוים, שהכוונה לסרד,יש להניח
..."]או[ "סידור,"התפילות
One has to suppose that the intention is to organize, that it contained the serek of the
prayers for the times and for the different holy days; that is—indeed—a “serek
(arrangement) of prayers,” [or] a “siddur (prayer-book; lit., arrangement of prayers)…”
(my translation). 100
Despite his explanation in the Hebrew edition, in his English translation Yadin leaves in
transliteration the words: “Serek ʿItto.” 101 If one reads the term in context, the best translation
would be in a spatial sense; i.e., in the sense of a physical list or layout, as Yadin had put forth
in suggesting a connection with seder. Either the book was a physical list of various prayers, or
it was a chronological list of events that would come to pass. In either case, it is a spatial
ordering of information in ink on parchment.
The first example of סר"ךbeing used in a spatial sense in D comes in CD 7:6-7 (CD 19:3 adds
[)]אשר היה קדם. The context of the larger section in which these lines are found is of a
summary of certain duties of members:
99
Ibba gives “lib]ro della regola del suo tempo” but he does not comment on his choice of words to translate
serek; see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 204-05. Others who choose to translate ‘rule’ are Duhaime
and Abegg; see Duhaime, "War Scroll," 129. Finally see Abegg, "The War Scroll," 161.
100
See Yadin, 347 ,מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושך. Van der Ploeg does not restore the word ‘book’ but rather
translates the phrase as: ‘plan de campagne’—battle plan—or as he phrases it literally: ‘«l’ordre de son temps» =
le schema chronologique;’ see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 166.
Jongeling is perhaps the first to suggest that this line should be read simply as ‘règle.’ He does not comment about
his specific choice of words despite the fact that he acknowledges that the meaning evoked by van der Ploeg’s
translation is without doubt present in the term serek here; see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits
de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 328.
101
See Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, ad loc.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
41
... נשים והולידו בנים והתהלכו על פי התורה7 ואם מחנות ישבו כסרך הארץ ]אשר היה קדם[ ולקחו...
… and if they live in camps according to the layout of the land and take 7 wives and
beget children and walk according to the instruction…
As regards the whole passage, it has been pointed out by several scholars that the reference to
members living in camps and living according to the � ֶס ֶרof the land is out of place, given that
this section is inserted between the promise that they will live for a thousand generations in
7:6, and a warning that begins in 7:9. 102 Given the semantic range devised in the examples
above, one should render this instance as: ‘in the camps according to the layout of the land’ (in
CD 19:3 adding אשר היה קדם: “which existed formerly”). 103 While this passage could be
102F
referring to an earlier time when members had lived in camps, one possible reading is to take
this camp to be the same as the war camps described in M. It is likely that these camps are the
war camps that would form during the War of the Divisions, and that this section of D is also
describing an imagined future, end-time scenario.104 If this is the case, then this first instance
103F
does not refer to a ‘rule,’ or ‘law’ of the land, but rather to a particular physical layout that will
occur in a future wartime scenario. Since this would be a layout that would exist in the
102
See Knibb, The Qumran Community (Cambridge: CUP, 1987), 55. See also A. Rubenstein, "Urban Halakhah and
Camp Rules in the 'Cairo Fragments of a Damascene Covenant'," Sefarad 12 (1952): 293. In addition, see J.
Murphy-O'Connor, "A Literary Analysis of Damascus Document VI, 2-VIII, 3," RB 78 (1971): 222. Finally, see J.G.
Campbell, The Use of Scripture in the Damascus Document (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1995), 137.
103
Baumgarten and Schwartz, in addition to Knibb, have regarded this instance of the term serek to mean ‘rule;’
thus, according to the rule of the land; see Baumgarten and Schwartz, "Damascus Document (CD)," in The Dead
Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations, PTSDSSP 2: Damascus Document, War
Scroll and Related Documents (Tübingen - Louisville: J. C. B. Mohr - Westminster/John Knox Press, 1995), 25. See
also Knibb, The Qumran Community, 52. J. F. Elwolde, however, has argued that this instance of serek does not
make good sense in its own right, and thus should be amended to ;כדרך הארץin other words, if they live in
camps “in the customary way;” see Elwolde, "Distinguishing the Linguistic and the Exegetical: The Biblical Book
of Numbers in the Damascus Document," DSD 7.1 (2000): 14.
104
This hypothesis is taken up further in Chapter 2 below.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
42
future—a future inspired by Num 1-2—it can be concluded that in D this instance of סר"ך
describes a layout based upon that given in Numbers. In this way, the camps did not yet exist;
their arrangement existed in the minds of the covenanters as inspired by Numbers.
The second example of the root סר"ךto be used in a spatial manner in D comes in CD A 7:8
(which parallels CD B 19:2-4). The context of the larger section in which these lines are found
is a summary of certain duties of members:
... לבנו9 כסרך התורה כאשר אמר בין איש לאשתו ובין אב...
… according to the arrangement of the Τorah, as it says: “Between a man and his wife
and between a father 9 and his son (Num 30:17)”
What would it mean to do something “according to the serek of the Torah (instruction)”? If we
can assume that תורהrefers to the Law of Moses here, then perhaps a logical translation of
סר"ךwould be ‘rule,’ as in “according to the rule of the Law.” However, one might ask why the
scribes did not simply write כתורה, since ‘Torah’ appears to suffice in most instances in the
Hebrew Bible when the law is being referred to.105 While translating כסרך התורהas ‘according
to the rule of the Law’ is possible—a variation of which is accepted by most translators—the
passage can also be translated in accordance with the manner סר"ךis most often used in M.
This would yield: “according to the plan/layout of the Torah.” If this is the case, the author may
simply be stating something akin to: according to what is laid out in the Torah. Given that the
Torah would be given by God through his prophet Moses, then the conceptual world that is
described in those sacred texts would have been thought of by the covenanters as His Plan or
105
E.g., Jos 8:32; 23:6; Judg 4:11; 1Kgs 2:3; and, 2 Kgs 14:6.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
43
Design; that is, the Torah would have within it—according to its nigleh meaning—the
imagined, conceptual spatial arrangement for a future time. Thus, ‘according to the layout of
the Torah’——כסרך התורהcan be read as ‘according to His divine plan or design of His Law.’
The third example in D comes in CD 10:4. In this section we encounter a list that lays out the
physical arrangement of judges of the congregation, according to their ages and number:
...וזה סרך לשפטי העדה
And this is the arrangement for the judges of the congregation…
It is interesting to point out that Dupont-Sommer notes in his edition that “[t]he function of
these judges is not entirely clear;” 106 that is, we are really only given information about the
physical makeup of the judges, not about their duties as such. The passage goes on to state
that judges will be between 25 and 60 years of age, and continues to lay out the makeup of the
judiciary—ten in total; four of Levi and Aaron and six from Israel. The ‘layout of the judges’ is
discussed in terms of the ages of the judges and their relative numbers, but not in terms of
their duties. Despite this, translators are unanimous in their translations of this instance as
‘rule.’ 107 This is not a ‘rule,’ but rather a physical arrangement of the makeup of the body of
106
See A. Dupont-Summer, The Essene Writings from Qumran, trans. Geza Vermes (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith,
1973), 151 n. 2.
107
Baumgarten and Schwartz render the line “And this is the rule for the judges of the congregation...;” see
Baumgarten and Schwartz, "Damascus Document (CD)," 45. Vermes translates this line in the exact same manner
except he types it in italics to make it stand out as a title, see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English,
141. Knibb does not translate CD 9-16 since according to him it is only of a legislative character; see Knibb, The
Qumran Community, 13. Hempel translates in exactly the same manner; she also notes that the term serek is often
used to mean ‘rule,’ and she points to Schiffman’s Halakhah at Qumran (see above) for a discussion of the term;
see Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction, 100-01. Finally, Wise uses
‘This is the rule for the judges of the nation,” see Wise, "Charter of a Jewish Sectarian Association," 71. While it
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
44
judges. 108 It should be pointed out that the regulations that do follow this section starting in
10:10 are headed by עלmeaning ‘concerning’ (CD 10:10; 14), which appears to start a new
section. Whether this is an imagined layout, or whether it described a social reality must be
left as a question for debate. If we accept that D describes a future arrangement that will form
during the War of the Divisions (as was postulated for CD 7:6-7 above), then this description
of the makeup of the body of judges can be described as a spatial arrangement for the
future—based upon a conceptual model gleaned from the Scripture.
The next example of the root סר"ךcomes in CD 12:19 (parallel text in 4Q266 f5ii:14); a section
which describes the settlement of the towns of Israel:
הטמא לטהור ולהודיע בין הקודש לחול20 סרך מושב ערי ישראל על המשפטים ̇האלה להבדיל בין19
19
The layout of the settlement of the towns of Israel is in accordance with these laws
[i.e., the aforementioned laws in 10:10-12:8]: to separate between 20 the impure and the
pure and to distinguish between holy and profane.
It has been noted by scholars that this header also appears out of place. According to Hempel,
it is either a conclusion to the description of laws that came before from 10:10-12:18, or it is a
might seem that this should be the most straightforward reading of the passage, upon closer evaluation it is
possible to see the term serek in a manner parallel again to the usage in M.
108
In modern, legalistic terms, the difference between ‘principles’ and ‘regulations’ is subtle, but worth clarifying:
a principle is “a basic rule, law or doctrine” whereas a regulation is “a rule having legal force, backed by an
administrative agency or a local government;” see Black's Law Dictionary, 7 ed. (St. Paul, Minn: West Group, 1999),
1211. It is important to emphasize that modern legal definitions will not apply exactly to the ancient context of
the DSS. In modern legal parlance, there are specific definitions for such terms as ‘regulation,’ ‘statute,’ ‘principle’
and ‘ordinance.’ Each of these terms constitutes the force of a particular jurisdiction. Because of this ambiguity, it
is important to define what one means when one speaks about ‘law’ generally as a concept. Legal language can be
defined as that which points to a collection of precepts by which, to some level, a legislative body is in charge of
and according to which it may prescribe what it considers to be normative and persecute what it considers to be
deviant; see ibid., 889.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
45
‘bridge’ between the rules of the camp and the rules of the town. 109 However, reading this
passage using a conceptualization of סר"ךmeaning physical ‘arrangement’ or ‘layout’ helps to
make it fit into its current context in a more logical manner. The entire section from 10:10-12:18
lists various laws dealing with purity. After these laws are stated, the scribe concludes by
saying that the towns of Israel will have to live by these laws——המשפטים האלהthat is,
according to the laws from 10:10-12:18. In other words: “The layout of the settlement of the
towns of Israel is in accordance with these laws: …” In this manner, it is possible to read these
purity laws as part of the spatial, conceptual arrangement of the cities of Israel that will be
inhabited by the Sons of Light in the end time. The laws themselves in this section are not
referred to as serakhim, but rather they are referred to as mishpatim. The serek here refers to
the spatial arrangement.
In CD 12:22 another section begins with the root סר"ך, a section which at first glance appears
to catalogue what have generally been taken to be some of the ‘rules’ for those living in camps:
...וזה סרך מושב המחנות
This is the arrangement of the assembly of the camps…
Hempel recognizes that this section can be compared to CD 14:3-6 (see below). She states:
“[w]hen one compares the make-up of the meetings of all the camps [...] to the make-up of the
meetings of individual camps [...] a difference in scale can be noticed” (my italics).110 Despite
the fact that she translates סר"ךas ‘rule,’ she seems to recognize that the content of these
109
See Hempel, The Damascus Texts, 50.
110
See Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction, 134.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
46
sections are about the spatial make-up of the meetings rather than being about specific
judicial regulations regarding these meetings. This section emphasizes that every
congregation making up a minyan must contain at least one priest knowledgeable in the ‘Book
of Hagu.’ The passage is based in part on the organization in the wilderness of Ex 18:21-25, a
configuration that Jethro recommended to Moses. Translators of D have unanimously
translated this instance of סר"ךas ‘rule;’ 111 however, given the manner of information that
follows this instance, we can conclude once again that a better translation would be layout in
a spatial sense. The information that the root סר"ךorganizes is not judicial—connotations
that ‘rule’ or ‘ordinance’ would evoke—but rather, the noun � ֶס ֶרintroduces a description of
the physical arrangement of a camp. Once again, if we concede that these camps in D could be
the camps of the War of the Divisions, then this ‘arrangement’ could be described as an
imagined space that will only come to form in the future end time. 112
1F
111
See ibid., 107. See also Baumgarten and Schwartz, "Damascus Document (CD)," 53. In addition, see Vermes, The
Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 143. Finally, see Wise, "Charter of a Jewish Sectarian Association," 74.
112
There are three other instances of the occurrence of serek in what have most often been described as nonserek-like texts (although it is difficult to know their exact make-ups given their fragmentary natures). They may
in fact have been part of serek-like texts, but their fragmentary nature will not allow us to determine this with any
certainty. The first instance comes from a text known as 4QAges of Creation A (4Q180); published in Allegro and
Anderson, DJD 5, 77-79. The text appears to describe several periods of human history, and the fragment in
question lists the generation after Noah (4Q180 f1:4):
...[זה סרך בנ]י נוח משם לאברהם...
This is the list of the son[s of Noah, from Shem to Abraham…]
This passage is translated by Milik as “This is the order of generations after the creation of Adam and from Noah
to] Abraham” translating his text: [זה סרך ̇ב ֯ר]יאת אדם ומנוח לאברהם.... See Milik, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic
Fragments of Qumrân Cave 4 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 249-51. However one decides to reconstruct the
text, it is clear that the author intended to provide his reader with a physical list of sorts, cataloguing a
genealogical list. This list creates a geneological space in which the descendants of Noah are placed beside each
other along a continuum. The next example that can be given of this use of serek can be drawn from
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
47
2.1.1 Summary
There are at least 16 examples of the root סר"ךbeing used in the DSS to describe a spatial
relationship between objects or concepts, whether showing the physical make-up of a camp,
or introducing the layout of written names upon banners. In each of these instances, סר"ך
denoted the ‘ordering’ of objects or concepts in spatial terms, rather than introducing a list of
legal precepts. In nearly all of the examples given, the space that was described was an
imagined space that would only come about in a future, end-time scenario. Thus, as regards
social motivation in these instances, one can conclude that the root סר"ךwas chosen
specifically by the covenanters because they hoped to describe their imagined future in
concrete, spatial terms, thereby leaving no room for doubt that their particular physical
conceptualization for the future was the true conceptualization.
4QHoroscope (4Q186, olim 4Qcryptic); published in Allegro and Anderson, DJD 5, 88-91, where the scribes
describe the physical characteristics of someone born under a particular zodiacal sign (4Q186 f2i 2-3):
3
...ושניו דקות ויושבות על סרכמה...
...and his teeth 3 [are] fine and sit in their order…
In this occurrence, the idiom appears rather obviously to mean ‘in order,’ in a physical sense. In idiomatic
English, it can be rendered as: ‘his teeth (are) fine and sit in (good) order.’ Again, behind this usage is a
description of a physical series—in this case a series of teeth—being in their proper arrangement. The final
example that can be given of this use of serek can be drawn from 4QHoroscope (4Q186, olim 4Qcryptic; published
in ibid.), in which the scribes describe the physical characteristics on someone born under a particular zodiacal
sign (4Q186 f2i 1):
סרך ]ע[יניו בין שחורות וב]ין[ הגריות וזקנו
The order/’shade’ of his eyes is between black and light and his beard
One might intuitively choose to translate serek in this instance as ‘shade’ since the passage qualifies serek as
being a range between dark and light. In essence, this is what a shade is: a technical term describing continuum
between two extremes; i.e., an ordering of qualities along a continuum.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
48
2.2 Hierarchical Disposition
The second semantic category into which the root סר"ךcan be placed might be called
‘hierarchical disposition.’ Under this rubric, סר"ךmeans more specifically ‘to list,’ or ‘to
arrange’ in a hierarchical manner; thus, it can also mean ‘to rank.’ This rubric can be seen as
an extension of the spatial disposition described above: conceptual or physical objects are
arranged; however, here the emphasis is upon the ranking of the arrangement. As a noun, the
term � ֶס ֶרin this category can be translated as rank, hierarchy, class or ranking.
The first example of this hierarchical disposition comes near the beginning of S (1QS 1:16-17)
where the scribe explains the admission of members into the community:
... ככול אשר צוה17 וכול הבאים לסרך היחד יעבורו בברית לפי אל לעשות
…thus all those who enter into the hierarchy (4QSb 2:1 reads )בסרךof the community
shall cross over into a covenant before God in order to act 17 according to everything
which he had commanded…
It is interesting to note that the only other place that this term occurs in construct with the
noun יחדcomes in 1QS 1:1; for this reason, several scholars have translated this instance of
סר"ךas a repetition of the title of the document in 1:1.113 However, in the context of the passage
12F
it makes good sense to think of individuals as ‘entering into the hierarchy of the community,’
113
For example, Qimron and Charlesworth translate the line as ‘all those who are entering shall cross over into the
covenant before God by the Rule of the Community…;’ see Qimron and Charlesworth, "Rule of the Community
(1QS)," in The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations. Vol. 1: Rule of the
Community and Related Documents (Tübingen - Louisville: J. C. B. Mohr - Westminster/John Knox Press, 1994), 9.
This sort of translation was also used by Vermes in his revised edition where he simply translates ‘Community
Rule;’ see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 99. In a similar way, although in a more consistent
manner, Knibb translates ‘all those who join the order of the community shall enter into a covenant before
God…;’ see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 82. However, this time in his note he does not talk about hierarchy
and states that “[e]ntry into the community involved entry into a covenant to serve God faithfully” (84).
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
49
their place in which will be determined by their insight and deeds (cf., 1QS 5:23). Taken this
way, the scribe is depicting an idealized, conceptual space in which the Sons of Light will be
organized perfectly according to their predetermined rank as commanded by God. Given the
phrase ככל אשר צוה, one has to conclude that this describes a perfect, predetermined ranking.
In this deterministic framework, there is no room for error. However, we find out later in 1QS
that the covenanters also had to devise specific regulations to account for the transgressions
of errant Sons of Light. Thus, their social reality—the social space in which they actually
lived—had to account for Sons of Light who were less than perfect. Their �—ס ֶרthat
ֶ
is, the
measure of their perfected reality—did not have room for such anomalies. Their conceptual
world was idealized and imagined to be perfect. Thus, while this portion of S does not describe
a future reality, it does describe a moralized space that is set up according to a strict hierarchy
sanctioned by God.
We also see such hierarchical usage in a section that details of the ceremony for the annual
review of membership in S (1QS 2:19-21):
ברשונה בסרכ לפי רוחותם זה אחר זה והלויים יעבורו אחריהם20 הכוהנים יעבורו...
... וכול העם יעבורו בשלישית בסרכ זה אחר זה21
…the priests shall cross over 20 first in rank, according to their spirits, one after the
other. Then the Levites shall cross over after them, 21 then all the people shall cross
over third in rank…
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
50
Scholars have translated בסרכin several manners; for example, Wise has used ‘by rank’ and
Knibb has used ‘into the order’. 114 However, when the context is taken into account, these lines
are best read in light of the meaning of תכוןwe saw above. To reiterate, it was shown by M.
Kister that this word comes from a semantic field meaning ‘to measure,’ but with specific
theological connotations. 115 Kister gives a specific example of this from within S: לתכון עת ועת
( ולמשקל איש ואיש1QS 9:12), which he claims demonstrates the relationship between the
‘measure’ of the periods and the spiritual measures (or weights) of human beings. 116 Thus, the
word תכוןwould denote the portion of righteousness and spiritual capability allotted to the
members of the sect: בתכונו,( איש בתכונו1QS 6:4, 8; cf. 6:10). Given such notions, one has to
assume when the members are organized בסרכ לפי רוחותםthat this is not just any type of
hierarchy, but rather it is a spiritually qualitative hierarchy according to the rank of each
member, rank being understood in a deterministic manner. In light of the “Instruction on the
Two Spirits,” it is likely a predetermined nature of which is being spoken here.
114
Wise translates the first instance as ‘ranked’ and the second as ‘by rank;’ see Wise, "Charter of a Jewish
Sectarian Association," 119. His first translation does not follow the Hebrew, and should not be accepted. In a
similar manner, Vermes uses ‘ranked’ for the first instance and he does not translate the second instance in 1QS
2:21; see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 100. Qimron and Charlesworth translate both of the
occurrences as ‘into the order’ again with a footnote stating that the term serek literally means ‘rule;’ see Qimron
and Charlesworth, "Rule of the Community (1QS)," 11. In a similar manner, Knibb translates ‘into the order,’
however, he notes that this “passage prescribes the hierarchical order that is to be observed when the covenant is
renewed” (my italics); see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 88. Finally, Wernberg-Møller translated both
instances as ‘into the order’ presumably where ‘order’ means the community as a whole; see Wernberg-Møller,
The Manual of Discipline: Translated and Annotated with an Introduction, 24.
115
See M. Kister, "Physical and Metaphysical Measurements Ordained by God in the Literature of the Second
Temple Period," in Reworking the Bible: Apocryphal and Related Texts at Qumran, STDJ 58 (Leiden: Brill, 2005),
153.
116
See ibid.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
51
The third example of the root סר"ךmeaning ‘rank’ comes in 1QS 5:23 at the end of a section
listing the stipulations governing the examination of the initiates:
וכתבם בסרכ איש לפני רעהו לפי שכלו ומעשיו5
And they shall register them by rank, each in relation to his companion, according to
his insight and his deeds…
After the initiates have been examined, the text states that they must be registered according
to their insights and deeds, which makes sense in the context of the passage. E. Qimron and J.
H. Charlesworth translate this instance of סר"ךas ‘in the rule’ with a footnote stating that it
can also be translated as ‘order.’ 117 It is unclear however, what ‘rule’ would mean in this
context: Is this Rule another specific book or register? Is ‘the Rule’ a code-name for the
community? They do not clarify this in their translation. 118 Given the context of the passage
and especially the explanatory phrase that follows——איש לפי רעהוthe best manner of
understanding this instance in context is as ‘rank.’ Thus, the בfunctions here to turn סר"ךinto
an adverb.119 As in 1QS 1:1, the notion of ranking individuals has to be taken as hierarchical. The
18F
covenanters are arranged according to a hierarchized space that God has determined from the
117
See Qimron and Charlesworth, "Rule of the Community (1QS)," 25.
118
Wernberg-Møller has also translated this instance as ‘in the order’ (with a small ‘o’) without explanation as to
whether this meant a document or the community as a whole, although one might assume that he meant
community; see Wernberg-Møller, The Manual of Discipline: Translated and Annotated with an Introduction, 29.
Consistent with his other translations, Knibb retains ‘in the order,’ but again he notes that “members of the
community were ranked in strict order […t]he present passage refer[ring] to the assignment of new members to
their place in that order;” see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 114. Here Knibb means ‘order’ in the sense of
‘hierarchy’ and not in the sense of ‘ordinance.’
Wise also translates the term—noting the use of a —בas an adverb and renders it ‘by rank;’ see Wise, "Charter
of a Jewish Sectarian Association," 124.
119
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
52
beginning of time. This hierarchy cannot be understood without accepting the covenanters’
philosophical views of hard determinism.
The next example of סר"ךbeing used hierarchically appears in a line that is slightly more
difficult to render at first. It occurs in S, in a section listing what appear to be special
regulations for the ‘Session of the Many’—that is, for public meetings (1QS 6:8):
...וזה הסרך למושב הרבים איש בתכונו הכוהנים ישבו לרשונה והזקנים בשנית
...This is the ranking for the session of the Many. 120 Each (member) by his spiritual
measure: 121 the priests shall sit first, the elders second…
The root סר"ךis used in close proximity to what appears to be its near synonym: תכון. What
has not been pointed out up to now is that the content given after this line describes a
sequential seating list: “each man in his proper place: the priests will sit in the first row, the
elders in the second, then the rest of the people, each in his proper place.” This is not a
regulation as such; rather, it is more precisely the description of a conceptual and hierarchical
sequence, which presumably will be fulfilled physically at this sort of meeting. That is, it lists
the ‘hierarchy’ of the members—or �—ס ֶרas
ֶ
they will be arranged during the sessions. As
120
Several translations of this passage have been suggested; for example, Wernberg-Møller translates the phrase
as ‘This is the regulation for the session of the Many;’ see Wernberg-Møller, The Manual of Discipline: Translated
and Annotated with an Introduction, 30. In a similar guise, Qimron and Charlesworth prefer to use the English
word ‘rule’ which they have claimed, several times in their footnotes, is the literal meaning of serek; see Qimron
and Charlesworth, "Rule of the Community (1QS)," 27. Wise also cannot shake the temptation to translate serek
here as ‘rule’ despite the fact that he has preferred to use ‘rank’ in the examples given above; see Wise, "Charter of
a Jewish Sectarian Association," 125. Even Knibb departs from his usual translation of ‘order’ and renders the
phrase: “This is the rule for a session of the many;” see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 117. In a similar manner,
Vermes had translated this line as a title of sorts: “This is the Rule for an Assembly of the Congregation” (his italics),
see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 106.
121
See comments below regarding תכון.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
53
regards the term תכון, it has been shown by Kister that it comes from a semantic field meaning
‘to measure,’ but with specific theological connotations (especially in the scrolls of the
covenanters). 122 While the term can denote the divine ordering of periods of time, it also
denotes—in Kister’s terms—the ‘spiritual measures with which people are endowed.’ 123 Kister
goes on to say that the sentence ( לתכון עת ועת ולמשקל איש ואיש1QS 9:12) demonstrates the
relationship between the ‘measure’ of the periods and the spiritual measures (or weights) of
human beings. Indeed the very word תכוןdenotes also the portion of righteousness and
spiritual capability allotted to the members of the sect: ( איש בתכונו1QS 6:4, 8; cf. 6:10) and this
idea is connected with other terms such as ‘lot’ ()גורל, ‘portion,’ ‘inheritance’ ()נחלה. 124 Thus,
what we have in this portion of S is a statement about how the members will be organized
according to their predetermined position within the community, a position that is evident
according to an individual’s perceived spiritual qualities. In this manner, the � ֶס ֶרis the
predetermined ‘ranking’ of members relative to the session.
The next example of the term being used hierarchically comes within a discussion centered
on the status of initiates and the procedure around their two-year process of admission. Here
the author states in 1QS 6:21-22:
122
See Kister, "Physical and Metaphysical Measurements Ordained by God in the Literature of the Second Temple
Period," 153.
123
124
See ibid.
See ibid., 167. Also see the study of Pines which claims that later Jewish notions of demonology may be tied
back to these older notions surrounding one’s personal ;גורלsee Sh. Pines, "The Oath of Asaph the Physician and
Yohanan ben Zabda: Its Relation to the Hippocratic Oath and the Doctrina Duarum Viarum of the Didachē,"
PIASH 9 (1975): 263-64.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
54
... הגורל לקרבו ליחד יכתובהו בסרך תכונו בתוכ אחיו22 ואם יצא לו
If the lot goes out to him 22 to approach the community, he shall be registered in the
rank of his spiritual measure amongst his brothers…
In the section immediately preceding this, we are told that the פקיד רואש הרביםwill examine
the initiates and if thought suitable, the initiates would be permitted to enter into the
community on probationary terms (1QS 6:13-14). Here it seems clear enough that the term is
being used in a technical manner to mean, ‘rank’ or ‘hierarchy’ and not in the sense of a
‘regulation.’ This is a hierarchical sequence, and the fact that the term should be translated as
such has already been expressed by several scholars in their own translations of 1QS. 125 It must
be added that this notion is once again inextricably interwoven within a framework of
predeterminism. Here the covenanters are talking about the predetermined spiritual ranking
( )תכוןof members who will join the community not by their own choice, but rather because
the ‘lot’ will go out to them. Once again, סר"ךdescribes a hierarchized space in which God’s
predetermined will comes to pass as expressed through the strict hierarchy of the community.
The next instance in which סר"ךis used clearly in a hierarchical manner comes in Sa (1QSa
1:21). The section that immediately precedes this passage describes the education of members
125
For example, Qimron and Charlesworth translate the term in this line as ‘order’ with a footnote stating that the
Hebrew can also mean ‘rule;’ see Qimron and Charlesworth, "Rule of the Community (1QS)," 29. In a similar
manner, Knibb has preferred ‘in the order of his rank;’ see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 119. The same
translation ‘in the order of his rank’ is given by Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 106-07. Along
differing lines, Wernberg-Møller translates the phrase סרך תכונוas ‘definite place,’ which essentially skirts the
issue by avoiding the term through paraphrase; see Wernberg-Møller, The Manual of Discipline: Translated and
Annotated with an Introduction, 31 and 110. Wise translates the phrase in a similar manner to Wernberg-Møller as
‘appropriate rank’ which can also be criticized since Wise too appears to disregard the term serek by not
distinguishing it clearly from תכון.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
55
until their 20th year and the various stages of their membership in the community. The line in
1QSa 1:21 concerns the fate of a man who is a ;פתיthat is, mentally incompetent: 126
125F
... ובעבודת המס יעשה עבודתו כפי מעשו22 ר ֯ק בסרך ֯ה ֯צבא יכתוב משפחתו...
֯
…His family shall merely register (him) into the ranking of the army 22 even though he
shall do his service in task-work in proportion to his ability…
This section describes the fate of the mentally incompetent; while he will not be excluded
from the overall war—presumably the War of the Divisions as described in M—he will serve
behind the scenes helping the soldiers.127 This occurrence of סר"ךhas been translated
variously by scholars; 128 in context it seems best to translate it as ‘ranking’ along lines similar to
what was seen in S. While it is obvious that סר"ךis being used here in a military context, it is
not clear that it is being used in the sense of a ‘military unit’ as in the martial disposition that
will be described below. That is, the incompetent will be registered into the ranking of the
army—albeit at the very bottom of the hierarchy—and will only be assigned menial tasks that
will not disturb the fragile balance of the divine war. He will still be able to participate in the
battle, but only in a very tangential and limited manner given his lowly predetermined rank.
For a brief discussion of the term פתיas it is used in Sa, see Schiffman, The Eschatological Community of the
Dead Sea Scrolls, 27.
126
127
128
This is likely an expansion and commentary upon Deut 20:1-7 in a manner reminiscent of m. Sot 8.
In DJD 1, D. Barthélemy translates the line as “sur le rôle des effectifs” which would be rendered into English as
‘into the register of the military force;’ see D. Barthélemy, "Règle de la Congrégation (1QSa)," in DJD 1 (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1955), 115. In a similar manner, Vermes translates ‘army register;’ see Vermes, The Complete Dead
Sea Scrolls in English, 160. Knibb does the same; see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 148. Schiffman prefers
‘roster’ over register, but essentially this has the same meaning; see Schiffman, The Eschatological Community of
the Dead Sea Scrolls, 27. Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck translate “register of the army,” but they state in their
note that the literal meaning of serek should be ‘rule;’ see Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, "Rule of the
Congregation (1QSa)," in The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations,
PTSDSSP 1: Rule of the Community and Related Documents (Tübingen - Louisville: J. C. B. Mohr Westminster/John Knox Press, 1994), 115.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
56
Again, here we are privy to the hierarchy of the imagined future world of the War of the
Divisions.
The next example of the term being used hierarchically also comes in Sa when the ranking
system of the eschatological community is further expounded. Here the particular the role of
the Levites is discussed (1QSa 1:23-24):
על פי בני אהרון להביא ולהוציא את כול העדה איש בסרכו על יד ראשי...
... ]א[בות העדה24
…according to the sons of Aaron, to bring in and lead out all the congregation, each
according to his rank, at the hand of the heads of 24 the magistrates of the
congregation…
The overall backdrop for this passage is one of a military scene; the gist of the section is that
the Levites will serve in the army in some capacity under the sons of Aaron, the priests.129 The
scribes state that Levites, under the authority of the priests, will command the other members
of the congregation, and that the members of the congregation must be organized according
to their rank in the hierarchy: ‘each man in his order/hierarchy.’ While the term hierarchy
sounds cumbersome in English in this line, if one is to use ‘order’ it must be used with the
sense of ‘hierarchy’ or ‘sequence.’ The scribe is not speaking about any sort of ‘rule’ or
129
Barthélemy in DJD 1 translates this instance as ‘son poste’ in contrast to his rendering of the previous line in
which he used ‘rôle’ in the sense of ‘register;’ he comments in his note: “ici le ‘rang’ individual [est] fixé par le
rôle;” see Barthélemy, "Règle de la Congrégation (1QSa)," 115. Vermes follows suit and renders the phrase as ‘each
in his place;’ see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 160. So too does Schiffman in his translation:
“each according to his (place in the) roster;” see Schiffman, The Eschatological Community of the Dead Sea Scrolls,
28. Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck also follow the suggestion of Barthélemy and translate: “each according to
his (place in the) register;” see Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, "Rule of the Congregation (1QSa)," 115. Again,
they point out in their note that the literal meaning of serek should be ‘rule.’ Knibb in his translation returns to
his preferred rendering of serek and produces: ‘each man in order;’ see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 148.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
57
‘regulation’ here, but rather about how the armies shall be organized. Their organization, once
again, is according to predetermined rank.
An example of the term being used hierarchically in D comes in CD 14:3, in a section
describing the meeting of all the camps:
...וסרך מושב כול מחנות
Hierarchy of dwelling in all the camps…
This section describes a very precise and hierarchical—and likely martial—living
arrangement; the members are to be organized by their stations: Priests, Levites, Israelites and
then proselytes, and the text goes on to lay out a specific seating arrangement. Once again,
translators of D have agreed that this instance of סר"ךmust be translated as ‘rule;’ 130 however,
once again it makes more sense to translate this instance within the semantic framework of
‘ranking.’ In other words, this line means to expound the predetermined ranking of the camp,
and not to give a rule concerning its makeup. סר"ךserves to describes the predetermined
arrangement of the ranked members the camp.
There is one verbal example in M of the root סר"ךbeing used to mean: ‘arranging
hierarchically,’ and it comes in 1QM 2:1 where we see the find the following phrase:
... ואת ראשי הכהנים יסרוכו אחר כוהן הראש ומשנהו...
… they shall arrange the chiefs of the priests hierarchically behind the chief priest
and his deputy…
130
See, for example, Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction, 131. Also see
Baumgarten and Schwartz, "Damascus Document (CD)," 57.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
58
It is interesting to note variations in several of the translations of the form יסרוכו. 131 Scholars
have generally been forced to render this instance as rank given the context, and indeed, this
is likely the best manner in which to take it. Also, given that the scribes proceed to describe
thereafter a hierarchy—i.e., ‘the priests behind the chief priest and his deputy’—this instance
makes most sense if understood as a description of a hierarchy. In the eschatological scenario
created by M, and within its predeterministic system of ranking, this instance of סר"ךis best
described as hierarchical. The scribes have painted a hierarchical space in which we can
envision several persons standing in relation to one another according to their predetermined
ranking.
The next hierarchical case comes again in 1QM 4:11:
...ופרוש שמותם יכתובו עם כול סרכם...
…and the details of their names they shall write with their entire ranking…
131
For example, Yadin translates: “The chiefs of the priests they shall dispose after the chief priest and his deputy;”
see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 262. Vermes translates this line as
“They shall rank…;” see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 166. Abegg appears to follow suit when
he renders the line: “They shall rank the chiefs of the priests after the Chief Priest and his deputy;” see Abegg,
"The War Scroll," 149. Van der Ploeg translates the line as “Et aux chefs des prêtres, ils assigneront des places
après le grand-prêtre et son second...”: ‘And to the chief priests, they will assign stations behind the Chief Priest
and his deputy;’ see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 36. Van der
Ploeg also notes that the verb סרךcan have the same connotations as the Greek verb τάσσω, which are ‘to
arrange’ or ‘put in order,’ and thus it can mean ‘to put someone in their place; that is assign (assigner); see ibid.,
69. Jongeling departs from this and renders the phrase “Et on rangera les chefs…;” ‘And they will arrange the
chiefs…;’ see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 100.
However, he notes that he arrives at this translation by making the connection between ‘régler’ and ‘ranger;’ see
ibid., 80. Duhaime simply translates the line as “They shall arrange the chiefs of the priests behind the chief priest
and his deputy;” see Duhaime, "War Scroll," 99. As Abegg and van der Ploeg have noticed, this instance of סר"ך
definitely describes a hierarchical ordering or ranking.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
59
As pointed out above, the DCH rendered 1QM 4:6 as the “list of the details of their names.” 132
Here once again we have פרושmeaning ‘details,’ but in this instance, � ֶס ֶרcannot mean a
‘general list’ as it did in 1QM 4:6. Rather, given the context we have to assume that the scribes
were depicting a scenario in which the Sons of Light would write out the details of their
names including the complete details of their status. Either this is their status in the army (i.e.,
rank in the army), or it is an esoteric ranking (i.e., their spiritual nature, perhaps describing
the qualities that were determined by scrutinizing a member’s zodiac sign). In either case, this
ranking is again predetermined as per the philosophical worldview of the covenanters, and
thus we must conceptualize this instance of סר"ךas a hierarchized place. 133
132F
2.2.1 Summary
There are at least 8 examples of the root סר"ךbeing used in the scrolls to describe a
hierarchical relationship between persons, objects or concepts. While this category is very
similar to the spatial disposition described in 2.1, it carries with it the added nuance of
organizing according to particular principles of rank. As has been pointed out, the primary
132
See The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 6, 200.
133
The final example of hierarchical disposition comes in a fragmentary text that has not been labeled as a serek.
It is called 4QWays of Righteousnessb (4Q421 or 4QWaysRightb), which constitutes part of a composite sapiential
text that deals in some way with their organization (4Q421 f1i 3):
[...]... לסרך הכול איש לפני רע]הו
[…]… to rank everyone, each before [his] neighbour
Garía Martínez and Tigchelaar translate this passage as “to arrange everyone, each before [his] neighbour,” see
The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, vol. 2 (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 883. Vermes on the other hand renders this line as:
“to regulate all (placement of) one before another,” see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 440.
While we cannot know the exact context, it is once again probable that a hierarchical organizing is being
described here. Once again, it is likely that this ranking is connected to predeterminism.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
60
principle by which rank is determined by the covenanters, is the divine ‘ranking’ with which
individuals would be born. Thus, in the covenanters’ worldview, this hierarchical disposition
points to a specific social motivation; that is, the covenanters were keen to preserve their own
established hierarchy and to promote it as being the true expression of the divine plan. In this
way, the root סר"ךserved as a potent lexical marker of the divine plan. In each of these
instances, סר"ךdenotes the ‘ranking’ of objects or concepts in spatial, albeit divinely
hierarchized terms.
2.3 Martial Disposition
The third category into which the root סר"ךcan be placed can be called ‘martial disposition.’
Under this rubric, סר"ךmeans more specifically ‘to array,’ or ‘to muster’ in a military sense;
that is, ‘to arrange soldiers in a battle line.’ This can also be considered a subcategory of the
spatial disposition, in that it too describes a form of physical organization. As a noun, the term
� ֶס ֶרin this category can be translated as forces, battalion or army—that is, the specific layout
of a military formation.
The first example comes in 1QM 3:3 in a section that provides a description of the trumpets to
be used during various phases of the war. Each trumpet bears an insignia of sorts, and one is
described as having the following:
...יכתובו סרך אל...
…they shall write: “God’s Army”
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
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Given the fact that this instance of the root סר"ךis without a greater context, it is impossible
to translate the term without reserve. The majority of scholars have opted to choose the
translation ‘rule’ once again. 134 However, van der Ploeg suggests that the insignia should be
rendered as “Armée de Dieu,” and Jongeling follows suit with “Phalange de Dieu.” 135 The scribe
likely means ‘God’s Army’ given the context. If we accept this sort of spatial, military
arrangement for our rendering of סר"ך, then we must also concede that in the context of M,
this is a military space that is being described; ‘God’s Army’ that will be reserved for the later
eschatological age.
The second example comes from 1QM 6:10 in which a description of the deployment of the
cavalry is given:
...לאנשי סרך המערכות...
…for the men of the forces of the lines…
Once again, the best translation here, given the overall context in which סר"ךis presented, is
as a physical arrangement of soldiers; that is, the forces themselves. 136 This description of
135F
134
See Wise, "Charter of a Jewish Sectarian Association," 150. See also Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica,
94. Yadin claims that serek means here the community itself: “( ”;כאל במשמעות העדה )הכתsee Yadin, מגילת מלחמת
272-73 ,בני אור בבני חושך, n.3. Thus, in his English translation, he transcribes the word with capital letters as a
proper noun: “Serek of God;” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 268.
135
See van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 37. See also Jongeling, Le
Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 121. Alexander also agrees with this
in his assessment: “it denotes the actual battle array, the army deployed in battle order.” See Alexander, "Rules,"
799.
136
Van der Ploeg translates this as “…pour les hommes (du gros) de l’armée des formation;” see van der Ploeg, Le
Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 41. He goes on to comment that he agrees here with
Yadin who connects this instance with the Greek τάξις, which can also mean a body of soldiers (see above). Yadin
translates this instance as a circumlocution of sorts, rendering סרךas a passive participle “drawn up” conflating
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
62
forces is for an imagined time—an arrangement of soldiers that will come to be formed in a
future time.
The next example of סר"ךcomes in 1QM 5:4, a section that lays out the structure of the
fighting battalions:
... פנים למערכה האחת סדו)כר(ים בסרך מעמד איש אחר איש4 ושבעה סדרי
There shall be seven forward rows 4 to each battle line, arranged in a military line; the
station of each man behind his fellow…
The simplest manner in which to translate this passage is again to see it as a martial term,
describing the men mustered in a physical line, one behind the other. 137 While I have
translated this instance as ‘line,’ which makes most sense in English, the sense of סר"ךhere is
military given the context. It is used to describe a physical arrangement that will come to be
formed in the future; i.e., a line of soldiers, in the eschatological War of the Divisions.
ר
its meaning with ( המע כותlines/formations) and presents: “…to the men drawn up in the formations;” see Yadin,
The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 286. It is interesting to note that H. Bardtke
leaves serek without a translation; see Bardtke, "Die Kriegsrolle von Qumrân übersetzt," TLZ 80 (1955). Jongeling
goes along with this suggestion and renders the line “…aux hommes de la phalange des lignes;” see Jongeling, Le
Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 187. Ibba chooses to make סרךinto a
noun translating it as ‘commander:’ “…per gli uomini del comando delle sc[hi]ere”—for the commander [lit. men
of the command] of the formation; see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 120. Duhaime translates “…for
the men of the rule of the lines,” and does not give any comments; see Duhaime, "War Scroll," 109.
137
This passage, starting after line 4, is translated by van der Ploeg as “…disposés de façon que chaque home soit
place derrière un autre,” and he does not comment on the line in his commentary; see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau
de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 40. Jongeling renders this part: “…disposés en ordre de
position,” and he also does not give any comment; see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de
Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 167. Yadin renders the line: “…arrayed according to the disposition;” see
Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 278. Ibba, also without comment,
translates “ordi[na]ti secondo la regola (con ciascuno) un posto (stabilito)”—organized in accordance with the
rule (with each person) an (established) position; see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 110. Duhaime
gives “(when) arrayed according to the rule, one man standing behind another;” see Duhaime, "War Scroll," 107.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
63
The next example comes in 1QM 6:11 in the same section describing the deployment of the
cavalry:
...הפרשים על רכב אנשי הסרך
The horsemen, including the cavalry of the men of the army…
Once again, the best translation here, given the context, is a physical arrangement of soldiers
for the future eschatological times; that is, the end-time army. 138
Again in the same section, we find 1QM 6:14:
...ופרשי הסרך יהיו מבן ארבעים שנה ועד בן חמשים
The horsemen of the army shall be from forty years to fifty…
The best translation here, given the overall meaning of סר"ךis an arrangement of soldiers; in
other words, the army. 139 Again, this is military arrangement as the covenanters believed
138F
would materialize during the future War of the Divisions.
138
This line is translated by van der Ploeg in the same manner as the line above: “Et les cavaliers, y compris les
chevaux des hommes (du gros) de l’armée…;” see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec
une introduction, 41. In a similar manner, Jongeling renders ‘Les cavaliers, y compris la cavalerie des hommes de
la phalange;’ see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 187.
Yadin claims that this instance of serek represents the entire congregation or fighting force, and thus he leaves
the word in transliteration: “the horsemen serving with the cavalry of the men of the Serek;” see Yadin, The Scroll
of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 286. Ibba makes a similar move as compared to 6:10
and renders “I cavalieri […] compresi delle cavalcature degli uomini del comando”—The horsemen […] consisting
of the cavalry of the commander; see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 120. Abegg translates the
passage “The horsemen with the cavalry of the men of the army…;” see Abegg, "The War Scroll," 153. Finally,
Duhaime renders the phrase: “The horsemen, including the mounts of the men of the rule…;” see Duhaime, "War
Scroll," 111.
139
Van der Ploeg translates this as ‘les cavaliers (du gros) de l’armée;’ see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre:
traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 41. Once again, Yadin in his English translation prefers to use
transliteration for this instance: “The horsemen of the Serek…;” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
64
The next example comes from 1QM 7:1a, a section that describes the recruitment and ages of
the various soldiers:
...ואנשי הסרך יהיו מבן ארבעים שנה ועד בן חמשים
And the men of the army shall be between forty and fifty years of age…
Here too the best translation, given the overall meaning of סר"ךin these military contexts, is
an arrangement of soldiers; that is, the army.140
139F
There is also an example in 1QM 7:1b of סר"ךbeing used as a verb in this sense:
...וסורכי המחנות יהיו מבו ) (חמ)ש(ים שנה ועד בן )ש(שים...
And those who muster the camps shall be from fifty years to sixty.
In this instance of the root סר"ך, we encounter an active participle being used as a nominal. 141
As Jongeling points out, it is difficult to know what the original meanings of שט"רand סר"ך
against the Sons of Darkness, 288. Jongeling renders: “Et les cavaliers de la phalange...;” see Jongeling, Le Rouleau
de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 187. Ibba renders this line once again in line
with his previous translations for this passage: “(per) il cavalierei del comando…”—(for) the horsemen of the
commander…; see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 120.
140
Van der Ploeg translates this line as “et les hommes (du gros) de l’armée…;” see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la
Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 42. Yadin, taking the term to mean the community as a whole,
leaves the term as a proper noun: “the men of the Serek…;” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light
against the Sons of Darkness, 288. Jongeling translates: “et les hommes de la phalange…;” see Jongeling, Le Rouleau
de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 198. Ibba persists with his use of serek to
mean ‘commander’ in these instances and translates: “gli uomini del comando;” see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:'
Edizione Critica, 124. Abegg simply translates: “and the men of the army…;” see Abegg, "The War Scroll," 154.
Duhaime translates using ‘rule,’ but he does not explain what this means in the context; see Duhaime, "War
Scroll," 111.
141
In van der Ploeg’s translation, he takes this to mean “those who maintain order” in the camps; see van der
Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 42. Yadin notes that the סורכי המחנותmust
have a governing capacity over the camp, while the שוטריםwhom the scribe mentions at the end of the line
govern over the various units; see Yadin, 299 ,מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושך. He arrives at this conclusion by
pointing out that the Aramaic translation in the Targumim of the biblical ( שוטרe.g., Ex 5:6, 10) is:
הגעתי,""סדר" בהתחש במשמעותה היסודית של המלה "סרך" ובלשון התרגומים למלה "שוטרים
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
65
were in BH and Aramaic respectively. While they denote military posts of some sort, it is not
certain whether the roots mean ‘to rule’ specifically. In the case of שט"רit is likely that the
root came from a semantic field meaning ‘to write,’ as van der Ploeg points out. 142 As well, the
Aramaic סרכיןis likely not related to BH —סר"ךdespite Levine’s insistence on the
connection—but rather is related to the Persian saraka which means head. 143 Thus, in this
context, given the range of meanings that have been seen in the scrolls for סר"ך, it is likely
that the verb means simply ‘to muster’ or ‘to array;’ that is, transitively as ‘to put in order
militarily speaking.’ In other words, the men who will lead in mustering the troops together
will be between the ages of 50-60; a good role for persons who will likely be too old to fight.
Again, the ‘mustering’ of these men is imagined for the future, end-time scenario.
The next example comes from 1QM 13:1 in a section that describes the blessings to be recited
by the leaders after victory:
...וכול זקני הסרך עמו...
…and all the elders of the army with him…
שתפקידם העיקרי של אלו היה בענייני המשטר והסדר של מחנה המגורים,למסקנה
This passage is from ibid., 299 n.7. In his English translation, Yadin translates these as “camp prefects;” see Yadin,
The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 290-92. In a manner similar to Yadin,
Jongeling in this instance relies on the meaning ‘to rule’ and translates: “ceux qui règlent les camps;” ‘those who
rule over the camp;’ see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction,
189.
Thus, the ‘commander’ in the case of the שוטרmay well have been more of a high clerk or scribe, as the LXX
translation - γραμματεύς - suggests (for example, in Ex 5:6); see van der Ploeg, "Les šotrim d’Israël," OTS 10 (1954).
142
143
See Rosenthal, A Grammar of Biblical Aramaic, 62 § 189.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
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Here too, the best translation comes from within the context of M. The overall meaning of
סר"ךis the eschatological arrangement of soldiers; that is, the end-time army. 144
143F
Another example comes in col. 15; after particulars regarding blessings for the first battle are
given, the following line is added (1QM 15:4-5):
ועמד כוהן הראש ואחיו הכ ]]הנים[[ והלויים וכול אנשי הסרך
את תפלת מועד המלח]]מה5 עמו וקרא באוזניהם
…then the chief priest shall stand, and with him his brothers, the Priests and the
Levites and all the men of the army, and he will read out loud 5 the prayer for the
appointed time of battle
This occurrence of סר"ךhas generally been translated as ‘all the men of the army,’ which
indeed suits the context of the text at this point. 145 Here too, the best translation given the
overall meaning of סר"ךis an arrangement of soldiers; that is, the army.
The final example comes from a fragmented line in 1QM 18:6, in a section which appears to
describe the final engagement of the battle:
144
This section has been translated by van der Ploeg as “et tous les anciens de l’armée avec lui;” see van der Ploeg,
Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 48 and 149. Yadin states that here the term means
“congregation”—" במשמעות "העדה, ;"הסרך" כאןsee Yadin, 334 ,מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושך. In his English
translation he takes this to be a proper noun and renders: “…and all the elders of the Serek with him;” see Yadin,
The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 320. Jongeling translates “et tous les anciens
de l’ordre avec lui;” see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction,
294. He comments in this context that the word should mean ‘order’ in the sense of a ‘monastic order,’ and he
cites van der Woude as evidence to support his claim in this context; see ibid., 292. For van der Woude’s
comments, see A. S. van der Woude, Die messianischen Vorstellung der Gemeinde von Qumrân (Assen: PhD diss.,
1957), 126. Ibba translates: “e tutti anziani della regola con lui”—and all of the elders of the rule with him; see Ibba,
Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 178. Duhaime translates “all the elders of the rule with him;” see Duhaime,
"War Scroll," 123. Finally, Abegg translates “and all the elders of the army with him;” see Abegg, "The War Scroll,"
159.
145
See, for example, Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 181. See also Wise, "Charter of a Jewish
Sectarian Association," 161.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
67
...ורא]שי [ ̇ה ̇סרך
…the chi[efs of… ] the army…
Here as well, the best translation given the overall meaning of סר"ךis an arrangement of
soldiers; that is, the army. 146
145F
2.3.1 Summary
The examples analyzed in this section were not given extensive commentary because nearly
all of them resemble one another as nominal forms meaning ‘army.’ In this sense, the root
סר"ךrepresents a very concrete spatial relationship—i.e., the physical arrangement of
soldiers in a war. While this category is very similar to the spatial disposition described in 2.1,
it carries with it the added nuance of ‘military organization.’ Here, each of these instances
occur in a future, end-time scenario; i.e., the War of the Divisions. Thus, in the covenanters’
worldview, this military disposition is one that is predicted for the future, and thus one can
say that the social motivation for the martial disposition is to give hope for coming
redemption through war, and thus to provide a vehicle through which this hope can be
146
Van der Ploeg translates this as: “et les che[fs ] de l’armée;” see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et
annoté avec une introduction, 53. This phrase is translated by Yadin in English by “and the chiefs [of the formation
and the men] of the Serek,” despite the fact that he has וזקני[ הסרךin his 1962 edition; see Yadin, The Scroll of the
War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 344-45. Jongeling renders the phrase: “et les che[fs des
formations et les hommes de] l’ordre;” see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân:
Commentaire et Traduction, 371. Ibba transcribes ( ורא]שי הצבה ואנשי[ הסרךpresumably he meant )צבאand
translates: “i ca[pi dell’esercito e gli uomini] del comando”—the hea[ds of the army and the men] of the
commander; see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 233-34. Abegg translates this line as “and the chiefs
[of the battle lines and the men] of the army,” apparently according to Yadin’s 1955 transcription; see Abegg, "The
War Scroll," 164. Also see Yadin, 360 ,מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושך. Here he appears to be changing the version
he had in his critical edition which read— ;ורא]שי המערכות ו[הסרךsee Abegg, The War Scroll from Qumran Caves
1 and 4: A Critical Edition, 244. One has to prefer Abegg’s earlier reading as the damaged area can only
accommodate 5-6 letters; see Sukenik, The Dead Sea Scrolls of the Hebrew University (Jerusalem: Magnes Press,
1955 [1954 in Hebrew]), pl. 33. Duhaime persists in using the word ‘rule’ and renders the line: “the chi[efs of … of]
the rule;” see Duhaime, "War Scroll," 137.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
68
expressed. While the martial arrangements are all for a future time, the notion that these
arrangements are part of the divine plan created for the covenanters a heightened sense of
self-righteousness, anchored by their perceived future military strength. While the martial
disposition only occurs in M, this makes sense given the overall subject-matter of that text. M
describes specifics of the battles themselves, and thus it is to be expected that serek as a
martial disposition would be confined within it.
2.4 Procedural Disposition
The fourth and final category into which the root סר"ךcan be placed can be called ‘procedural
disposition.’ Under this rubric, סר"ךmeans more specifically ‘to put,’ or ‘to arrange’ in an
order that offers a procedure or that gives a list of instructions; however, it does not occur in
the scrolls in this manner specifically as a verb. As a nominal, the term � ֶס ֶרin this category
can be translated as teaching, procedure, or list of instructions. This instance can also be seen as
an extension of the spatial disposition, the difference being that it describes the arrangement
of procedures in conceptual space rather than of arranging physical objects.
The first occurrence of סר"ךbeing used in this manner appears in the first line of S (1QS 1:1,
and in 4QSa,c):
... סר[כ היחד לדרוש...] ֿלחיו
̇ ל ] [שים
To the […]šym for his life [… the List of]Instructions/Teaching of the Community: to
seek…
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69
It is hard to know how this line should be taken, partly because of the damage in this part of
the scroll; however, despite this difficulty, there has been general unanimity amongst scholars
regarding how to translate it. 147 Given that this is the beginning of the scroll, and given that
scholars are unsure whether סרךis the best restoration for the text, one should be cautious
not to make stern conclusions about how to translate this instance. If this occurrence is
introducing the information that immediately follows—that is, a list of general precepts about
the community—then it would be best to conceptualize this instance of סר"ךas a term that
introduces such a list of precepts. In this manner, it might be best to translate סר"ךhere as
‘List of Instructions.’ 148 Furthermore, if we accept this translation, then we must understand
these instructions in the context of this predeterministic worldview. Here, as when סר"ךwas
translated as ‘rank,’ we must assume that these instructions—based upon Scripture—were
understood to be predetermined by God. Thus, while we can imagine that the covenanters
followed instructions in their social world, they are at the same time setting up an ideal. They
147
According to Wise the line should be read: “A text belonging to [the Instructor, who is to teach the Ho]ly Ones
how to live according to the book of the Yahad’s Rule;” see Wise, "Charter of a Jewish Sectarian Association," 117.
Here Wise—as in 1QS 6:8—translates serek as ‘rule.’ Wernberg-Møller gives several comments on the use of serek
in this passage, and concludes that serek should be taken as a synonym for חוקmeaning ordinance or
prescription; see Wernberg-Møller, The Manual of Discipline: Translated and Annotated with an Introduction, 44.
In this sense, he translates the opening as: ‘… for his life (?) …[in the ord]er of the community;’ see ibid., 22. Here
‘order’ presumably means ‘rule’ or ‘ordinance.’ Knibb also translated the first line as “For [… the book of the ru]le
of the community;” see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 78.
148
On the other hand, one can also argue that this instance of serek describes the community hierarchy. If it can
be accepted that the line should read as a triple construct chain ‘ ’ספר סרך היחדthen one can connect it, at least
by way of comparison, with 1QS 5:23 and 1QS 6:8. There it was argued that the serek was used to describe the
‘hierarchy;’ in other words, the strict sequence in which members were ranked within the Yaḥad. If this is the
case here, then the ‘Book of the Serek ha-Yaḥad’ can simply be translated as the ‘Book of the Hierarchy of the
Community.’ Thus, serek does not have to denote ‘ordinance’ or ‘regulation,’ but rather can be construed, as
hierarchy or sequence. Presumably it was seen that a book which described the hierarchy of the community
should contain, amongst other things, lists of laws and precepts.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
70
are to seek God with all their heart and soul (1QS 1:2); to love what God loves and hate what
God hates (1QS 1:3-4). These precepts are not ‘laws’ as such, but rather, this entire section reads
more like a credo—i.e., it relays a procedure that will bring the covenanters into a space in
which they will feel empowered.
The second example of סר"ךbeing used in S in this manner occurs in 1QS 5:1 in a section that
lists several principles governing the life of the community:
...וזה הסרכ לאנשי היחד המתנדבים לשוב מכול רע ולהחזיק בכול אשר צוה לרצונו
This (is) the procedure/teaching for the men of the Community who have been
incited: 149 one should turn away from all evil and hold fast to all which he has
commanded as his will… 150
While there is general unanimity of translation amongst scholars in rendering this instance as
‘regulation,’ 151 one must point out that Qimron and Charlesworth give an insightful note in
For this translation of להתנדבsee C. M. Stauber, "Determinism in the Rule of the Community (1QS): A New
Perspective," in Celebrating the Dead Sea Scrolls: A Canadian Collection (Atlanta: SBL, 2011), 358. In that article, I
argued that מתנדביםand נדביםmay be mistranslated as “volunteers,” or “those who have freely pledged
themselves.” I claimed that a better translation of √ נדבas an adjective in the HithpaÁel would be: “those who are
incited.” As a passive in the Niphʿal a better translation would be “those who have been incited.” I argue that this,
combined with the clear statement in the ‘Instruction on the Two Spirits’ that God determines all, negates any
claim that the penal code must imply belief in free will, since the covenanters are making a clear metaphysical
statement to the contrary. There is no doubt that the covenanters believed they could do this or that action; the
debate is about whether they believed they had free will. The answer is that they believed God determined all,
and thus theirs is a metaphysics of fatalism.
149
150
This translation assumes that the infinitive constructions present in this passage should be translated as
infinitive constructs of obligation; see B. T. Arnold and J. H. Choi, A Guide to Biblical Hebrew Syntax (New York:
CUP, 2003), § 3.4.1e. See also Gesenius and A. E. Cowley, Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1910), § 114h, k-l. In addition, see Waltke and O'Connor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax (Winona
Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1990), § 36.2.3f. Finally, see Joüon and Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew (Roma:
Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 2006), § 1241.
151
It is no surprise that Wernberg-Møller translates this line in S as: “This is the regulation for the men of the
community…” Such a translation appears at first glance to make most sense especially since there follow several
regulations of some sort; see Wernberg-Møller, The Manual of Discipline: Translated and Annotated with an
Introduction, 27. Wise translates this phrase as “This is the rule for the men of the Yaḥad …” Qimron and
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
71
their apparatus that points to a procedural understanding of this instance: they state that in
both 4QSb f5 1:1 and 4QSd f1 1:1 this line reads —מדרש למשכיל על אנשי התורהwhat I would
translate as “Instructions, for insight, 152 concerning the men of the Torah”—instead of “This
(is) the list of instructions for the men of the Community.” 153 Thus, at least in two older
versions of S, this section, which introduced regulations of sort, was headed by the word
midrash—instruction—rather than �ס ֶר.ֶ Thus, the ancient scribes—as well as modern
scholars—seem to agree that this section contains instructions of some sort. However, one
must be careful to distinguish between a list of instructions and the rule or instruction itself.
And in this case, the list of procedures follows a particular sequence—and the root סר"ך
denotes this sequence. Here, as in 1QS 1:1, what follows is a type of credo—a list of general
instructions or principles that embody the underlying deterministic thrust of S. The
covenanters are to do everything possible to temper the Spirit of Darkness who acts to disrupt
their membership in the Yaḥad.
The next occurrence of סר"ךbeing used in a procedural manner comes in Sa at the very
beginning of the text (1QSa 1:1):
...וזה הסרך לכול עדת ישראל באחרית הימים
And this is the teaching for the entire congregation of Israel in the End of Days…
Charlesworth have a similar rendering with “This (is) the rule for the men of the Community.” In addition, Knibb
translates “This is the rule for the men of the community…;” see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 104.
152
For this translation of למשכילsee R. Hawley, "On Maskil in the Judean Desert Texts," Hen 28.2 (2006): 43-77.
153
See Qimron and Charlesworth, "Rule of the Community (1QS)," 19, 61 and 73.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
72
There has been unanimity amongst translators that this instance of סר"ךshould also be
rendered as ‘règlement/rule;’ 154 however, it appears better to see this instance in light of S. This
153F
section lists procedures that follows a chronological sequence. Each new member fulfills the
procedures in defined steps: members will be mobilized into the war engine, they will cease to
live according to evil ways, they will read out the laws and eventually will be indoctrinated. All
of these steps make most sense, of course, in a deterministic worldview. There appears in this
section to be a free-flowing development in which the Son of Light is merely swept up into the
Yaḥad during this end-time scenario. Members arrive (1QSa 1:4) as if out of nowhere,
presumably carried by the Will of God. The title of Sa—Serek ha-ʿEdah—must have meant,
given the information that follows, something akin to the ‘Procedure of the Congregation for
the End Time.’ But this is not any ordinary procedure—this is a world fulfilled by divine
instruction that the covenanters anticipated.
The next procedural example comes in 1QSa 1:6 in a section which describes the education of
members of the community:
וזה הסרך לכול צבאות העדה לכול האזרח בישראל
And this is the teaching for all the armies of the congregation, for all those born in
Israel…
154
See Barthélemy, "Règle de la Congrégation (1QSa)," 111. Also see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in
English, 159. Another translation can be found in Schiffman, The Eschatological Community of the Dead Sea
Scrolls, 11. A further translation can be found in Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, "Rule of the Congregation
(1QSa)," 111. Finally, see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 147.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
73
The manuscript makes it quite clear that this is meant to be a new section—a section that
traces the steps a young member will take upon entering the war-time community. As regards
how to translate here, scholars agree that there is good reason that this instance of the root
סר"ךmust be referring to a set of rules. 155 However, this instance is also readily
154F
understandable in a procedural sense as the scribe draws a picture of the members according
to their ages. In this sense, it can be seen as a procedure for younger members. The section
depicts several stages of membership according to the ages of the members: (1) at 10 years of
age, the youngest members are taught the Book of Hagu and the statutes; (2) at 20 years of age,
the members are registered into the Community; (3) at 25 years of age, they attain full
membership; (4) at 30 years of age, they become of legal majority with all of the
responsibilities thereof, and finally; (5) at old age, they are only assigned duties according to
their strengths. Again, the overall context of Sa is the end time, and presumably the 33-year
period in which the War of the Divisions would be fought. During this time, it would have
been understood that the covenanters, now based in Jerusalem, would continue to have
children. These new members of the Yaḥad would also have to be brought into the
membership of the community. This section does not describe ‘laws’ or ‘rules’ as such, but
rather draws a picture of the procedural stages that would have to be undertaken during the
155
Barthélemy starts the section with: “Voici maintenant le règlement pour tous les effectifs de la Congrégation;”
see Barthélemy, "Règle de la Congrégation (1QSa)," 112. All of the remaining translators that I have referred to in
the previous section render this instance as ‘rule,’ with one important exception being Schiffman, The
Eschatological Community of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 13. Also compare Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in
English, 160. For another translation see Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, "Rule of the Congregation (1QSa)," 111.
Knibb, The Qumran Community, 147. Wise translates this portion as “The following is the policy for all the troops
of the congregation, and it applies to every native-born Israelite;” see Wise, "Charter for Israel in the Last Days,"
138.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
74
end time before the children of the Yaḥad could attain full community membership. Given
the context, this can be described as a procedure that would manifest in the future.
The next procedural example comes in CD 13:7 and is similar to the example given above,
except here the text describes the duties of the overseer of the camp:
...וזה סרך המבקר למחנה
And this is the teaching of the overseer of a camp…
Again, סר"ךis translated by most scholars as ‘rule.’ 156 However, what follows this heading
15F
reads like a ‘job-profile;’ in other words, a set of instructions or teaching for the overseer. The
overseer will instruct, he will be kind like a father, he will guard, he will examine and he will
write down members’ names in the order of their inheritance. This instance is procedural in
that it outlines the specific procedural duties of the overseer.
The next example comes in CD 14:12 in a section that lays out how charity and social support
will be organized in the camps:
...וזה סרך הרבים להכין את כול חפציהם
And this is the procedure/teaching for the Many to provide for all their needs
156
See the translation in Baumgarten and Schwartz, "Damascus Document (CD)," 55. Also see Hempel, The Laws
of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction, 115. Another translation can be found in DupontSummer, The Essene Writings from Qumran, 157. Finally, see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 143.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
75
Here too, scholars translating this passage have collectively rendered סר"ךas ‘rule.’ 157 C.
Hempel attributes this heading to the work of the ‘Serek-redactor’ given the frequency of the
expression ‘ ’הרביםin S. 158 As regards the translation of the passage, given the sort of
information that this heading introduces, it is quite reasonable to translate the header as ‘this
is the plan/procedure for the Many to provide their needs.’ In what follows, the scribe paints a
picture of a procedure for providing charity: i.e., (1) two-days wages each month will be given
to the overseer, and (2) from this amount the needy will be provided for. The two-step
procedure is simple, but effective. This plan for the giving of alms is based very likely on the
biblical ( מעשרDeut 14:22-29) that is to be given to the poor and to the Levites. Two-day’s
wages per week—if we assume a 364-day year and minus Sabbaths and other Holy days—
would be approximately 8.7 percent of one’s income.159 While this is shy of the 10 percent
158F
required in the Scriptures, it is possible that this is the source for the charity scheme in this
section. Also, if we assume that the camps in D are military camps for the War of the
Divisions, then we can conclude that this serek-procedure is imagined for a future, end-time
scenario, rather than describing the social reality of the isolationist group.
157
See Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction, 131. See also Baumgarten
and Schwartz, "Damascus Document (CD)," 57. In addition, see Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English,
145. The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, vol. 1 (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 572-73. Finally, see Dupont-Summer, The Essene
Writings from Qumran, 159.
158
159
See Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction, 138-39.
If we assume a 364-day year, this can be divided into 52 weeks (which gives 13 months of 4 weeks each). This
means that 26 workdays per year are given to charity. If one minuses the Sabbaths (52 in one year), this leaves 312
work days from which one must also minus other Holy days, leaving approximately 300 workdays per year. 26
divided by 300 workdays equals approximately 8.7 percent. On the 364-day calendar see VanderKam, Calenders
in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Measuring Time (London & New York: Routledge, 1998), 110-16.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
76
The next procedural example comes in 1QM 7:17 in a section that concludes a list of
instructions for the priests and the Levites during the War of the Divisions:
...יצאו ככול הס]רך הזה...
…and they shall go out according to [this] entire procedure/teaching…
Unfortunately, the text that follows is broken. However, it appears that steps are given after
this occurrence of סר"ךdescribing how the battle lines will be formed. In Abegg’s restoration,
the lines immediately following the ones cited above are: “…men of the] infantry from the
gates 18 [and they shall take positi]on between the two battle lines, and […] the bat[tle …].” 160
159F
Van der Ploeg translates this passage as “ils sortiront selon tout cet or[dre ],” although he does
not comment on why he chooses ‘ordre’ over ‘règle.’ 161 Likely the reason that both chose this
160F
translation is that they sensed what had preceded this line was the description of a procedure,
rather than a regulation or a maxim of sorts.
The next section comes in 1QM 8:14, which describes the procedure by which the priests will
blow the trumpets:
כסרך הזה יתקעו ה]כו[הנים לשלושת הדגלים...
160
161
See Abegg, "The War Scroll," 155.
See van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 43. Jongeling on the other
hand renders the phrase “…suivant toute [cette] rè[gle,” and he also offers no comments; see Jongeling, Le
Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 210. Yadin in his English translation
uses the following: “…according to all [this disposition…” Note that Yadin’s numbering is off since he forgets to
count the vacant lines. Thus this line is 7:16 in his edition; see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light
against the Sons of Darkness, 294. Ibba also follows suit with “…come (disposto da) tutta [questa] reg[ola…;” also
without comment; see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 128. Abegg uses “according to all [this]
o[rder,” and Duhaime choses “according to every ru[le…;” see Abegg, "The War Scroll," 155., and Duhaime, "War
Scroll," 113.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
77
According to this procedure/teaching the priests shall blow for three divisions…
Davies translates this as “According to this procedure ( )סרךthe pr[ies]ts shall blow for the
three battalions.” 162 Given that particular instructions are given that must be carried out in a
16F
particular sequence, Davies translation of procedure is the best in this context. This is an
imagined, divine procedure that would occur in the War of the Divisions.
The next procedural example comes in 1QM 16:3 (parallel in 4Q493 f1:9) after the first
engagement of the final battle is described:
...את כול הסרך הזה יעשו
They shall do this entire procedure…
This line introduces what follows; that is, a list of various events that will take place in a
particular order. 163 First the priests will sound the trumpets of the Reminder, then they will
sound another signal for the Battle Array, then a second signal shall be sounded and the gates
162
See Davies, 1QM, the War Scroll from Qumran: Its Structure and History (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1977),
54. This section has been translated by van der Ploeg as “selon cette règle,”―according to this rule―without
comment; see van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 43. Jongeling
renders “suivant cette règle,” also without commentary; see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de
Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 223. Ibba adds the word prescribe: “Come (prescrive) questa regola”—as this
rule prescribes, see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 156. Abegg translates: “According to this rule…”
and Duhaime does the same; see Abegg, "The War Scroll," 155. Finally, see Duhaime, "War Scroll," 113.
163
Yadin claims that this instance of serek describes everything which was laid down before, and he translated the
line as: “All this disposition they shall carry out;”see comments in Yadin, 350 ,מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושך.
Note that Yadin does not count empty lines in his transcription and therefore he numbers this line 16:2. His
English translation is in Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 334. Thus, for
him the reader is implored to carry out the entire ‘rule’ which has just been described. For van der Ploeg, he notes
that this line refers to what comes after; however, he still translates the line as “Tout ce règlement;” see van der
Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 51. Jongeling follows suit with “Toute cette
règle;” see Jongeling, Le Rouleau de la Guerre des Manuscrits de Qumrân: Commentaire et Traduction, 342. Other
translators after Jongeling have used ‘rule’ in some form; see Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 212-13.
Finally, see Abegg, "The War Scroll," 162.
Chapter 1: Analysis of Instances of סר"ךin the DSS
78
of war will open. The procedure described here is more like a choreographed dance in which
each performer plays their part. Thus, this is not a precept, but rather the description of a
predetermined process that will take place near the close of the end time. 164
2.4.1 Summary
There are at least 9 examples of the root סר"ךbeing used in the scrolls to describe a
procedural relationship between concepts. Here, סר"ךdoes not describe a strictly physical
relationship between objects, however, it is still possible to think of a list of instructions or
procedures as existing in a conceptual ‘space’ in relation to one other. In most instances, this
conceptual space was an imagined space that would come about in the future. And when the
procedure was described for the present time, as we saw in 1QS 1:1, there still existed a
discontinuity between the imagined space of the disposition that assumes perfection, and the
social reality which was far from perfect. Thus, in this manner, the serek-procedures create an
imagined space for the covenanters.
164
There is one final procedural occurrence that comes in a badly preserved text called 4QPurification Liturgy
(4Q284, olim 4QSndt). It has been called the Rule for a Menstruating Woman because of its mention of the term
serek and me niddah (4Q284 f1i 4-5; published by Baumgarten in DJD 35, 123-29. The following is the passage
which concerns serek:
6
5
[ [ מי נדה להזו]ת...] זה[ סרך הנדות לישראל...]
5
[…This is] the procedure/teaching of the impurities for Israel 6 […] to sprink[le] lustral water
This section is translated by García Martínez and Tichelaar as “[… This is] the rule of the impurities for Israel,”
see The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, vol. 2, 639. Abegg on the other hand find a different reading based on the
manuscript, and interprets הנדהas ( הודהthanksgiving); thus, “the “Rule of Thanksgivings” for Israel,” see Abegg,
"Ritual of Purification for Festival Days," 366. Given the state of the manuscript it is difficult to know what the
scribe wanted to catalogue, and it is also nearly impossible to determine the precise context. Did he show the
steps to be taken to purify? Or, did he list the various impurities? However we take it, this fragment was
introducing a list of procedures to be followed to counteract ritual impurity.
Chapter 1: Conclusions
79
3 Conclusions
This analysis makes clear that a new, contextual conceptualization of the root סר"ךis needed.
My research has shown that the term can be described according to a four-fold semantic
range. At its core, סר"ךconnotes an ‘ordering’ or ‘laying out’ of conceptual or physical objects
in relation to other objects. This basic meaning is expressed in four categories that I have
described: (1) Spatial Disposition—in this sense, the root has its most basic meaning, referring
to laying out or organizing in space. This meaning was already described by Yadin when he
noted that סר"ךcan be used in a manner approximate to סידור. 165 The second shade of
meaning for the term is described as (2) Hierarchical Disposition. In this category, the root
means to arrange according to a conceptualization of rank; in other words to arrange in a
specific, order from worst to best. This meaning was used by Charles when he made a
connection with the Greek version of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs.166 Yadin
presaged the third category—(3) Martial Disposition—through his connection between τάξις
and � ֶס ֶרin the context of M. 167 When the term is used with this shade of meaning, it denotes a
military arrangement; that is, an army or a battalion. The fourth category—(4) Procedural
Disposition—was presaged by Schiffman when he concluded that ‘the usual usage of serek in
the DSS is in the introduction to a set of regulations […] a list of halakhot.’ 168 However, I have
shown that in the scrolls, when the root סר"ךis used in this manner, it describes such
165
See Yadin, 347 ,מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושך.
166
See Charles, The Greek Versions of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, 250.
167
See Yadin, 236-37 & 136-39 ,מגילת מלחמת בני אור בבני חושך.
168
See Schiffman, The Halakhah at Qumran, 67.
Chapter 1: Conclusions
80
regulations either as a general list of principles or in terms of being a procedure of sorts; that
is, a list of instructions that must be done in a particular order. A � ֶס ֶרis not simply a list of
rules or a list of halakhot.
One recalls that Jastrow gives two definitions for סר''ך: (1) SafaÁel of ( אר''ךcf. ‘ )סר"גto
interweave,’ ‘to twist,’ or ‘to wrong,’ corresponding to Hebrew עו"ת: see Lam 3:59 (1027); and,
(2) ‘to clutch,’ ‘to hold fast,’ ‘to cling to.’ 169 In this rabbinic context, the noun � ֶס ֶרmeans
‘example,’ ‘clinging to,’ ‘habit,’ or ‘following the example of.’ In the context of the DSS,
however, it may be possible to hypothesize that there existed a SafaÁel form derived from ער"ך
that also formed a root סר"ך. If this is the case, it would account for the range of meanings for
סר"ךas evidenced by the DSS corpus. In the context of the DSS, however, it must be added
that this ‘arranging’ is conceptual and imagined. It is the arranging of an ideal. The overall
results are summarized here in the following table. In addition to this, every occurrence of the
term serek in context has been listed in Appendix I, including the Hebrew and an English
translation. Finally, a proposal for a new entry for סר"ךhas also been drawn up in Appendix J:
169
Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud Bavli, Talmud Yerushalmi and Midrashic Literature, 1028.
Chapter 1: Conclusions
81
Table 1: Semantic Range of Serek
ðסרך
I
II
III
Semantic Range
Verbal Translation
Nominal
Translation
Spatial Disposition
to lay out, to arrange, to
series, list, layout,
list, to organize
arrangement,
(Qal/SafaÁel?)
disposition
Hierarchical Disposition
to arrange hierarchically,
rank, hierarchy,
(a scale of comparison)
to rank (to be ranked)
order, ranking
Martial Disposition
to array, to muster
forces, battalion,
(a number of persons
(PiÁel?)
170
army
arranged for military
purposes)
IV
Procedural Disposition
(Does not occur)
list of instructions,
teaching, algorithm,
procedure
In addition to describing these raw categories, the results of the analysis show that the root
סר"ךas used by the covenanters carried with it a very particular social motivation; i.e., the
root was used to describe dispositions that were—from our point of view—primarily
imagined and conceptual. That is, while the term conceptualizes the world in terms that seem
concrete, it is also describing an imagined reality that had not entirely ‘materialized’ yet.
3.1 Implications for Creating a Gestalt Paradigm of Serek Texts
The implications of this new semantic conceptualization of the root סר"ךas seen in context
are significant in that they have shown that the noun � ֶס ֶרis not used by the covenanters to
170
It is labeled as such in The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 6, 200.
Chapter 1: Conclusions
82
describe any particular type of legal or judicial text. The root, in its usage in the serek texts, is
more complicated than has hitherto been assumed. At its core, it connotes ‘arranging,’ of
physical objects or concepts into a conceptual space. Thus, the essence of the term connotes
the global meaning of ‘arrangement;’ it does not specifically mean a ‘rule’ or an ‘order’ in any
contemporary legal sense. In all cases, the term is used in organizing the information of an
imagined world, whether a list of procedures to be accepted as a member of the Community
(as in 1QS 1:1) or the make-up of the army for the end-time battle (as in 1QM 1:1). On the whole,
it must be concluded that in the majority of cases serek denotes an imagined space—a space
that the covenanters believed would be formed in a future timeframe.
Thus, if one were to draw up a preliminary, overarching definition for the texts that make such
extensive use of the root —סר"ךafter this contextual, semantic analysis—one would say that
it is used by the scribes to create documents that testify to a divine, preordained arrangement
that God had promised—an arrangement that had been predicted in the past and was
starting to manifest itself in the present and into the future. We can conclude for example that
M—as a blueprint for a new physical world—served as a testimony to the arrangement that
God would create in the near future. In a similar manner, S, Sa & Sb and D also attest to this
manifesting arrangement. The serek texts were acts of testimony to God’s wisdom, and to the
secrets of the prophets—knowledge that the covenanters described as nistar. In the face of
adversity, they are the foundational documents of the community that narrate their past,
present and future, all of which are come under the rubric of —סר"ךthe divine arrangement.
Chapter 1: Conclusions
83
In this manner, the term serek can be seen as part of the scribal sociolect of the covenanters—
a neologism that parallels in uniqueness the term pesher.
At this point, however, we have only looked at the root סר"ךin isolation. While the
contextual, semantic analysis of this root provides a wealth of information about the serek
texts, it is imperative to go further in order to understand the serek texts as cohesive
documents. The next step will be to look at the serek texts at the textual level, moving our gaze
up to the broader literary elements of structure, narrative and theme. This will allow us to
understand the serek texts as more than just documents that happen to use the root סר"ךin
situ, to understand them as a unified textual group with more fundamental correlations.
Chapter 2: Introduction
84
CHAPTER 2
Textual Level: Textual Features within the Serek Texts
1 Introduction
As pointed out in the introduction, one of the difficulties in analyzing the serek texts is that we
have no other texts that use the term serek from the Second Temple period or from before that
we can use as direct points of comparison; serek texts seem to appear as lonely islands in the
literature of the period. 171 Despite this, as shown in Chapter 1, the root סר"ךis used in S, Sa, M,
and D in a deliberate and specific manner to organize four types of information: spatial,
hierarchical, martial and procedural. This gives us clues to their overall purpose, and I would
argue that the fact specific types of information are organized by the term points on its own to
a specific purpose, unifying the serek texts. Within this conceptual framework, it appears that
the scribes were creating compilations 172 of sorts that gathered specific types of information, a
17F
fact reflecting the core meaning of the term as established in Chapter 1, being ‘arrangement.’
In addition to the phenomenon of compiling, however, there are other features that also unify
S, Sa, M and D at the textual level.
171
172
See discussion on the term serek in Chapter 1.
I must justify my use of the term ‘compilation’ to describe the structure, over the other obvious choice I would
have had, being ‘anthology.’ The use of the term ‘anthology’ to describe the serek texts would be reminiscent of
Fitzmyer and the scholars of his generation who coined the phrase ‘le style anthologique.’ In Fitzmyer’s words:
“In both the Qumran literature and the New Testament we frequently find what has been called le style
anthologique, the working of Old Testament expressions and phrases into the very fabric of the composition....
Such a style anthologique involves an implicit exegesis and is usually due to thorough acquaintance with and a
reverent meditation upon the Old Testament,” see Fitzmyer, "The Use of Explicit Old Testament Quotations in
Qumran Literature and in the New Testament," NTS 7 (1960-61): 299. However, at the textual level, the serek texts
do not demonstrate this phenomenon. Thus, for the purposes of this section, I am justified in describing the
phenomenon of assembling various types of texts together in the serakhim as ‘compilation’ building, rather than
as anthologies.
Chapter 2: Introduction
85
At first glance, it might not seem that one should be able to say a great deal about any unifying
thematic or narrative structures within the serek texts, especially since S, Sa, M and D seem to
be, at least on the surface, relatively different types of texts ostensibly pointing in the case of S
and D to separate communities. However, if we turn this point around, we might say that a
peculiar structural feature of the serek texts is that they are so incredibly diverse in terms of
their construction. 173 On its own, this could be considered a structural feature of the serek
texts, and if looked at in this way, then we can proceed to ask whether there are any other
textual features unifying the texts within these collections of various genres. For example, do
certain themes and the arrangement of the diverse passages possibly point to a unifying
narrative that the compilers of the texts wanted to create? To answer these questions, this
chapter will undertake a textual analysis of the serek texts, examining four features—the
structure, narrative, a central theme and a philosophical tenet—which are present in the
serek texts. These analyses will help us to understand the serek texts as more than a collection
of disparate text-types containing a semantically curious term—going beyond the philological
analysis of Chapter 1—to understand them as compilations containing a global narrative.
There are important connections between the textual elements described in this chapter and
the semantic features analyzed in Chapter 1. That is, the textual features described in this
chapter parallel in an interesting manner the spatial, hierarchical, martial and procedural
dispositions of Chapter 1. These parallels are summarized in the table below:
173
See, for example, the comments in Metso, The Serekh Texts, 7-14.
Chapter 2: Introduction
86
Table 2: Comparison of Semantic & Textual Levels
Semantic The Root סר"ך
Level
Spatial
Disposition
Organize
information in a
general manner
as a plan or
layout
Textual
Level
Hierarchical
Disposition
Martial
Disposition
Procedural
Disposition
Describes rank,
hierarchy, class or
ranking
Describes
forces,
battalions,
armies
Describes teachings,
procedures or lists of
instructions
Central
Theme
Philosophical Tenet
The Serek Text
Structure
Narrative
“Compilation”
“The Eschaton”
“Divine Design”
“Enemy Other”
Particular types
of texts are
organized into
compilations
consisting of
narrative,
hymnic and
instructional
texts
A strong narrative
thread emerges
about how the end
time will come to
pass. Movement
from present (lower
rank) to future
(higher rank)
Constant
inimical force
at work in the
universe
God organizes the world
in a particular order for
the future. How God acts
in history
As can be seen in this table, each of these four categories answers similar parallel questions at
the semantic and textual levels. First, on the semantic level the term serek as a spatial
disposition organizes general information, creating the question: ‘What is being organized?’ At
the textual level we see an interesting structure emerge; that is, the compilation. The serek
Chapter 2: Introduction
87
texts are compilations that organize accounts, instructions and liturgic materials together,
each of which will be discussed in detail below. Second, on the semantic level the term serek
as a hierarchical disposition describes information according to ranking, hierarchy, or class.
Thus, we see information organized according to a qualitative system—from lower to higher.
This disposition creates the question: ‘In what manner?’ Or, parsed out more: ‘What is inferior
and what is superior?’ In a similar way, at the textual level we find a narrative thread within
the serek texts that describes a movement from the present, representing a lower ranking
time, to the higher ranking future time in which the evils of the present will be either
corrected or eliminated. Thus, we see an expression in a textual narrative of the hierarchy of
history itself and the movement that will occur across a value-laden trajectory from the
present to the future. Third, at the semantic level the term serek was used to describe a
particular martial disposition meaning army, battalion or forces. We see an interesting parallel
at the textual level in a central theme present in all of the serek texts—the theme of the
‘enemy other.’ These enemies are the constant inimical forces at work within the universe and
answers the question: ‘Who?’ Finally, perhaps the most important disposition identified at the
semantic level was the procedural disposition, introducing teachings, procedures or lists of
instructions. At the textual level, I have identified an important parallel in the philosophical
tenet of ‘divine design.’ This tenet describes the manner in which God organizes the world for
the future times, and the fact that this design is predetermined. At both the semantic and the
textual levels, the question that comes to the forefront is: ‘By what means?’ Or, ‘How will it
come to pass?’ The instructions provide an answer to this—‘These instructions must be
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88
followed unequivocally!’—and are organized by the term serek as a semantic rubric. At the
textual level, the question of ‘How?’ is expressed in the serek texts by a strong pretense for
predeterminism and for demonstrating how God’s divine design is expressed in history.
Taken all together, these textual features form a unified ideological backdrop for the serek
texts, and essentially become the conceptual scaffolding for a homogeneous story; a story in
which the scribes of all the serek texts—S, Sa, D and M—tell us about the eschaton. This is a
story that—while predicted in ancient times—starts in their present and continues into the
near future. That is, the serek texts collectively account for the beginning of the end time, and
conclude with the eschaton.
2 Structure—The Compilation
2.1 Preamble
Before I begin, a few words must be said about the compositional nature of the serek texts in
general. Scholars have shown that all of the serakhim have complex redactional histories, and
by this very nature, they are complex compilations. 174 While this fact on its own may connect
all of the serakhim together, this phenomenon on its own cannot be said to be unique to serek
texts. Work on the books of the Hebrew Bible after the discovery of the DSS have all shown
scholars that many if not all of the biblical texts themselves had complex redactional histories,
174
Amongst other works, see Metso, The Textual Development of the Qumran Community Rule (Leiden: Brill, 1997).
See also Alexander, "The Redaction-History of the Serekh ha-Yahad: A Proposal," RevQ 68.17 (1996). On D, see
Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction. Finally, on M see Davies, 1QM,
the War Scroll from Qumran: Its Structure and History.
Chapter 2: Structure—The Compilation
89
not to mention other texts. 175 However, the purpose of this section is to show that the types of
texts collected by the various serakhim are similar despite their individually complex
redactional histories.
2.2 The Compilation
If one opens up any introduction to S, Sa, D or M, one will see a description of the various texttypes or ‘genres’ represented by each document.176 These have been variously described— as
introductions, instructions, liturgies, hymns and treatises. However, on the whole the serek
texts compile three primary texts-types together, texts that I call the account, the instruction
and the liturgy/prayer/hymn. These are summarized and colour-coded in the table below:
175
This phenomenon is well known in the Hebrew Bible and in the New Testament; see, for example, the
discussion on redaction criticism in Barton, Reading the Old Testament (Louisville: The Westminster John Knox
Press, 1984), 45-60.
176
Given my reservations in the introduction about using the term ‘genre,’ I will use rather ‘text-type’ in
describing the various texts that have been compiled. For a further description of the limitations of the term
‘genre’ in biblical studies, see Najman, "The Idea of Biblical Genre: From Discourse to Constellation," in Prayer
and Poetry in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature, STDJ 98 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 307-08.
Chapter 2: Structure—The Compilation
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Table 3: Structural Similarities Between S, Sa, Sb, M & D
S
1QS 1:1-15
1QS 1:162:25
1QS
3:134:26
1QS 5:1-11:15a
1QS 11:15b-22
Account:
Liturgy:
Ceremonial
Liturgy –
covenant
renewal
ceremony
Account:
Instruction:
Hymn:
Treatise
on the
Two
Spirits
Rules for community in
general; rules of conduct
Ceremonial Liturgy or
Eschatological prayer?
– for recitation at a
major event?
Introduction; title
and prolegomenon
demarcating the
boundaries of the
community
Sa &
Sb
1QSa 1:1-5
1QSa 1:6-2:22
1QSb
Account:
Instruction:
Prayer:
Introduction &
preamble
Rules for those disqualified
from service; on officials;
eschatological council;
Eschatological prayer – blessings recited by a sage
rules for messianic
convocation &
eschatological banquet
M
1QM 1:16-2:15
1QM 2:16-10:9
1QM 10:915:3
1QM
15:418:9
1QM 18:1019:8
1QM
19:9-14
Account:
Instruction:
Prayer:
Prayer:
Introduction; title and
summary of the enemies for
the War-time period;
Rule of
trumpets,
standards,
deploying of
battalions etc.
Eschatological
prayers – to
be recited
before and
after battles
Account
: Final
battle
Account:
Ceremony
after
battle
CD A 1-8 & CD B 19
4Q266f5-6;
4Q270-272; CD
A 15-16; 9-14
4Q266f1 & 4Q268f1
Account:
Instruction:
Liturgy:
Prolegomenon; call to
separate from transgressors;
Admonition
Practical
matters of law
and communal
organization
Ceremonial liturgy – Expulsion ceremony
further narration of stages of
the War
D
Eschatological
prayer –
thanksgiving
for final
victory
Each of these individual text-types will be discussed in the sections devoted to them below. It
must be pointed out that my classification of text-types does not always correspond to the
Chapter 2: Structure—The Compilation
91
work done by scholars in textual redaction criticism. Nevertheless, the categories can be
justified based upon their content.
2.3 The Account
The first text-type identified I have described as the ‘account,’ for these sections give account
and context to the rest of the serek in which they are placed. Thus, these texts are both
introductory and philosophical; they both admonish and they give overviews of how events
are coming to pass. If these texts were originally from other contexts before they were
compiled, we might say that in these original contexts they functioned both like wisdom
literature and historiography. They give philosophical and historical contexts to the
instructions and liturgies that will also be collected and compiled. One interesting observation
that can be made about this material is that—as it is presented—it appears to be broken into
two distinct timeframes: that of the present and that of the future. It would not make sense to
quote in full each of the sections presented in the chart above, as in so doing one would have
to rewrite all of the serek texts in full. Rather, I will present a summary of each of these
sections including what information each of these text-types presents.
The first section to be discussed comes at the very beginning of S (1QS 1:1-15). Here we have a
description of the ideal community in general terms, and further we see a brief discussion of
the role taken by the instructor as a teacher for the community. 177 Thus, what we have in this
account is a text that has been taken and incorporated into the serek to give context to the
177
See commentary in Knibb, The Qumran Community, 77-87.
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92
rest of the compilation, and the context that is given is for the present times. After a liturgic
interlude, we find another account in 1QS 3:13-4:26, known as the ‘Instruction on the Two
Spirits,’ in which we are given a philosophical exposition of the two spirits. 178 While this
account is more general in nature, and not connected to a particular timeframe, we are still
told who is good and who is evil and further why people sin and why the good suffer. This is a
philosophical framework that will apply to the entire eschatological drama that is described in
the serek texts. The treatise ends by describing the struggle of good and evil and good’s
ultimate triumph. This section may well have had a life before it was taken into S; in any case,
it presents a further backdrop for the author of the serek, giving a context for the instructions
that will follow. In Sa, a text that was originally appended to 1QS, we find another section at
the very beginning of the compilation (1QSa 1:1-5) that gives a brief introduction and preamble
to a new eschatological context, followed by an admonition to live by the laws. This text may
not have existed as a separate entity before the composition of 1QSa, but it any case, it was
compiled or written as an account in order to give context to the instructions that were
brought together which follow.
In M, we find a long account at the beginning of the text (1QM 1:16-2:15) that describes the
eschatological war in two stages and the annihilation of the Sons of Darkness. This section
ends with a statement about service to God. Once again, this complex section serves to give its
178
Collins includes the Instruction on the Two Spirits under a section on ‘Wisdom in the Dead Sea Scrolls.,’ and
states that the Instruction on the Two Spirits “provides a nice focal point for comparison of Ben Sira and Qumran
wisdom. Despite the startling novelty of the Community Rule, we can now see its formulation in the context of
an ongoing debate in the wisdom schools of Judea in the second century B.C.E.,” see Collins, Jewish Wisdom in the
Hellenistic Age (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1997), 130.
Chapter 2: Structure—The Compilation
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readers an account of the war, and to provide them with context for the instructions that will
follow. 179 After the instructions of M are laid out, we find near the end of the compilation (1QM
15:4-18:9) another account of the war given as a description of the final battle (first to sixth
engagements and then the final seventh, victorious engagement). This section reads as if it
were a ‘historiography’ for the future—events are depicted before they have happened.
Finally, at the very end of M (1QM 19:9-14), after several prayers are laid out, we find a final
account in the form of a description of a ceremony that will take place after the final victory.
This is the final account and context for the eschatological drama.
In a similar manner at the beginning of D (CD A 1-8 & CD B 19) in a long section known
famously as the ‘Exhortation’ or ‘Admonition’ we find a plethora of background information
collected to give context to the rules that will follow. Amongst other topics, we see how God
punishes the wicked, and how there will exist a righteous remnant that is meant to lead an
exemplary life. We are presented with the Man of mockery and told how the ‘present age’ is
under the power of Belial. Belial’s ‘traps’ are described and we are told how God punishes sin
and provides for the faithful. Finally, in Col. 19, we see that the fulfillment of prophecy is a fact,
and we are told that God will remain faithful. While this is a very large portion of D on the
whole, there is no doubt that this section is of a particular text-type. Once again we see
philosophical wisdom mixed with historiography, and all of this information gives account
179
For a good synopsis, see B. Schultz, Conquering the World: The War Scroll (1QM) Reconsidered (Leiden: Brill,
2009). Schultz’ synopsis will also be dealt with further below.
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and provides a context for the rules that will follow. Without this account, the rules would
have little meaning in the fabric of D.
2.4 The Instruction
This is perhaps the central text-type present in all of the serek texts.180 One might say that the
purpose of the compilations in general was to provide context for the instructions that were
gathered. The instructions are on a variety of topics; however, the common denominator is
that they provide guidelines for the entire duration of the end time. That is, they provide a
strategy for how the Children of Light must act in the present, and in the near eschatological
future of the final battles and for the final victory.
In S (1QS 5:1-11:15a) we find at the centre of the document a large section containing many
instructions that pertain primarily to the ‘present’ time: rules for the conduct of the
community, general foundational precepts; examination of initiates; meals; public meetings;
two-year process of admission; penal code; fraud & grudges; public indecency, spitting, and so
forth; rebellion against community; rules for community discipline; manifesto; rules for the
instructor. 181 The general thrust of these instructions is that they are all for the ‘present’
moment of the end time in the unfolding of the eschatological drama, even though by the end
of S—for example in 1QS 9:11—we find that two messiahs of the end time have already made
180
Not surprisingly, the serek texts are often classified as legal texts, reflecting the emphasis on the instructions in
the texts. See, for example, VanderKam and Flint, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Significance for
Understanding the Bible, Judaism, Jesus, and Christianity (San Francisco: HarperCollins, 2002), 210-21.
181
For a description of these laws in more detail, see Knibb, The Qumran Community, 101-22.
Chapter 2: Structure—The Compilation
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their appearance. However, in the majority of the instructions in S, there is an immediacy with
little discussion about what will come to pass in the future. If we have begun to see the end
time unfold by column 9 of S, by the time we reach Sa (1QSa 1:6-2:22), we are within a very
different timeframe: rules for education of troops; rules governing eligibility for service of
congregation and army; those excluded from assemblies. Here in what would have originally
been the addendum to 1QS, we find a sequel of sorts that presents instructions for a future
time period in which a war is unfolding.
In the instructions of M (1QM 2:16-10:9), one covers ground related more to Sa as regards the
timeframe. We are brought into the eschatological battles and given precise martial
instructions for the types of trumpets to be used during the war; the banners that will be
hoisted; the shields that will be wielded. In addition, instructions are given for the arming of
divisions, the deployment of cavalry and the recruitment of soldiers. Finally, there are
instructions for the ministry of priests and Levites and the maneuvers of the battle divisions.
Thus, while these are not socially specific instructions—that is, if we only had M it would be
difficult to determine how the covenanters would have lived their daily lives—the
instructions are chronologically specific. In other words, what is set out is a strategy for a very
particular time, and thus plays a very important role in the unfolding of the eschatological
drama.
D provides us with an extensive list of laws. For example, in 4Q266f5-6 and 4Q270-272 we find
various instructions that parallel very closely the Hebrew Bible. These concern leprosy; skin
Chapter 2: Structure—The Compilation
96
disease; bodily discharges; purification after birth; harvest regulations; measurements and
offerings; corpse impurity; Gentile meat and so forth. In a similar manner in CD A 15-16 and 914, we find a large section of laws dealing with those living in camps, many laws of which are
modeled closely after the Hebrew Bible. Perhaps the most interesting phenomenon of the
instructions in D is the contexts that is given for them; that is, that some rules are for those
who live in city, and some for those in camps. In the context of the other serek texts—in
particular M—such instructions would make most sense chronologically in the later time of
the eschatological drama after the final war had begun. The notion that the chosen ones will
be living in Jerusalem as well as in war camps, makes most sense in this timeframe. More of
this notion will be developed below.
2.5 Hymn, Liturgy & Prayer
One interesting phenomenon in the serek texts is the presence within each compilation of
interspersed hymnic/liturgic materials. These texts fall into at least two categories: the
ceremonial liturgy and the eschatological prayer.182
We see, for example in 1QS 1:16-2:25 a ceremonial liturgy for initiating new members into the
community. Embedded within the ritual is a series of blessings and curses that were
envisioned to be recited during the ceremony. As has been pointed out by several scholars,
this ceremony is likely modeled after Deut 27, and can be divided into five parts: Praise of
182
The categories ‘Ceremonial liturgies’ and ‘Eschatological prayers’ are taken from Chazon, "Psalms, Hymns, and
Prayers," in Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York: OUP, 2000), 710-11.
Chapter 2: Structure—The Compilation
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God; Description of God’s deeds; Blessing of the righteous; Cursing of the wicked; and, Cursing
of the insincere. 183 While this ceremony may well have taken place, perhaps the greater
importance of this sort of text in the serek is its direct evocation of the divine. The ceremony is
justified through its evocation of the divine. It thus functions as a testimony to the
righteousness of God as interpreted by the scribes of the serek texts.
At the end of S (1QS 11:15b-22) we also find a hymn. 184 The content of this section comments
upon the greatness of God and human unworthiness. This is really a paean to God, in which
the author—speaking in the first person—recalls the perfect calendar as is divinely
determined, the good conduct of the blessed as allowed by God, and God’s overall
omnipotence, amongst other topics. Again, we see this evocation as a testament to the glory of
God and his righteousness.
In the Rule of the Blessings (1QSb)—originally appended to the end of Sa 185—we find a
collection of prayers/blessings for the end time. Within this section, we find a blessing to be
recited by the faithful; a blessing for the Zadokite priests; a blessing on the messianic high
priest; and, a blessing for the Prince of the Congregation. Given the eschatological overtones
of the blessings, the editors suggested that the chief priest and prince in question are the
183
See Knibb, The Qumran Community, 84.
184
It is interesting to note that Chazon does not mention the end of S in her description of psalms, hymns and
prayers amongst the DSS; see Chazon, "Psalms, Hymns, and Prayers," 710-15.
185
See Milik, "Recueil des Bénédictions," in DJD 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955), 118-30.
Chapter 2: Structure—The Compilation
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messiahs of Aaron and Israel respectively, 186 and like Sa, Sb is also intended for “the end of
days.” According to Schiffman, Sb:
[…] is a set of hymns to be recited as part of the mustering ceremony to be held in the
end of days. […] At this mustering there would no longer be a need to recite blessings
and curses for there was no reason to utter the previously customary imprecations. At
this end of days, it would only be necessary to praise the sect and its leaders, for the
ultimate perfection had dawned, and they had been its harbingers. 187
As can be seen, the context for these hymns parallels chronologically the end of M.
Furthermore, there also exists a deep connection to M in these hymns as regards their
content. Here God is evoked in the context of war, to praise the perfection that had been
achieved by the ultimate divine plan for the future.
In M (1QM 10:9-15:3), perhaps not surprisingly, we also find eschatological prayers in the
context of the final war. In this section, there is a prayer to be recited by the chief priest; a
blessing of the war recited by all the leaders after the victory; and, finally, a blessing for the
morning before the battle. In a similar manner at the end of the scroll (1QM 18:10-19:8), we find
an eschatological prayer of thanksgiving for the final victory. Each of these prayers evoke once
again God as a testament to His ultimate power over the situation, and act almost as if they
were formulaic talismans to effectuate the eschaton.
186
See ibid.
187
See Schiffman, The Eschatological Community of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 78.
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In Cave 4 fragments of D (4Q266f1 & 4Q268f1) we also find a sort of ceremonial liturgy—what
has been called an expulsion ceremony.188 This section appears to be a ritual for the expulsion
of those who reject the laws in which the priest recites a blessing that praises God for
choosing the forefathers and for allowing the other nations to stray. Once again, the
judgement of the person is made as a testament to the righteousness of God.
2.6 Summary
As discussed in the introduction, both at the semantic level and here at the textual level, we
encounter the serek as a phenomenon describing spatial organization and structure
answering the question: What is being organized? In the case of the serek texts at the textual
level, we find that each serek is a compilation of several text-types; that is, compilations of
accounts, instructions and of prayers, hymns or liturgies. Thus, in a physical, ‘spatial’ sense,
serek is the act of arranging different materials together into one. However, beyond this, it can
be shown that the serek is not just random in the way it compiles, but rather that there is a
similarity of structure for each serek text in their natures as compilations. The ultimate
purpose of this structure can be summarized as the following: each of these text-types brings
an essential quality to the serek as a whole. First, the accounts give philosophical and
historiographical context to the serek; they give account of this backdrop. Upon this backdrop
are the instructions themselves which are collected into the fabric of, and act ultimately as the
core of the serek. Onto this backdrop, the instructions are given along a chronological
188
See Chazon, "Psalms, Hymns, and Prayers," 710.
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100
continuum beginning in the present (at the beginning of the end time) and ending after the
final battle and messianic banquet of the eschaton. Finally, there exist interwoven hymns/
liturgies/ prayers that evoke the divine, testifying to His righteousness. Whether one is being
expelled from the community, whether the divine is being praised or thanked, the evocation
of God plays a key role in anchoring the serek into the divine. The serakhim point to a
chronological trajectory; this trajectory is perhaps most apparent in the narrative that is
presented in the serakhim, which will be taken up next.
3 Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
Up to this point, we have seen several structural features common amongst the serek texts. In
addition to these commonalities, I believe it is also possible to describe within the serek texts
a unified narrative that will be described in the following section. 189 This is a narrative that
describes how God’s plan has been fulfilled in the present, and it goes on to describe and
predict how matters will come to pass. As laid out in the introduction, this trajectory parallels
in many ways the hierarchical disposition of serek as laid out in Chapter 1; that is, the serek
organizes at the semantic level a movement along a chronological hierarchy of sorts, in which
the present is far less desirable than the future. Thus, we see at the textual level an expression
in a narrative framework of serek as a hierarchy.
189
There is no doubt that the serek texts were written at different times, and that there exist different recensions
of each of M, S, and D, all with their own histories. Despite this, the fact that they have many common features
gives me reason to believe that they were eventually read together as a whole, and understood together as a
whole.
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
101
3.1 The War Scroll―The Basis of a Narrative
In order to begin to understand this narrative thread, it is best perhaps to look to M. Of all the
serek texts, it is the text with the most clearly defined narrative, 190 and in order to understand
this narrative, I will follow the work of B. Schultz. Schultz has revived and further nuanced the
theory that M can be read as a cohesive document describing a two-stage conflict. The first
stage—called the War of the Kittim (—)מלחמה בכתייםis described in col. 1 and uses Dan
11:40-45 as its structural and historical basis. 191 The presumption, according to Schultz, is that
190F
this stage will endure for seven years; seven years in which the covenanters live in exile from
Jerusalem. During this first stage, seven military rounds are to pass—presumably one per
year—three of which the Sons of Light will conquer, and three of which the Sons of Darkness
will conquer. Finally, in the last round, the Sons of Light prevail and will be restored to
Jerusalem. In this first battle, the Sons of Darkness—the ‘apostate’ Jews—are finally destroyed
(1QM 1:10). However, this is not the final battle for the Sons of Light. After this victory, a second
stage will commence in which the Sons of Light will be restored to Jerusalem for an additional
33 years (29 fighting years and 4 sabbatical years) of a great war, the goal of which will be to
190
According to Davies, the War Rule is a “…[c]omposite document, whose originally independent sources have
nevertheless been organized in a way that offers a generally coherent if sometimes puzzling picture. [... The War
Scroll…] thus combines, by means of the arrangement of its parts and a prefatory outline (i) a nationalistic
scheme of world conquest by Israel with a seven-stage dualistic confrontation between the forces of light and
darkness. The balance between fantasy and reality is precarious: the dualistic battle proceeds as if minutely
choreographed, where the enemy falls after a single throw. The ‘nationalistic’ sections (ii-ix) contain some
apparently more realistic data, though the idea of world conquest, with even enemy combatants observing
sabbatical years, is hardly credible,” see Davies, "War of the Sons of Light Against the Sons of Darkness," in
Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York: OUP, 2000), 965.
191
See Schultz, Conquering the World: The War Scroll (1QM) Reconsidered, 392. I have summarized his chronology
in Chapter 3, Table 4.
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
102
destroy all the foreign nations of the world. 192 These final years of fighting—called the War of
the Divisions (—)מלחמה המחלקותare described from col. 2 until the end of M. In this drawnout final stage, the 12 tribes will be restored to Jerusalem, and the ‘true’ priests will renew
sacrifice in the temple (1QM 2:1-2). Also, within this newly established, ‘post-exilic’ Israel, there
will live together the covenanters and their wives and children—as life will have to go on for
the remaining 33 years (1QM 7:3-4), albeit only in accordance with the strictest scriptural
guidelines. In addition to living in Jerusalem and in other cities throughout Judaea, the
warriors of the Sons of Light will dwell on the peripheries in military camps ( )מחנותas the
foreigners are slowly conquered over the 33 years. Women and children—including others
disqualified by blemishes—will not be allowed in these camps, lest they spoil the war (1QM
7:1-5). The next years of fighting will take place on Israel’s borders as it ever expands, with the
ultimate divine purpose being the conquest of the entire known world. 193 The entire, great
eschatological war will finally take place over a forty year period (7 years + 33 years), the
whole of which constitutes the end of days ()אחרית הימים. 194
193F
Laid out in this manner, we can see a clear story being told; a story that is linked very carefully
to a hierarchical, narrative timeline. While many of the details are missing in M, one can still
describe this as a complex, chronological narrative. All of the information organized under the
192
See ibid., 394.
193
See ibid., 395.
On the use of אחרית הימיםin these texts, see A. Steudel, " אחרית הימיםin the Texts from Qumran," RevQ 16
(1993).
194
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
103
rubric of serek is done so carefully within this narrative framework. The question is: Do the
serakhim S and D tell a similar ‘story’ about the end time?
3.2 The Community Cycle (S, Sa & Sb)
When S, Sa and Sb are read as contiguous whole—what I will call the ‘Community Cycle’—I
believe the work can be read as a complex, chronological narrative that parallels M. It is
possible to understand all three documents as forming a cohesive, albeit compiled and
redacted narrative, a version which would date paleographically to 100-75 B.C.E. 195 Given the
similarity of content in Sa and Sb and the fact that both texts were originally copied on the
same scroll as 1QS, one can take the conglomeration of S, Sa and Sb to have been at one time a
single, purposeful scribal compilation. 196 As has been pointed out by several scholars, Sa and
Sb describe the Yaḥad community during the end time, 197 whereas S—despite its complex
redactional history—appears to describe the Yaḥad community during a ‘present’ age moving
toward the eschatological future. 198 If we take S, Sa and Sb together as a single Community
Cycle, then it becomes possible to parallel this conglomerate with M in a congenial manner. S
195
See G. Bonani et al., "Radiocarbon Dating of the Dead Sea Scrolls," Atiqot 20 (1991): 27-32.
196
Milik was the first to point out that S, Sa and Sb were originally part of the same scroll; see Milik, "Qumran
Cave 1," 118. Also see R. North, "Qumran 'Serek a' and Related Fragments," Or 25 (1956): 90-91.
197
See, for example, Schiffman, The Eschatological Community of the Dead Sea Scrolls. See also Schiffman, "Rule of
the Congregation," in Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York: OUP, 2000). This is also described in
Collins, Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls, 52. For a brief introduction that also mentions this fact, see
Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, "Rule of the Congregation (1QSa)," 108. It must be pointed out that Stegemann
and others have problematized this assessment, stressing that the ‘end of days’ ( )אחרית הימיםrefers to the time
in which the covenanters believed they were already living; see, for example, H. Stegemann, The Library of
Qumran: On the Essenes, Qumran, John the Baptist, and Jesus (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 113. See also Metso, The Serekh
Texts, 51.
198
For example, in 1QS 9:11 we see that S brings in the two eschatological messiahs.
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
104
describes community life during the first stages of the end time, when the Sons of Light saw
themselves still to be in exile, anticipating their eventual and ‘soon-to-come’ restoration to
Jerusalem. In this manner, S would parallel the time of the War of the Kittim in col. 1 of M
when the apostate Sons of Darkness still had not been entirely conquered. On the other hand,
in Sa and Sb, the covenanters begin to describe community life in the final stages of the war
after the 12 tribes have been restored to Jerusalem and the War of the Divisions ensues. This
stage of the war would include women and children as it does in 1QM 7:3-4. To quote Sa (1QSa
1:4-11):
בבואוֿ ם יקהילו את כול הבאים מטפ עד נשים וקראו בא]וזניהם [את4
במ]שוגותיהמ[ה
֯
]טיה[מה פן ישגו
̇
משפ
֯
]כ[ו֯ ל חוקי הברית ולהבינם בכול5
[ וזה הסרך לכול צבאות העדה לכול האזרח בישראל ומן נעו֯ ]ריו6
[]יל[מדהו בספר ההגי וכפי יומיו ישכיליהו בחוק]י[ הברית ֯ול]פי שכלו
֯
7
[]י[בוא בטפ ו]בן[ עשרים שנ]ה יעבור על
̇ ]יי[סרו במשפטיהמה עשר שנים8
[בעד]ת[ קודש ולוא י֯ ]קרב
֯
]ח[תו ליחד
̇
משפ
̇
̇הפקודים לבוא בגורל בתוך9
[עש]רי[ם שנה בדעתו ]טוב
֯
מולואת לו
֯ אל אשה לדעתה למשכבי זכר כי֯ אם לפי
֯ 10
[...] ורע11
As they arrive, all the newcomers shall be assembled—women and children
included—and read 5 [a]ll the statutes of the Covenant. They shall be indoctrinated
in all of their laws, for fear that otherwise they may sin accidently. 6 The following is
the procedure 199 for all the troops of the congregation, and it applies to every nativeborn Israelite. From [early ch]ildhood each boy 7 is to be instructed in the Book of
Meditation. As he grows older, they shall teach him the statutes of the Covenant and
[he will receive] 8 [in]struction in their laws. For ten years he is to be considered a
youth. Then, at a[ge] twenty, [he shall be enrolled] 9 [in] the ranks and take his place
among the men of his clan, thereby joining the holy congrega[tion.] He must not
app[roach] 10 a woman for sexual intercourse before he is fully twenty years old, when
he knows [right] 11 from wrong.
199
This is an adaptation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation (San Francisco:
HarperSanFrancisco, 1996), 137-38. In this instance, they translate serek as ‘policy.’ I have emended it to
‘procedure’ in accordance with the procedural aspect of serek described in Chapter 1 (summarized in Appendix
I).
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
105
When spelt out in this way, Sa begins to look very much like a text that was written for times
of war in an eschatological narrative framework. Further on, we find a discussion in Sa—as
might be expected in a document anticipating a future war—about the rules governing
eligibility for service in the army (1QSa 1:12-17):
להת]י[צב ביסודות עדת
֯
[ ובן חמש ועש]ר[י̇ ם שנה יבוא...] 12
העדה ובן שלושים שנה יגש לריב ריב
֯
הקודש לעבור את עבודת13
ח]מ[שים
̇
]ש[פט ולהתיצב ברואשי אלפי ישראל לשרי מאות שרי
֯
ו֯ ֯מ14
ושוטרים לשבטיהם בכול משפחותם ]על פ[י בני
̇
]ושרי[ עשרות שופטים15
[ב ֯עבודות
֯ ]אהר[ון הכוהנים וכול ̇שריש אבות העדה אשר יצא הגורל להתי]צב16
[...] ]לצאת[ ולבוא לפני העדה17
At age twenty-five, he is eligible to take his place among the pillars of the holy 13
congregation and to begin serving the congregation. When he is thirty years old, he
may begin to take part in legal disputes. 14 Further, he is now eligible for command,
whether of the thousands of Israel, or as a captain of hundreds, fifties, or 15 tens, or as
a judge or official for their tribes and clans. Command appointments shall [be
decided by] the Sons of 16 [Aar]on, the priests, advised by all the heads of the
congregation’s clans. Anyone so destined must take his pla[ce] in service publicly, 17
[and likewise go for]th to battle and return while the congregation looks on. 200
No scholar has disputed that this section is speaking about instructions for an ‘army’ life or
martial scenario. However, it is interesting to note that these passages have not been tied to M
in a decisive manner before. Thus, if we take S and Sa as forming a contiguous document that
is connected to M, then it would appear that Sa could have been added to S in order to create
a chronological narrative that mirrored M. S forms a body of information that applies to the
time of the beginning of the War of the Kittim (beginning of the end time) and Sa and Sb
apply to the War of the Divisions and to the conclusion of the end time, including the
messianic banquet. Seen in this manner, the Community Cycle as well as M both map
200
Translation from ibid., 138.
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
106
progressions from the present, through to the final stages of the War of the Divisions, and on
to the arrival of the Messiahs paralleling the narrative in M.
3.3 The Damascus Document
Since D also makes extensive use of the term serek, it is crucial to understand what the
relationship is between it, M and S as regards its narrative. It has been assumed by many
scholars up until the present—in accordance with the so-called Groningen Hypothesis—that
the community behind D was a different community from that which lived at the settlement
now known as Khirbet Qumran. 201 However, this blank assumption has been questioned,
notably by J. Jokiranta who emphasizes that the documents (S and D) stress the activities of
the movement rather than particular forms of communities and organizations. 202 The research
undertaken in Chapter 1 and the present chapter forces one to conjecture a new hypothesis
regarding D. This new hypothesis would maintain that D—as a cohesive compilation—does
not describe a ‘sister’ community related to the community described in S.203 Rather, it
201
See, for example, VanderKam, The Dead Sea Scrolls Today (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1994), 57. For
the Groningen Hypothesis, see García Martínez, "A Groningen Hypothesis," Folia Orientalia 25 (1988): 113-36. See
also García Martínez and van der Woude, "A 'Groningen' Hypothesis of Qumran Origins and Early History," RevQ
14 (1990): 521-41.
202
See J. Jokiranta, "An Experiment on Idem Identity in the Qumran Movement," DSD 16.3 (2009): 309-10. This
approach is in contrast to scholars such as Alexander who states: “[…a] Serekh is not a literary form, save in the
vague sense that it is, by definition, an orderly statement. It is a genre defined by its content, and that content
primarily has to do with community organization and practice,” see Alexander, "Rules," 437-38. Through this
analysis, if we look to Alexander’s quotation above, I hope to go beyond describing only the ‘community
organization and practice’ that can be discerned from the serek texts. While the work done on community
organization and practice in the serek texts is very important, concentrating only on this side of the serek texts
may impede our understanding of the serek texts as a whole.
203
Grossman has already stated that D ought to be read as an ideological construction of history rather than as a
historical source; see Grossman, Reading for History in the Damascus Document: A Methodological Study, 200-11.
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
107
describes the life of the Children of Light during the second stage of the war known as the War
of Divisions. 204 I will give four examples—all of which have to do with the content of D—why
it makes more sense to read D as following a narrative similar to that of M, in which it
describes instructions for the second stage of the eschaton.
First, D presupposes that there is a functioning temple, presumably in Jerusalem (e.g., 4QDa 5
ii 1-16; 4QDb 5 iii 1-8; 4QDh 2:1-2; 4 I 5-11; CD A 11:17-18), which is likely referred to in CD 11:18b12:1a as the House of Worship ()בית השתחות:
[ אל ישלח...] 18
איש למזבח עולה ומנחה ולבונה ועץ ביד איש טמא באחת19
מן הטמאות להרשותו לטמא את המזבח כי כתוב זבח20
רשעים תועבה ותפלת צדקם כמנחת רצון וכל הבא אל21
השתחות אל יבא טמא כבוס ובהרע חצוצרות הקהל
̇
בית22
כול ̇ה ] [ו֯ ̇ת
̇ דה
̇ ̇העבו
̇
יתקדם או יתאחר ולא ישביתו את23
XII (MS A)
קודשיהוא1
No one should send 19 a whole burnt offering, cereal offering, incense offering, or
wood offering to the altar through anyone impure by any 20 of the impurities, thus
allowing him to defile the altar; for it is written, “The sacrifice 21 of the wicked is
abhorrent; but the prayer of the righteous is like an offering received with favor”
(Prov. 15:8). No one who enters the 22 house of worship shall enter in impurity, with
garments requiring ritual laundering. When the trumpets for assembly are blown, 23
let him go earlier or later so that they do not need to stop the whole service, [fo]r it is
a place of Col. 12 1 holiness. 205
In M we see that after the Children of Light are restored to Jerusalem in the wake of the War of
the Kittim, they will initiate sacrifice in the Temple under chief priests (1QM 2:1-6). Thus, it is
204
As such, it might be dated earlier than has previously been assumed. While I do not agree with his entire
thesis, B. Z. Wacholder has recently made a convincing argument that an earlier dating for CD is possible; see
Wacholder, The New Damascus Document: The Midrash on the Eschatological Torah of the Dead Sea Scrolls:
Reconstruction, Translation and Commentary (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 3.
205
Translation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation, 72.
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
108
only during the long War of Divisions that the temple service returns as a primary concern for
the covenanters. It is only in this time that they will officiate again.
Second, D describes a community of Jews that contains women and children (e.g., 4QDa 6 i-iii;
4QDe 4:1-8; CD 12:1-2):
[ אל ישכב איש עם אשה בעיר המקדש לטמא...] 1
[...] את עיר המקדש בנדתם2
A man may not lie with a woman in the city of the Temple, defiling 2 the city of the
Temple by their uncleanness. 206
This passage has been taken by some scholars as proof that D describes a different community
that contained women as opposed the supposed celibate community described in S. However,
if we look at this passage as a particular point along a narrative chronology, we can see this
description as taking place during the War of the Divisions when women and children would
have been included in the community, as described in 1QM 7:3-4 and 1QSa 1:4-11. In M, the
assumption is that women and children will be living amongst the Sons of Light during the
War of Divisions, although they are explicitly forbidden during this time to enter the camps
(i.e., war camps), lest they defile the process of the battles (1QM 7:3-4):
[ וכול נער זעטוט ואשה לוא יבואו למחנותם בצאתם...] 3
[...] מירושלים ללכת למלחמה עד שובם4
No youth nor woman shall enter the encampments [ ]למחנותםfrom the time they
leave 4 from Jerusalem to go to battle until their return.
206
Translation from ibid., 73.
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
109
Thus, here as well, there is a presumption that there will be women present, and that there
must be strict regulations about how they may interact with the men during this sacred time
of war.
Third, D makes use of terms that are found almost exclusively in the Sa and M such as עדה
and קהלto describe the community. It can be argued in the context of the other examples
given here that the community described is a stage of the end-time community that would
form during the period of the War of Divisions. For example, in CD 10:4-8 it states:
וזה סרך לשפטי העדה עד עשרה אנשים ברורים4
מן העדה לפי העת ארבעה למטה לוי ואהרן ומישראל5
ששה מבוננים בספר ההגו וביסודי הברית מבני חמשה6
ועשרים שנה עד בני ששים שנה ואל יתיצב עוד מבן7
[...] ששים שנה ומעלה לשפוט את העדה8
This is the arrangement of the judges of the Congregation ()עדה. They shall be ten
men in all chosen 5 from the Congregation ( )עדהat the proper time: four from the
tribe of Levi and Aaron, and from Israel 6 six men learned in the Book of Meditation
and in the basic covenant principles, from the age of 7 twenty-five to sixty. No one
above the age 8 of sixty shall hold the office of judge of the Congregation (( … )עדהmy
translation). 207
206F
This use of עדהto describe the community has many direct parallels in M and 1QSa. 208
207F
Finally, the fact that D contains many laws pertinent to war—a concern which would have
been of utmost importance in a document describing the War of Divisions—means that it is
207
208
Also see CD 15:17.
See, for example: 1QSa 1:1, 6, 9, 12, 13, 16, 17, 19, 20x2, 23, 24, 25, 28; 2:5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 16x2, 21; 1QSb 3:3; 5:20; and
1QM 1:10, 20; 2:1, 3, 5, 7, 9; 3:2, 4, 11, 13; 4:9x2, 15; 5:1; 12:7, 9, 15; 15:9; 19:7. While this study will serve as a start in
expounding the interconnectivity between S, Sa, Sb, D, and M, more investigation will be needed to show
conclusively that D refers to the eschatological community after the ingathering of the chosen to Jerusalem and
the subsequent ‘world’ war.
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
110
best understood in light of the M narrative of the War of the Divisions. For example, D
contains several sections describing the ‘camps’ (e.g., 4QDa 7 ii 1-10; CD 12:22b-13:7a; CD 13:7b14:2; CD 14:3-18a) that are best understood as ‘war camps.’ As we see in CD 12:22b-13:7a:
[ וז̇ ה סרך מושב...] 22
̇אה ̇רן
̇ ]חנו[ת ֯ה ֯מ ֯ת ֯ה ̇ל ̇כי֯ ֯ם ֯ב ֯א ̇ל ֯ה בקץ הרשעה עד עמוד משוח
֯
]ה[מ
̇
23
XIII (MS A)
למועט לאלפים ומיאיות וחמשים
̇
וישראל עד עשרה אנשים1
עשרה אל ימש איש כהן מבונן בספר ההגי על
̇
ובמקום
̇
ועשרות2
כולם ואם אין הוא בחון בכל אלה ואיש מהלוים בחון
̇
̇ פיהו ישקו3
הגו֯ רל לצאת ולבוא על פיהו כל באי המחנה ואם
̇ באלה ויצא4
משפט לתורת נגע יהיה באיש ובא הכהן ועמד במחנה והבינו5
המבקר בפרוש התורה ואם פתי הוא יסגירנו כי להם6
[...] המשפט7
This is the arrangement 209 for those who live in 23 camps, who live by these rules in
the era of wickedness, until the appearance of the Messiah of Aaron Col. 13 1 and of
Israel: up to ten men at least, for thousands, and hundreds, and fifties, 2 and tens. For
every group of ten, a priest knowledgeable in the Book of Meditation should always
be present; by 3 his command, all shall be ruled. If he is not qualified in these rules
and a Levite is qualified in 4 them, then the allotment shall proceed in all its ways at
his command, all the members of the camp. But if 5 it is a case of the law of skin
diseases, then the priest must come and be present in the camp, and the Overseer 6
shall instruct him in the details of the Law, and even if the priest is ignorant, it is he
who must isolate the one suffering from skin disease, because that duty 7 is the
priests’ alone.
While it has been assumed that these ‘camps’ refer to “communal cells in the villages and
towns of the land,” 210 the most straightforward manner in which to understand the מחנה
would be as a ‘military camp’ as it is understood in M, especially given the description of
209
This is an adaptation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation, 74. In this instance,
they translate serek as ‘rule.’ I have emended it to ‘arrangement’ in accordance with the spatial aspect of serek
described in Chapter 1 (summarized in Appendix I).
210
See VanderKam and Flint, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Significance for Understanding the Bible,
Judaism, Jesus, and Christianity, 216.
Chapter 2: Narrative—Trajectory to a Better Future
111
thousands, hundreds and fifties.211 The concern regarding someone who has a skin disease, as
described in the quoted section of D above, is reflected in 1QM 7:4 where the affected person
must not go out to the camp to battle. These are concerns that would have been prominent for
a writer concerned with the manner in which a sacred war would unfold. One has to bear in
mind that the War of Divisions would occur over many years—or even over several
generations. It would be inevitable that the Sons of Light would continue to procreate, that
their children would have to be initiated, and that certain members of the community would
have to deal with ailments like skin diseases. As we see further on in CD 13, we also see a
situation in which the inhabitants of the camps are faced with doing business with ‘corrupt
people.’ This would also have been an inevitable situation given that the camps would
eventually conquer all of the known world and thus would have to interact with many nonJews.
3.4 Summary
When read as a conglomerate, we see at the textual level within the serakhim the expression
of a narrative progression that starts in the present and proceeds towards a perfect and whole
future. This is a grand expression of the hierarchy of times and the human experience. The
scribes saw mankind as proceeding from the imperfection into which they had descended,
back to a primordial Eden of sorts. Thus, here at the textual level, we see an expression of
211
Camps are spoken about in detail, and in several different military contexts; see 1QM 3:4-5; 3:14; 4:9; 6:10; 7:1; 7:3;
7:7; 10:1; 14:2; 14:19; 16:3; 18:4; 19:8-9. There are many other examples which can be brought forth. For example, the
fact that CD mentions regulations concerning a priest who is captured by gentiles (4QDa 5 ii 4-14), is important in
the context of a future, international war that would be directed against gentiles.
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
112
qualitative concerns that not only parallels the hierarchical disposition at the semantic level,
but also emphasizes the importance of time within the serek texts. There is an immediacy of
time that has not often been emphasized.
4 Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
Perhaps one of the most important themes in the serek texts is the clear polarity between the
covenanters and their perceived opponents; in other words, each of the serek texts lays out a
clear dichotomy between the ‘in-group’ and the imagined ‘other.’ 212 I say imagined, because
the terms of their ‘otherness’ is often described in esoteric language despite the fact that there
existed real conflicts underlying the creation of the dichotomy. 213 Even if this theme is not
written on every column of each serek texts, its message is so strong that it colours the entire
worldview of the text in a profound manner. While this theme can be seen in other texts from
the period, it can definitely be called a unifying theme within the serek texts―a theme that
gives very important ideological texture to the overall fabric of each text. This theme parallels
212
The theory of in-group language was expounded in H.Tajfel’s social identity theory. According to Tajfel (and
his student J. Turner) people identify with their own group in opposition to other groups in a manner to
maximize positive distinctiveness. This group offers two facets for the participant’s own identity formation: (1)
identity: answering the question “who am I?’ and (2) self-esteem: to make us feel good about ourselves; see Tajfel
and Turner, "The Social Identity Theory of Intergroup Behavior," in Psychology of Intergroup Relations (Chicago:
Nelson-Hall, 1986), 7-10. In the texts mentioned in this section, the theme of the ‘enemy other’ has the rhetorical
function of identifying the sympathetic reader/listener in a negative fashion; that is, we are not them). In ancient
Jewish literature, the theme of the ‘enemy-other’ is most commonly delineated in terms that describe certain
‘nations’ that are against ‘us.’
213
It must be emphasized here that while there were certainly many ‘real’ enemies that the serek texts describe,
this study is concerned with the enemy other as a literary trope. On the multiple enemies see the article, for
example, by H. Eshel, "The Kittim in the War Scroll and in the Pesharim," in Historical Perspectives: From the
Hasmoneans to Bar Kokhba in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls, STDJ, 37 (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 29-44. This is also
reworked in Eshel, "The Changing Notion of the Enemy and Its Impact on the Pesharim," in The Dead Sea Scrolls
and the Hasmonean State (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi Press, 2008), 169-90.
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
113
in an important manner the martial disposition that was described at the semantic level, and
answers the question: “Who?”
4.1 The Community Cycle
If we look to S, we see in the opening description of the aims of the ideal community, a clear
statement calling for a separation between the Children of Light and the Children of Darkness
(1QS 1:7-11):
[ ולהבי את כול הנדבים לעשות חוקי אל...] 7
בברית חסד להיחד בעצת אל ולהתהלכ לפניו תמים כול8
הנגלות ̇למועדי תעודותם ולאהוב כול בני אור איש9
כגורלו בעצת אל ולשנוא כול בני חושכ איש כאשמתו10
[...] בנקמת אל
ֿ
11
They shall admit into the covenant of love all those incited 214 to observe the statutes
of God, 8 so that they may be joined to the counsel of God and may walk perfectly
before him in accordance with all 9 the things that have been revealed at the times
appointed for their revelation; and so that they may love all the sons of light, each 10
according to his lot in the plan of God, and may hate all the sons of darkness, each
according to his guilt 11 in the vengeance of God.
Here we encounter a complex narrative that hints not only at a dualistic framework, but also
portrays a deterministic outlook on life. 215 Beyond this, we encounter for the first time in S the
great enemy of the covenanters: i.e., the Children of Darkness. The identity of the enemy in
this passage is obscure and the language describing it is ominous. The child of darkness has
erred, and thus is guilty―he has erred, and thus will encounter the wrath of God. The
This is an adaptation of Knibb, The Qumran Community, 79. In this instance, he translates הנדביםas ‘those who
willingly offer themselves.’ I have emended this to ‘those incited’ in accordance with the arguments laid out in
Stauber, "Determinism in the Rule of the Community (1QS): A New Perspective," 345-46.
214
215
It should be pointed out that there is also a dualistic blessing and cursing ‘liturgy’ present in both S & M (1QS
2:1-18; 1QM 13:1-6)’ see the analysis of 1QM 13:1-6 below. However, it should be emphasized that while dualism is
prominent in both S and M, it is not laid out as explicitly in M as it is in S.
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
114
terminology of ‘Sons’ or ‘Children’ of either ‘Light’ or ‘Darkness,’ as pointed out by M. Knibb,
reflects similar terminology in 1QM 1:1-2. 216 As we will see later on, D will use a slightly different
dichotomy when describing the enemy-other.
In addition to this statement, we see in the famous dualistic ‘Instruction on the Two Spirits’ a
complex explanation of the origin and final fate of this enemy-other (1QS 3:20-23):
ביד שר אורים ממשלת כול בני צדק בדרכי אור יתהלכו וביד מלאך20
חושכ כול ממשלת בני עול ובדרכי חושכ יתהלכו ובמלאך חושך תעות21
כול בני צדק וכול חטאתם ועוונותם ואשמתם ופשעי מעשיהם בממשלתו22
לפי רזי אל עד קצו וכול נגוֿ עיהם ומועדי צרותם בממשלת משטמתו23
The authority of the Prince of Light extends to the governance of all righteous people;
therefore, they walk in the paths of light. Correspondingly, the authority of the Angel
21
of Darkness embraces the governance of all wicked people, so they walk in the
paths of darkness. The authority of the Angel of Darkness further extends to the
corruption 22 of all the righteous. All their sins, iniquities, shameful and rebellious
deeds are at his prompting, 23 a situation God in His mysteries allows to continue
until His era dawns. 217
It should be pointed out here that the ‘Instruction on the Two Spirits’ is more than just an
expression of dualism, although this is an important aspect of the passage. 218 It is also a clear
expression of a dichotomous enemy-other who will be destroyed at the end of time. The
author concedes that the Angel of Darkness is the cause of two phenomena. First, the Angel of
Darkness is the progenitor of the wicked; by virtue of their innate iniquity, the wicked are
216
See Knibb, The Qumran Community, 81.
217
Translation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation, 120.
218
As pointed out by Duhaime, dualism is “more than dichotomy, polarity, or dualism: Dualism properly exists
only when pairs of opposites are understood as ‘the principles responsible for bringing the world into existence,’
that is, when cosmogony and anthropology is involved,” see Duhaime, "Dualism," in Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea
Scrolls (New York: OUP, 2000), 215-16. Dualism is an important component of the Treatise, but it is not the only
component.
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
115
direct products of the Angel of Darkness. There is no hope for their salvation. In addition to
this, the Angel of Darkness fulfills another role; that is, he is able to corrupt those who are
inherently righteous, thus making them err only temporarily. This situation will be rectified
when God’s era dawns. Thus, this passage solves a philosophical problem that the scribes of S
must have had; that is, how can inherently ‘good’ persons (‘good’ by determination) err? Here
we are given a narrative that hints at the destruction of this enemy-other. Furthermore, we see
that this enemy is not only expressed in individual ‘wicked’ persons, but is also reflected
cosmically in the notion of the Angel of Darkness.
4.2 The War Scroll
M begins with an introductory section describing the beginnings of an end-time war; the
battle is launched by the Children of Light (Levi, Judah and Benjamin) against the Children of
Darkness (Edom, Moab, Ammon, Philistia and the Kittim of Asshur). Here we see the same
terminology of light and darkness used in S. By the end of M, in wake of a seven-year battle,
this enemy-other is finally annihilated with the accompanying Schadenfreude of the victors.
Throughout the text, an omniscient narrator relays information in a matter-of-fact manner
(1QM 1:1-4a):
למ] [ המלחמה ראשית יד בני אור להחל בגורל בני חושך בחיל בליעל בגדוד אדום ומואב ובני עמון
֯ 1
] [ פלשת ובגדודי כתיי אשור ועמהם בעזר מרשיעי ברית בני לוי ובני יהודה ובני בנימין גולת°וח
֯ 2
המדבר ילחמו בם
] [ לכול גדודיהם בשוב גולת בני אור ממדבר העמים לחנות במדבר ירושלים ואחר המלחמה יעלו° ֯ב3
משם
] [ הכתיים במצרים°° 4
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
116
For the In[structor, the Arrangement of] 219 the War. The first attack of the Sons of
Light shall be undertaken against the forces of the Sons of Darkness, the army of
Belial: the troops of Edom, Moab, the sons of Ammon, 2 the [Amalekites,] Philistia
and the troops of the Kittim of Assyria. Supporting them are those who have violated
the covenant. The sons of Levi, the sons of Judah, and the sons of Benjamin, those
exiled to the wilderness, shall fight against them 3 with […] against all their troops,
when the exiles of the Sons of Light return from the Wilderness of the Peoples to
camp in the Wilderness of Jerusalem. Then after the battle they shall go up from that
place 4 a[nd the king of] the Kittim [shall enter] into Egypt.
The first theme that is evoked in this section is that of the ‘enemy-other.’ The scribe is clear to
lay out the opposers in a categorical manner; these enemies can be broken into three
categories: Israel’s neighbours or traditional enemies (Edom, Moab, Ammon and Philistia),
the Kittim of Asshur and finally ‘the offenders against the covenant.’ This trifold list of
antagonists is subsumed under two broader titles; namely ‘the sons of Darkness’ and ‘the army
of Belial,’ the first appellation paralleling the usage in S. This group is pitted against a second
positively-styled group called the “Sons of Light” or the “Exiles in the Wilderness,” again using
language reminiscent of S.220
219
Translation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation, 147. In this instance, they
translate serek as ‘rule.’ I have emended it to ‘arrangement’ in accordance with the spatial aspect of serek
described in Chapter 1 (summarized in Appendix I).
220
The theme of the ‘enemy-other’ has analogous counterparts in several classical biblical texts; for example, in
the Book of Joshua, Israel is pitted against rivals whom God will either subjugate or destroy with the proviso that
the Israelites keep His covenant. In the following excerpt, a scribe recounts how the prophet Joshua is informed
directly by God that an obedient Israel will be exalted, and Joshua turns to his people to speak on behalf of his
God (Josh 3:10):
הגרגשי-הפרזי ואת-החתי ואת-הכנעני ואת-ויאמר יהושע בזאת תדעון כי אל חי בקרבכם והורש יוריש מפניכם את
:והאמרי והיבוסי
By this you shall know that among you is the living God who without fail will drive out from
before you the Canaanites, Hittites, Hivites, Perizzites, Girgashites, Amorites, and Jebusites.
Here, seven indigenous enemies are listed; this might be called the standard list of the seven ‘antagonistic’
peoples of Palestine: the Canaanites, the Hittites, the Hivites, the Perizzites, the Girgashites, the Amorites and
the Jebusites; see G. McMahon, "Hittites," in ABD (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c. 1992), 231-33. When Moses is
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
117
As far as the overall effectiveness of the theme is concerned, it would have made little
difference which specific nations were mentioned by the scribe of M, although they had
precise reasons for his choice, 221 tempering his ‘enemy-other’ to fit his own unique historical
circumstances. 222 Familiar names were often repeated, but the essence of this
commonplace—knowing God’s enemy—is what was drawn upon as precedent for re-
making his final revelation to the tribes of Israel, he spells out the same list of seven enemies-to-be (Deut 7:1).
Deuteronomy and Joshua were likely composed around the same time in the 7th cent. B.C.E., possibly by a similar
scribe, and thus their repetition of the selfsame ‘enemy-other’ is understandable (For a dating of Deuteronomy to
the 7th century B.C.E.; see Weinfeld, "Deuteronomy, Book of," in ABD (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c.1992), 174.
Although the Book of Joshua is more difficult to date, scholars have long pointed out that it has ‘Deuteronomistic’
characteristics, and thus may be written/compiled around or just after Deuteronomy; see R. G. Boling, "Joshua,
Book of," in ABD (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c. 1992), 1007. I am not concerned with tracing a line of
development from Deuteronomy/Joshua through to Isaiah and beyond. I am concerned with exploring only the
basic theme of the ‘enemy other’). It is an interesting point to make that both Moses and Joshua act as divine
emissaries to bring the word of God to the Israelites: this word catalogs particulars about the fate of an ‘enemyother.’ Thus, one of the significant and urgent revelatory messages that God has to offer to his servants the
prophets, which is to be relayed subsequently to his people, is against whom they must define themselves in
their campaigns.
In a similar manner, albeit in a different context, the scribe of First Isaiah reports several scenes in which he
collocates two enemy camps: Israel and the other nations (It may be impossible to say whether this section from
First Isaiah is early (8th cent. B.C.E.) or much later. There is much divergence in the scholarly literature; see Seitz,
"Isaiah, Book of," 472. In one of these vignettes, labeled ‘Homecoming and Salvation’ by Wildberger, the scribe
reports how Isaiah make a prophecy about a united Ephraim and Judah who would come together in order to
subdue their adversaries; see H. Wildberger, Isaiah 1-12, trans. Thomas H. Trapp (Minneapolis: Fortress Press,
1991), 486. The passage is in Isa 11:14:
:קדם אדום ומואב משלוח ידם ובני עמון משמעתם-בני-ועפו בכתף פלשתים ימה יחדו יבזו את
They shall swoop down on the backs of the Philistines in the west; together they shall plunder
the people of the east. They shall put forth their hand against Edom and Moab, and the
Ammonites shall obey them.
The enemies in this vignette are different from the ‘standard’ seven of Deuteronomy and Joshua, but the effect is
much the same. The text makes a clear statement of revealed knowledge: whether unveiled to Moses, Joshua or
Isaiah, God’s plan includes information about who the ‘in-group’ is and about who the ‘other’ is.
221
For a brief justification for the list of enemies in 1QM; see H. Michaud, "Une apocalypse nouvelle: La guerre des
fils de lumière contre les fils des ténèbres," Positions Luthériennes 3 (1955): 64-76.
222
Yadin points out several places in the Hebrew Bible where Edom, Moab, Ammon and Philistia are mentioned
as Israel’s enemies: Isa 11:14, which will be looked at below, as well as 2 Kgs 24:2; Deut 11:41; 2 Sam 8:12; 1 Chr 18:2
and Ps 80:7-9. He also draws attention to latter Second Temple sources which enumerate enemies: 1 Macc 5:3 and
Jub. 37:6ff; although in Jubilees, the sons of Esau call for help from Aram; see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the
Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 21-22.
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
118
invention. In the case of M, it is likely that the primary locus of reference and inspiration for
the covenanters came from the Book of Daniel. 223 One might point in particular to Daniel 1012, called by J. J. Collins “The Final Revelation.” 224 The section is too large to quote in full, but I
will summarize: a celestial figure reveals to Daniel that one will arise who will seduce those
who acted wickedly against the covenant ( ומרשיעי בריתDan 11:32). During his reign he will be
attacked by an enemy called the ―כתייםin context likely referring to any nation beyond
Cyprus (i.e., the West) 225―and finally it is disclosed that the Edomites, the Moabites and the
24F
Ammonites will escape his power (Dan 11:41). Within the context of Daniel, it is hard to know
who exactly the ‘enemy-other’ is; all the same, at the end of the revelation Daniel is told that
the Archangel Michael―the Archangel in charge of the good ones of the people 226—will arise
25F
to sort out matters (Dan 12:1-4). The list of enemies in M, although similar, is not exactly
parallel to Daniel 10-12. The scribe in M adds the Philistines and the ‘good’ side is spelled out in
detail: Levi, Judah, Benjamin, the Exiles of the Wilderness. Thus, in M, the end time brings
together the traditional enemies of Israel: Edom, Moab and Ammon in addition to the Kittim
and the unnamed leader; all are pitted against the Archangel Michael. One could say that at
223
To see how this ‘enemy-other’ changed in historical terms over time, see Eshel, "The Kittim in the War Scroll
and in the Pesharim," 163-90.
224
See Collins, Daniel: A Commentary on the Book of Daniel (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993), 361.
225
See J. E. Goldingay, Daniel (Dallas: Word Books, 1989), 279 f.30a. Within the context of the scrolls, the term
Kittim comes to mean more specifically the Roman Empire; see D. W. Baker, "Kittim," in Anchor Bible Dictionary
(New York: Doubleday, 1992), 93.
In Daniel, the Archangel Michael is called בני עמך-העמד על. In the Book of Enoch, he is given the epithet:
“who has been put in charge of the good ones of the people,” see G. W. E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on
the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1-36; 81-108 (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001), 294.
226
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
119
the point where Daniel’s revelation ends, M begins.227 The description of the end-time war in
M could be dubbed an extension and expansion of the Danielic revelation; however, the
scribes take this Danielic revelation and change it. 228 Here, the theme of the enemy-other is
given a particular flavour; the enemies are the Children of Darkness in their manifold
manifestations.
The second occurrence of the enemy-other to be examined in M comes in a section that lists
blessings and curses to be recited by the leaders after a moment of victory in the War of
Divisions (1QM 13:1-6):
]כו[ה ֗נים והלויים וכול זקני הסרך עמו וברכו על עומדם את אל ישראל ואת כול מעשי אמתו
֯
ואחיו ֯ה1
וז֗ ֯עמו
שם ֗א ֗ת ֯ב]לי[על ואת כול רוחי גורלו וענו ואמרו ברוך אל ישראל בכול מחשבת קודשו ומעשי אמתו2
וב]ר[ו֯ כי֗ ם
כול ֯מ ֯ש ֯רתיו בצדק יודעיו באמונה3
וא ֯רו֯ ֯ר בליעל במחשבת משטמה וזעום הואה במשרת אשמתו וארורים כול רוחי גורלו במחשבת
֗ 4
רשעם וזעומים המה בכול עבודת נדת טמאתם כיא המה גורל חושך וגורל אל לאור5
]עולמ[י֯ ם6
227
See discussion of the connection in Flusser, "Apocalyptic Elements in the War Scroll," in Jerusalem in the
Second Temple Period. (Abraham Shalit Memorial Volume), ed. A. Oppenheimer and V. Rappaport (Jerusalem: Yad
Ishak Ben-Zvi, Ministry of Defense, 1980), 434-52. Also see Flusser, Judaism of the Second Temple Period, Volume
One: Qumran and Apocalypticism, trans. Azzan Yadin (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2007). These ideas are
brought back, as well, in the impressive study by Schultz, Conquering the World: The War Scroll (1QM)
Reconsidered, 91-99.
228
In sum, it is probable that the scribes who penned M were most directly influenced by Daniel and by their own
impulse to complete the Danielic revelation. Daniel provides a clear stepping stone and invitation for such.
Nevertheless, the ‘enemy-other’ in Daniel 10-12 and M—a united tripartite enemy of foreigners and breakers-ofthe-covenant―follows a familiar and ancient Jewish revelatory theme which is seen in and likely gleaned from
other ‘authoritative’ texts such as Isaiah and Exodus. It is very difficult to say which text the covenanters held to
be ‘authoritative.’ Without postulating the existence of a canon, I would venture to say, given the presence of
pesharim at Qumran, that the books of the Prophets were considered authoritative, although there is no compete
pesher to Isaiah. Also, although it cannot be proven, I assume that the Pentateuch was also considered
authoritative; see in particular Chapter 1 of Barton, Oracles of God: Perceptions of Ancient Prophecy in Israel after
the Exile, 13-34. This theme functions as a careful delineation by God of who the opponents of Israel are. When
the ‘enemy-other’ is described in a text, it can serve as one hallmark that the information being cited is the
revelation of God, and that the scribe knows, implicitly from God, who is in each camp.
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
120
[…] and his brothers the [pr]iests, the Levites, and all the elders of the army with him.
They shall bless, from their station, the God of Israel and all His works of truth, and
they shall curse 2 Be[li]al there and all the spirits of his forces. And they shall say in
response: “Blessed is the God of Israel for all His holy purpose and His works of truth.
And blessed are 3 all those who serve Him righteously, who know Him faithfully.4 And
cursed is Belial for his contentious purpose, and accursed for his guilty dominion.
And cursed are all spirits of his lot for their wicked purpose. 5 Accursed are they for all
their impure unclean service. For they are the lot of darkness, but the lot of God is
light 6 [eterna]l. 229
Here we encounter a list of blessings and curses that parallels in many ways those set out in S
(1QS 2:1-18), although in the latter, the context is a covenant ceremony for entry into the
community. In M, we are brought into the context of the eschatological battle, and in this
context the enemy-other is still clearly defined: ‘Belial,’ the ‘spirits of his lot’ and the ‘lot of
wickedness.’ Again, the emphasis upon this enemy-other is their erring ways; regardless of
their name, what defines them is their antithetical purpose. Their very purpose is corrupt and
contrary.
4.3 The Damascus Document
Finally, if we look to D, we see a variation on the use of the theme of the ‘enemy-other’ (CD
2:2-9):
ועתה שמעו אלי כל באי ברית ואגלה אזנכם בדרכי2
רשעים אל אהב דעת חכמה ותושייה הציב לפניו3
ערמה ודעת הם ישרתוהו ארך אפים עמו ורוב סליחות4
לכפר בעד שבי פשע וכוח וגבורה וחמה גדולה בלהבי אש5
בי כל מלאכי חבל על סררי דרך ומתעבי חק לאין שאירית6
ופליטה למו כי לא בחר אל בהם מקדם עולם ובטרם נוסדו ידע7
את מעשיהם ויתעב את דורות ]ע[מדם ויסתר את פניו מן הארץ8
... מי עד תומם9
229
Translation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation, 159.
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
121
2
So now listen to me, all members of the covenant, so I can make plain to you the
ways 3 of the wicked. God, who loves true knowledge, has positioned Wisdom and
Cleverness in front of Him; 4 Cunning and True Knowledge wait on Him. He is very
patient and forgiving, 5 covering the sin of those who repent of wrongdoing. But
Strength, Might, and great Wrath in the flames of fire 6 with all the angels of
destruction shall come against all who rebel against the proper way and who despise
the law, until they are without remnant 7 or survivor, for God had not chosen them
from ancient eternity. Before they were created, He knew 8 what they would do. So He
rejected the generations of old and turned away from the land 9 until they were
gone. 230
This section is described by Knibb as the ‘Essene Teaching about God.’ 231 It has been pointed
out that this section is unique in D in that it portrays an enemy in such a clear manner,
whereas the rest of D appears to list laws without polemic. On this topic, Hempel states:
The concept of a time of wickedness corresponds more closely to the ideological
position of the Admonition than the bulk of the Laws. The Laws themselves state
diverse halakhic and communal prescriptions in a neutral fashion. One never gets the
impression that the writers responsible for the Laws of the Damascus Document
polemicised against opponents, be it opponents outside the movement or backsliders
from within the movement. Only occasionally is the wickedness of the masses
outside the movement referred to, and I would argue that these exceptional passages
go back to a later redactor who tried to bring the Laws into line with the
Admonition. 232
Despite Hempel’s reservations, it cannot be dismissed that the Admonition in D, of which this
passage is a part, was deliberately added to the Laws. The passage quoted above does not use
the exact same language as S and M; nevertheless, it creates a parallel, dichotomous enemyother under the name of the ‘wicked.’ While this will be taken up later in more detail, it has to
be emphasized that the Laws must be read with this important literary nuance. The laws of D,
230
Translation from ibid., 53.
231
See Knibb, The Qumran Community, 25.
232
See Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction, 80.
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
122
at least for the redactor of CD A in the form we have it, must have read this opponent into the
text. D speaks about those ‘who rebel against the proper way,’ and this is the common
denominator of the enemy-other in the serek texts. There exists an opponent who does not act
the way he is supposed to, and this opponent is connected at the most intimate level with a
divine drama that is unfolding.
In a second example from D, we see that a familiar name comes forth in describing the
enemy-other (CD 4:12-19):
[ ובכל השנים האלה יהיה...] 12
בליעל משולח בישראל כאשר דבר אל ביד ישעיה הנביא בן13
אמוץ לאמר פחד ופחת ופח עליך יושב הארץ פשרו14
שלושת מצודות בליעל אשר אמר עליהם לוי בן יעקב15
אשר הוא תפש בהם בישראל ויתנם פניהם לשלושת מיני16
הצדק הראשונה היא הזנות השנית ההין השלישית17
טמא המקדש העולה מזה יתפש בזה והניצל מזה יתפש18
[...] בזה
̇ 19
[…] But in the present age 13 Belial is unrestrained in Israel, just as God said by Isaiah
the prophet, the son of 14 Amoz, saying, “Fear and pit and snare are upon thee, dweller
in the land” (Isa 24:17). The true meaning of this verse 15 concerns the three traps of
Belial about which Levi son of Jacob said 16 that Belial would catch Israel in, so he
directed them towards three kinds of 17 righteousness. The first is fornication; the
second is wealth; the third is 18 defiling the sanctuary. Who escapes from one is caught
in the next; and whoever escapes from that is caught 19 in the other.
Here we encounter a description primarily of Belial, the source of the wickedness in the
present age. His effect on those who are not wicked appears to be his ability to tempt them
into fornication, wealth and the desecration of the sanctuary. These are likely rooted in real
differences between the Qumran sect and their perceived enemy-other; that is, their
opposition to polygamy, to the accumulation of wealth and to their particular priestly vision
Chapter 2: Central Theme—The ‘Enemy-Other’
123
for the temple.233 However, outside of Belial’s power to cause the righteous to err, it is
emphasized in the text that his power ‘in the present age’ is ‘unrestrained.’ Thus, we have
another portrait here, in a general sense, of the enemy-other who meddles with the world of
the covenanters. Each of these sections creates a strict dichotomy between ‘us’ and ‘them.’ In
all of these texts, the chosen ones of God are clearly defined, and the other is clearly
demarcated.
4.4 Summary
It can be argued that a central preoccupation of the serakhim is the pervasive ‘enemies’ who
rear their ugly head at every turn. I have defined this as a central theme in the serek texts—
arguable the central theme of the serakhim. At the semantic level, we saw that the term serek
in context contains an important range of meaning encompassing military organization: the
army and the battalion. At the textual level, we find a central concern connected to this in the
shape of the enemy other. This theme created a central psychological barrier for the scribes
aimed at their perceived enemies. These enemies are literally ‘demonized’ or ‘belial-ized,’ and
the scribes and their group are juxtaposed as their antithesis. This theme affords us a clear
picture of who the players in this eschatological drama are.
The theme of the enemy-other comes forth in the serek texts in an important manner, and
forms a framework that stresses ‘us’ versus ‘them.’ This tension is apparent in the texts and
233
These particular concerns may apply best for the time in which the covenanters envisioned themselves as
being restored back to Jerusalem. See below in the section on narrative.
Chapter 2: Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
124
must be considered when analyzing other passages within the serek texts, even if they do not
explicitly mention enemies. While it is apparent that the serek texts have all gone through
redaction, the fact that this theme runs through each of them shows a common connection
between the texts. The texts are an important testament to and depiction of a great conflict.
5 Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
The last textual feature to be taken up can be described as the philosophical tenet of ‘Divine
Design.’ Under this rubric, God’s intervention in the world is described. In general, the thrust
of this pretense is not a complete picture of a movement from the past to the future, but
rather the description of history unfolding along a continuum as determined by God; God’s
plan comes to pass according to His precepts. Here I will look at passages that evoke on their
own a description of the divine design; that is, passages that show how circumstances move
along according to the divine plan. There is an important connection at this textual level to
the procedural disposition described at the semantic level. The term serek introduced
individual sections filled with instructions, and here at the textual level, we see the serek texts
evoking a precept that encompasses the essence and purpose behind such instructions. The
instructions are God’s divine design for humans to follow, in order to realize the final
eschaton.
5.1 The Community Cycle
In S, we find a statement at the beginning of the so-called ‘Instruction on the Two Spirits’ that
describes the manner in which God acts in history (1QS 3:15-17):
Chapter 2: Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
125
[ מאל הדעות כול הויֿ ה ונהייה ולפני היותם הכין כול מחשבתם...] 15
ובהיותם לתעודותם כמחשבת כבודו ימלאו פעולתם ואין להשנות בידו16
משפטי כול והואה יכלכלם בכול חפציהם והואה ברא אנוש לממשלת17
All that is now and ever shall be originates with the God of knowledge. Before things
come to be, He has ordered all their designs, 16 so that when they do come to exist—at
their appointed times as ordained by His glorious plan—they fulfill their destiny, a
destiny impossible to change. He controls 17 the laws governing all things, and He
provides for all their pursuits. 234
Once again we are within an account, which in this case provides a philosophical context for
the serek. The section quoted above has generally been described as a statement proclaiming
God’s predetermination of all things. As Knibb states regarding this passage: “God, the source
of all existence, has predetermined everything that happens in the universe. This determinism
[…] is here presented within a cosmological framework.” 235 While it is important to recognize
and describe this passage as a statement about predetermination, one can also ‘parse’ this
predetermination to mean God’s divine and unchangeable ‘plan.’ We see God described as the
God of knowledge——אל הדעותan entity who knows all that has been and will be. The
description is of a God who has a blueprint for all that comes to pass; that is, the world as it is
in all of its manifestations is a fulfillment of this plan—in the words of S, מחשבת כבודו. This
plan is impervious to change. The theme of God’s design and plan for the world is often passed
over and not emphasized in discussion about S, while the philosophical discussion regarding
determinism is stressed. The importance of parsing this determinism out in this manner is
that it brings S out of a philosophical discussion, and makes it understandable as a tangible
234
Translation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation, 120.
235
See Knibb, The Qumran Community, 96-97.
Chapter 2: Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
126
expression of God’s ‘plan.’ This passage from S is making a concrete statement about how God
reveals his plan for the world.
If we look to the end of S we see, in a final prayer, the following statement (1QS 11:17-20):
לפניכה לעד כיא מבלעדיכה לוא תתם דרכ ובלוֿ רצונכה לוא יעשה כול אתה הוריתה17
הנהי̇ ה ברצונכה היה ואין אחר זולתכה להשיב על עצתכה ולהשכיל
̇ כול דעה וכול18
בכול מחשבת קודשכה ולהביט בעומק רזיכה ולהתבונן בכול נפלאותיכה עם כוח19
גבורתכה ומי יכול להכיל את כבודכה ומה אפ הואה בן האדם במעשי פלאכה20
Surely apart from You the way cannot be perfected, nor can anything be done unless
it please You. You teach 18 all knowledge and all that shall be, by Your will shall it
come to pass. Apart from You there is no other able to contest Your counsel, fathom 19
the design of Your holiness, penetrate the depth of Your mysteries, or apprehend
Your wonders and surpassing 20 power. 236
This passage comes at the very end of what is designated 1QS, and is generally described as a
hymn of sorts, similar to the Hodayot.237 While on the surface, this appears to be merely a
hymn extolling the greatness of God, the thrust of this passage is also God’s plan: “Surely apart
from you the way cannot be perfected.” What pleases God—that is, His will—is surely the
‘plan’ ( )המחשבהof which was spoken above in column 3. In addition, we hear again about
God’s ‘design.’ There is a distinct movement in these texts towards what God wants—towards
what God wills. In other words, his divine design and purpose for his Children of Light are
being expressed.
236
Translation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation, 135.
237
See Knibb, The Qumran Community, 144.
Chapter 2: Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
127
5.2 The War Scroll
Another manner in which the scribes of the serek texts evoke the theme of ‘divine design’ is to
describe God’s direct involvement in allowing history to come to pass according to his will. In
the next extract from M, the scribe presses this theme into service by speaking of God’s
appointed time of wrath (1QM 1:4b-7a):
ובקצו יצא בחמה גדולה להלחם במלכי הצפון ואפו להשמיד ולהכרית את קרן
] [ אה עת ישועה לעם אל וקץ ממשל לכול אנשי גורלו וכלת עולמים לכול גורל בליעל והיתה מהומה° 5
ניע רשעה לאין שארית ופלטה לוא תהיה
֯ להכ
֗
ג ] [ בני יפת ונפל אשור ואין עוזר לו וסרה ממשלת כתיים6
֗ל]בנ[י חושך7
In his time he shall go forth with great wrath to do battle against the kings of the
north, and in his anger he shall set out to destroy and eliminate the strength of 5
I[srael. Then the]re shall be a time of salvation for the People of God, and time of
dominion for all the men of His forces, and eternal annihilation for all the forces of
Belial. There shall be g[reat] panic 6 [among] the sons of Japheth, Assyria shall fall
with no one to come to his aid, and the supremacy of the Kittim shall cease, that
wickedness be overcome without a remnant. There shall be no survivors 7 of [all the
Sons of] Darkness.238
Here we encounter the word קץseveral times; that is, the ‘appointed time.’ According to God’s
plan, He will Himself finally intervene to allow this plan to come to pass. He will unleash His
anger against those who have been long-time objects of scorn as the eschatological drama
unfolds. Within this passage, we see God as a direct actor within the divine drama. 239
238F
238
Translation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation, 148.
239
There are many examples of God’s intervention in M. Another clear instance of divine design in M comes in a
prayer meant for the chief priest (1QM 11:1-7):
כיא אם לכה המלחמה ו֗ בכוח ידכה רוטשו פגריהם לאין קובר ואת גולית הגתי איש גבור חיל1
הסגרתה ביד דויד עבדכה כיא בטח בשמכה הגדול ולוא בחרב וחנית כיא לכה המלחמה ואת
֯
2
הכנ]י[ע פעמים רבות בשם קודשכה וגם ביד מלכינו הושעתנו פעמים רבות
֯
פלשתיים3
בעבור רחמיכה ולוא כמעשינו אשר הרעונו ועלילות פשעינו לכה המלחמה ומאתכה הגבורה4
ולוא לנו ולוא כוחנו ועצום ידינו עשה חיל כיא בכוחכה ובעוז חילכה הגדול כאשר הגדתה5
Chapter 2: Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
128
One of the key words seen above for evoking God’s purpose in S was מחשבת. The same term is
also used in M in a section that doubly evokes the enemy-other (13:2-3):
ברוך אל ישראל בכול מחשבת קודשו ומעשי אמתו וב]ר[ו֯ כי֗ ם
כול ֯מ ֯ש ֯רתיו בצדק יודעיו באמונה3
Blessed is the God of Israel for all is holy purpose and His works of truth. And blessed
are 3 those who serve Him righteously, who know Him faithfully
Here we see God’s ultimate purpose described using the root חשב. In addition to this, there is
a unique occurrence of מחשבתin M that may be clarified using this conceptualization of the
divine plan. Four broad arrangements or ‘dispositions’ are given within M: the Arrangement of
the Trumpets ( סרך החצוצרות2:16); the Arrangement of the Ensigns/Banner ( סרך האותות3:12);
the Arrangement of the Ensigns/Banners of the Congregation ( סרך אותות העדה4:9); and,
finally the Arrangement for the Order of the Standards of the War סרך לסדר דגלי המלחמה
(5:3). These arrangements likely draw on Num 2:2, which describes the camps of Israel in the
לנו מאז לאמור דרך כוכב מיעקוב קם שבט מישראל ומחץ פאתי מואב וו קרקר כול בני שית6
וירד מיעקוב והאביד שריד מעיר והיה אויב ירשה וישראל עשה חיל וביד משיחיכה7
Truly the battle is Yours, and by the strength of Your hand their corpses have been dashed to
pieces so that no one can bury them. Indeed, Goliath the Gittite, a mighty warrior, 2 You
delivered into the hand of David, Your servant, because he trusted in Your great name and not
in sword and spear, for the battle is Yours. 3 He subdued the Philistines many times 4 because
of Your mercy; not according to our works, for we have acted wickedly, nor for the acts of our
rebelliousness. The battle is Yours, the strength is from You, 5 it is not our own. Neither our
power not the strength of our hand have done valiantly, but by Your power and the strength of
Your great valour. Jus[t a]s You told 6 us in time past, saying: “There shall come forth a star
from Jacob, a scepter shall rise out of Israel, and shall crush the forehead of Moab and tear
down all sons of Sheth, 7 and he shall descend from Jacob and shall destroy the remnant from
the city, and the enemy shall be a possession, and Israel shall do valiantly” (Num. 24:17).
Within this passage, the priest is describing in his prayer the God of history; God has intervened many times in
the past in order to allow his plan to unfold. On the surface, this passage appears to emphasize that human kind
is not powerful enough to make any great deed in the world come to pass—such things require the might of God.
However, the manner in which this is set up in the context of M, it can be argued that this is a statement extolling
God’s divine plan for the world. The last evocation of Numbers brings this home: “Just as you told us…” here,
God’s plan, as revealed by prophetic statements has come to pass.
Chapter 2: Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
129
desert that were to be organized “each in their respective regiments, under the ensigns of their
ancestral houses.” In the description of the spears that comes in the last Arrangement, the
scribe catalogs the unusual particulars of these eschatological weapons (1QM 5:7-11):
וכידן אורך הרמח שבע אמות מזה הסגר והלוהב חצי האמה ובסגר שלושה צמידים מפותחים כמעשי7
הצ]ו[רה מזה ומזה לצמיד
֗ מחשבת ומחברת
֗
גדיל שפה בזהב וכסף ונחושת ממוזזים כמעשי צורת8
סביב אבני חפץ בדני ריקמה מעשי חרש מחשבת ושבולת והסגר מחורץ בין הצמידים כמעשי9
ושפו֯ ד אל
֯ עמוד מחשבת והלוהב ברזל לבן מאיר מעשי חרש מחשבת ושבולת זהב טהור ֗בתוך הלהב10
שבול ֗ת
֗
הראש והכידנים ברזל ברור טהור בכור ומלובן כמראת פנים מעשי חרש ֗מ]ח[שבת ומראי11
The length of the spear (shall be) seven cubits, from this the socket and the point
(shall be) half a cubit. On the socket (shall be) three chiseled rings, with a border
patterned like 8 a cord, in gold, silver, and bronze welded together, as when
patterned according the divine design, and a joint; the d[e]sign shall be on both parts
of the ring, 9 around precious stones, in ajour work – the work of a skillful
craftsman―and ear-of-corn. The socket shall be fluted between the rings, the pattern
of 10 a column according to the divine design. The point (shall be) shining steel (white
iron), the pattern of a sword according to the divine design.. (There shall be) an earof-corn, in pure gold, in the centre of the point, tapering towards 11 the head. 240
In general, this strange depiction of weapons is unique to M and has thus far proved
challenging for scholars. As described by Y. Yadin, it may be the case the measurements of the
weapons were magical formulae meant to correspond to several of the holy vessels mentioned
in the Pentateuch. 241 Nevertheless, there are no direct parallels in any known ancient Jewish
literature that reports weapons in such a paradigmatic manner. 242 Perhaps the most striking
detail of the description is that the weapons are constructed from precious materials: gold,
240
My translation.
241
As Yadin points out, partial measurements for the shield correspond to measurements of some of the holy
vessels mentioned in the Pentateuch; see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of
Darkness, 114.
242
It is interesting to note, as brought to my attention by E. Mroczek, that the language used in the description of
the weapons in 1QM is nearly identical, and often parallels exactly, the description of the divine paraphernalia in
the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (see esp. 4QShirShab f 15 col II-16).
Chapter 2: Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
130
silver, bronze and ‘white’ iron (likely steel).243 In addition to these precious metals, gem-stones
are inlaid into the spears in complex patterns: the ‘ear-of-corn’ ( )שבולתdesign is likely a
reference to Isa 27:12 where God threshes and winnows all the people like the ears-of-corn,
separating the grain (the ‘obedient’) from the chaff (the ‘disobedient’). In a similar manner,
the engraved and jewel-laden patterns on the spears of M must have served as talismans to
evoke the wrath of God (i.e., the spears will beat the enemy as an ear-of-corn is winnowed).
It is difficult to know what the precise nature of the weapons was to be; if they were actually
meant for a practical war, how could the covenanters have produced them? If they had the
resources to produce them, then why were no such objects found or mentioned otherwise?
Are we to assume that the Romans confiscated them? Another way to explain these
extravagant descriptions is to look to the scribes’ use of the term מחשבת. The uses of the term
in the highlighted phrases above have generally been translated as something like ‘skilled.’ For
example, Abegg translates “the work of a skilled craftsman.” 244 However, if we take this as an
243F
instance of the theme of ‘divine design’ (as in 1QS 13:2-3 above) we can take this as a marker of
God’s plan for the war. In this sense, the patterning of the weapons, their very nature, comes
from the blueprints as laid out by God. Thus, the future appearance of these weapons at the
appropriate time during the war must have been predetermined. If the weapons had been
243
H. Michaud describes these weapons as praiseworthy, apocalyptic arms: “Ensuite on nous décrit la
composition de l’armée, sa formation de combat et les armes de chacun; ces dernières surtout sont décrites avec
un grand luxe de details artistiques: sertissages d’or, d’argent, de bronze et de pierres précieuses ne sont pas
ménagés; les armes eschatologiques sont admirable,” see Michaud, "Une apocalypse nouvelle: La guerre des fils
de lumière contre les fils des ténèbres," 71. While I would say that these weapons are otherwordly (as he describes
them as apocalyptic) I believe that the term cannot be used due to its imprecise use in much scholarship.
244
See Abegg, "The War Scroll," 152-53.
Chapter 2: Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
131
‘predetermined’ by God, He would surely materialize them at the correct time. In the same
manner that Bezalel was given divine plans and materials, so too the covenanter-artisans
would be provided for allowing them to fashion the weapons at the appropriate time. All of
these details unfold according to God’s plan. 245
5.3 The Damascus Document
While we do not have the use of מחשבתin D, we still find passages that evoke the theme of
‘Divine Design’ and feature the God of predetermination; a God who has established exact
times in which things will come to pass (CD 2:7-13):
ובטרם נוסדו ידע
[...]
7
245
As regards specifically the category of divine paraphernalia, there exists a close parallel to 1QM that comes in
the Exodus narrative. While the objects which are revealed in this section are not weapons, they bear striking
resemblance in material and construction. In this extract, Moses is commissioned by God to take the ‘blueprints’
of the Holy Ark, the Mercy Seat and the furnishing of the tent, and for the execution of this task, Bezalel son of
Uri is commissioned as an artistic prophet ‘to translate’ the divine blueprint into physical form. In other words,
Bezalel is to create the divine paraphernalia from earthly materials such as gold, silver, bronze and jewels (Ex
31:1-5):
3
2
1
ואמלא אתו רוח אלהים:חור למטה יהודה-אורי בן- ראה קראתי בשם בצלאל בן:משה לאמר-וידבר יהוה אל
5
4
ובחרשת אבן למלאת: לחשב מחשבת לעשות בזהב ובכסף ובנחשת:מלאכה-בחכמה ובתבונה ובדעת ובכל
:מלאכה-ובחרשת עץ לעשות בכל
1
The Lord spoke to Moses: 2 See, I have called by name Bezalel son of Uri son if Hur, of the
Tribe of Judah: 3 and I have filled him with divine spirit, with ability, intelligence, and
knowledge in every kind of craft, 4 to devise artistic designs, to work in gold, silver, and bronze,
5
in cutting stones for setting, and in carving wood, in every kind of craft.
Here Bezalel is filled with the ‘Spirit of God’ as a prophet; although his message is not in words but rather in art.
The objects he is commissioned to build can be described as marvels: fit more so for God than for a king.
In 1QM, no artisan-prophet is mentioned; as the keyword סרךsuggests, this document describes and specifies
how a particular ‘arrangement’ of weapons will look at some later eschatological time. In other words, the scribe
is relating a vision of future events rather than a ‘recipe’ book for how to craft the items. There are no imperatives
used in this section: no one is being instructed to construct the items. One might venture to guess that the
covenanters believed a figure like Bezalel would craft the weapons and deliver them to the group at an end-time.
If one does not want to contrive as much, one might conjecture that the covenanters believed simply that God
would render these weapons unto them during the eschatological battle. In any case, the spears have amongst
them the air of the marvelous; fine metals, precious stones and carefully rendered ajour-work.
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את מעשיהם ויתעב את דורות ]ע[מדם ויסתר את פניו מן הארץ8
מי עד תומם וידע את שני מעמד ומספר ופרוש קציהם לכל9
הוי עולמים ונהיית עד מה יבוא בקציהם לכל שני עולם10
ובכולם הקים לו קריאי שם למען ִהתיִ ר פליטה לארץ ולמלא11
̇ פני תבל מזרעם ויודיעם ביד משיחו רוח קדשו וחוזי12
אמת ובפרוש שמו שמותיהם ואת אשר שנא התעה13
[…] Before they were created, He knew 8 what they would do. So He rejected the
generations of old and turned away from the land 9 until they were gone. He knows
the times of appearance and the number and exact times of 10 everything that has
ever existed and ever will exist before it happens in the proper time, for all the years
of eternity. 11 And in all of these times, He has arranged that there should be for
Himself people called by name, so that there would be survivors on the earth,
replenishing 12 the surface of the earth with their descendants. He taught them
through those anointed by the holy spirit, the seers of 13 truth. He explicitly called
them by name. But whoever He rejected He caused to stray. 246
On the surface, this passage can be described as a statement of hard determinism; that is, God
determines the fate of each of his creations. However, this hard determinism can also be
parsed here further to be described as an expression of the theme of divine design. Directly
under the surface, this passage can be read as a philosophical statement that expands upon
how God works in history. The language of this passage deals with time: ‘proper time,’
‘eternity,’ and ‘times.’ The scribes are not merely making a statement about how God
determines his creatures, they are also making a clear declaration about how the history of the
covenanters is unfolding according to a particular plan. There is clear movement in this
passage: the old are rejected and the new replenish in their place, and this entire divine plan
has been revealed by those ‘anointed by the holy spirit,’ presumably the prophets (and
possibly including the Teacher of Righteousness).
246
Translation from Wise, Abegg, and Cook The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation, 53.
Chapter 2: Philosophical Tenet—Divine Design
133
In another passage in D, we see a similar explication of God’s plan as it is to come to pass in
the near future (CD 8:1-10):
והנסוגים הסגירו לחרב וכן משפט כל באי בריתו אשר
֯ 1
לא יחזיקו באלה לפוקדם לכלה ביד בליעל הוא היום2
אשר יפקד אל הין שרי יהודה אשר תשפוך עליהם העברה3
כי יחלו למרפא וידקמום כל מורדים מאשר לא סר מדרך4
בוגדים ויתגוללו בדרכי זונות ובהון5
And such is the verdict on all members of the covenant who 2 do not hold firm to
these laws: they are condemned to destruction by Belial. That is the day 3 on which
God shall judge (4Q268 adds: as He has said), “The princes of Judah were those (B:
like Boundary-Shifters) on whom I shall pour our wrath (B adds: like water)” (Hos.
5:10). 4 Truly they were too sick to be healed; every kind of galling wound adhered to
them (B adds: Truly they had entered the covenant repenting) because they did not
turn away from traitorous practices; 5 they relished the customs of fornication and
wicked lucre. 247
Here we have a wrathful God as in M above, the author describing for us the appointed day for
divine wrath on which these wicked persons will be destroyed. While this passage mixes the
theme of the enemy-other, at its heart we get the sense that the theme of the divine plan is the
scaffolding upon which the rest of the information of this passage rests. The theme is almost
silent because it forms this backdrop. A divine drama is being unveiled, and the theme of
‘divine design’ functions as a part of the accepted rules of the covenanters for how to read the
events in their lives.
5.4 Summary
The philosophical tenet of Divine Design is pervasive in the serek texts, and acts as a sort of
backdrop to the events portrayed. This is the case not only in D, but also in S and M. This is a
247
Translation from ibid., 59.
Chapter 2: Conclusions
134
direct interaction as God intervenes. The scribes describe this involvement as a movement
from the past to the future and history unfolds in this sense along a continuum as determined
by God. There is an important connection to the procedural disposition described at the
semantic level in that the root סר"ךintroduced individual sections filled with instructions,
and here at the textual level, we see the serek texts evoking a precept encompassing the
essence and purpose behind those instructions. The instructions are God’s divine design for
humans to follow, in order to realize the greater design. There is an understanding that God
will allow for events to manifest and even for objects to materialize at the appropriate times.
All of these occurrences will follow strict guidelines that have been predetermined by God.
6 Conclusions
If we take the structure, narrative, central theme and philosophical tenet studied in this
chapter, I believe a picture emerges in which S, Sa, Sb, D and M can be viewed as related on a
textual level that is deeper than their respective semantic uses of the term serek. 248 These texts
are each compilations in that they collect similar types of information. This raw act of
collecting text-types is not random in the serek texts, but rather, follows a clear pattern:
accounts, instructions and liturgic materials are collected, each complementing the other. In
addition, this act of collecting is reflected at the semantic level in the spatial disposition,
under which general information is gathered.
248
These insights bolster the work of researchers such as Jokiranta who has argued that S and D ought to be
compared in terms of the activities each of these texts describe, rather than in terms of the communities scholars
postulate could be behind each of these groups. See Jokiranta, "An Experiment on Idem Identity in the Qumran
Movement," 328-29.
Chapter 2: Conclusions
135
Going beyond ‘serek as compilation,’ we can say that this information is also organized within
a similar framework and backdrop in each of the serek texts. In the forefront of this backdrop
of assumptions is a narrative about how this divine plan will look as it unfolds. The narrative
comes out more clearly in terms of its chronology in M, and is mirrored quite clearly in the
Community Cycle (S, Sa & Sb) and in D. Each of these documents points to various stages in
this end-time narrative, collecting various instructions for the Children of Light for these
various stages. There exists in this narrative a clear presumption about the quality of these
times—that is, that one is moving from worse times to better times (and ultimately to the best
times). In this manner, the serek texts mirror the hierarchical disposition that was described at
the semantic level.
There are also certain principles at work in the serek texts that further develop into a unified
worldview within the serek texts: there is a clear and emphasized dichotomy within the texts
between the ‘in-group’ and the ‘other.’ This is brought out by the scribes’ use of the central
theme of the enemy other—a central theme that mirrors the martial disposition of the
semantic level. Furthermore, another fundamental principle that is brought into relief
through the study of the philosophical tenet of the serek texts, is that there exists in the texts a
clear presumption about how God works in history, and how He will allow His plan to come to
pass. This tenet I have labeled ‘Divine Design’ and it rests upon the assumption within the
serek texts that God has predetermined peoples and events in the world by His design. At the
semantic level, this is reflected in the use of serek as a procedural disposition in that the
instructions give a practical map for this divine plan.
Chapter 2: Conclusions
136
Thus, looking at the broader Qumran context, we can conclude that the serek texts in this light
can be read as a cohesive whole, if we look away from trying to understand them as particular
forms of communities and concentrate on the similarities that abound in the texts. In this
manner, the serek texts do not have to belong specifically to a group that lived at Qumran, in
the towns and villages of Palestine, or in Jerusalem. The serek texts describe life as it is
unfolding, and thus are better understood as the expressions of a chronological progression of
events. Seen as unified literary entities, the instructions can be seen as being meant for several
periods of time, as the eschatological drama unfolds, and not necessarily for specific
communities that differ.
At this point, there remains another important question to answer. After looking at several
unifying structures of the serek texts in isolation, is it possible to go further to understand
them in the broader context of the Second Temple period? Is it possible to justify the
eschatological narrative as it begins to emerge at the textual level? Perhaps one of the most
interesting conclusions raised by this textual study is the fact that all of the serek texts can be
read along a certain chronological continuum. What is the justification for this narrative? Is
the justification internal, or do the scribes use techniques to anchor their texts outside of the
internal narrative? The next chapter will explore this by looking at the hypertextual level—a
level at which the scribes evoke other texts in their serek texts to justify their chronology.
Chapter 3: Introduction
137
CHAPTER 3
Hypertextual Level: The Scribal Technique in the Serek
Texts
… the movement which was responsible for collecting the Qumran library claims to
have looked to the scriptural past for its appreciation of its own prophetic activity
rather than to the phenomena of prophecy in the Greco-Roman world.
George J. Brooke 249
[…] a driving force of Second Isaiah’s rhetoric is the recollection, or re-collection, of
other, already familiar texts into its own poetry. By reusing words known to the exilic
community, Second Isaiah reapplied the “former things of old,” shaping them into a
“new thing” for a society in a radically altered situation, a people reevaluating their
national self-understanding in the wake of the destruction of their capital city,
monarchy, and temple.
Patricia Tull Willey 250
1 Introduction
The previous two chapters aimed at building a descriptive and amalgamated picture of all of
the serek texts, looking first atomistically at the root סר"ךin a semantic analysis and then
building upon this basis with a textual analysis of the structure, narrative, major theme and
philosophical tenet present in all of the serek texts. The conclusion up to this point is that
there is good evidence to suggest that the serek texts are unified significantly and intrinsically
in their worldview and that they present collectively a coherent picture of the end time. The
249
See Brooke, "Prophecy and Prophets in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Looking Backwards and Forwards," in Prophets,
Prophecy, and Prophetic Texts in Second Temple Judaism, LHBOTS (JSOTS) 427 (London: T&T Clark, 2006), 152.
250
See P. Tull Willey, Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of Previous Texts in Second Isaiah (Atlanta:
Scholars Press, 1997), 1.
Chapter 3: Introduction
138
present chapter will expand upon this basis in order to enlarge our purview to include the
greater world of the Second Temple period. In order to do this, the analysis will examine how
the serek texts interact with other textual traditions from the cultural milieu of ancient Judea.
As such, this analysis will concentrate on how the scribes of each serek text alluded to
scriptural traditions that came before. 251 In so doing, they made use of a well-established
251
As a matter of clarification, what sets allusion apart from quotation is the former’s lack of explicit
identification to the referenced text; see M. H. Abrams, "Allusion," in A Glossary of Literary Terms (Orlando:
Harcourt Brace, 1999), 9. In this manner, the function of allusion in literary texts is similar to more explicit forms
of citation in texts such as the pesharim, where the scribes explicitly identify their base text through simple
formulas, and then proceed to give an interpretation of that base text. In the case of texts which prefer allusion,
for example the book of Jubilees or M, the base text is alluded to but is not explicitly cited through a formula. As
explained by the literary critic Abrams: “Since allusions are not explicitly identified, they imply a knowledge that
is shared by an author and the audience for whom the author writes. Most literary allusions are intended to by
recognized by the generally educated readers of the author’s time, but some are aimed at a special coterie” (ibid.,
10.) This of course begs the question: Can one ever retrieve the allusions if they are never cited? Abrams points
out that in Astrophel and Stella, Sir Philip Sidney makes punning allusions to Lord Robert Rich who was married
to the Stella of the sonnets, and such references would only have been understood by people with whom they
were intimate. In terms of M or Jubilees, one can safely assume that the audience for which the texts were written
would have been intimately aware of the base texts to which the new texts were referring. This is particularly
true for a group who prizes particular religious texts; see comments by E. Miner, "Allusion," in The New Princeton
Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, ed. Alex Preminger and T. V. F. Brogan (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1993), 39. Just a few comments regarding the work of Abrams are in order. While his remarks above are intuitive,
he does not discuss how an allusion functions in its new literary context. Z. Ben-Porat, for example, argues that
allusion must be distinguished from literary allusion, where the latter describes the simultaneous activation of
two texts. Her definition is as follows: “… literary allusion is a device for the simultaneous activation of two texts
[where ‘text’ = a closed recorded system]. The activation is achieved through the manipulation of a special signal:
a sign (simple or complex) in a given text characterized by an additional larger ‘referent.’ The referent is always
an independent text. The simultaneous activation of the two texts thus connected results in the formation of
intertextual patterns whose nature cannot be predetermined,” see Ben-Porat, "The Poetics of Literary Allusion,"
PTL: A Journal for Descriptive Poetics and Theory of Literature 1 (1976): 108-09. This definition accounts for not only
the general meaning of allusion as a ‘hint to a known fact’ but also shows how such a ‘hint’ can function in a
literary text. According to this definition, if one can identify the ‘sign’ which creates a link to another
independent text, one should be able to describe how this connection forms an intertextual pattern, and thus the
function of the allusion within its new context.
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
139
Second Temple scribal technique that can be described in modern terms as hypertextuality, a
technique that already had its roots back into First Temple times. 252
2 From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
Perhaps the seminal work on inner-biblical allusion remains M. Fishbane’s work, Biblical
Interpretation in Ancient Israel. The main purpose of Fishbane’s work was to describe
systematically how biblical ‘exegesis’ has its precedence within the Hebrew Bible—a
phenomenon that had already been noticed and described by scholars from at least the late
19th century. 253 Fishbane sought to describe categorically—in terms of scribal, legal, aggadic
and mantological exegesis—how early biblical scribes read, re-read, wrote and re-wrote
biblical texts. In his study, Fishbane uses the term ‘exegesis’ exclusively throughout his work
to refer to this phenomenon. Despite the fact that his study was in many respects groundbreaking—especially since it put even more emphasis on the polyvalence of Scripture—it has
subsequently been criticized. 254 Despite these criticisms, the book re-opened an important
252
See discussion in Y. Zakovitch, "Inner-Biblical Interpretation," in A Companion to Biblical Interpretation in
Early Judaism, ed. Matthias Henze (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2012), 27-63. See also D. N. Fewell,
Reading Between Texts: Intertextuality and the Hebrew Bible (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1992).
253
See M. Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). See in particular the
introduction (p. 1-43) and the epilogue (p. 524-43).
254
For example, Kugel has criticized Fishbane for his inconsistent use of ‘traditio’ and ‘traditum,’ (the former
referring to the secondary text and the later referring to the primary text); for his insistence on using the
categories scribal, legal, aggadic and mantological to classify his examples, even when they do not fit easily into
such categories; his tendency to skip over primary sources from the Second Temple period to concentrate
principally on the connections between biblical and rabbinic exegesis; and finally, for his indiscriminate use of
the term ‘exegesis;’ see Kugel, "The Bible’s Earliest Interpreters," Proof 7 (1987): 269-83. As regards Fishbane’s use
of exegesis, Kugel states: “Is the relationship between two texts, even when undeniable, necessarily an indication
of ‘inner-biblical’ exegesis? For example, in Jer 3:1 [its use of Deut. 24:1-4 …] is an important phenomenon, and
very telling with regard to Fishbane’s overall subject, the ‘scripturalization’ of Scripture and its reuse as such
within the biblical period. But I believe these are the terms [i.e.,‘scripturalization’] in which it ought to be
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
140
line of inquiry, and has been a point of reference for many scholars working subsequently on
hypertextuality in the Scriptures and in Second Temple literature more broadly. 255
apprehended: calling such passages (and there are many, many more) ‘exegesis’ or merely identifying them as
traditio really fails to tell the story;” seeibid., 280.
255
One of Fishbane’s students—Sommer—has taken the lead from his Doktorvater and has worked on
intertextuality in the context of Deutero-Isaiah, examining the influence of Jeremiah and other biblical sources
on the scribes who created the prophecies of Isaiah 40-66. While Sommer proceeds conceptually in much the
same direction as his mentor, he nuances his methodology in a manner more sophisticated than that of
Fishbane. The first chapter of his work contains a succinct introduction entitled “Literary Theory and the Study
of Inner-Biblical Allusion and Exegesis” in which he distils for his reader matters of nomenclature within literary
theory which are not discussed in detail in Biblical Interpretation. This oversight in Fishbane’s work is taken to
task in the first chapter of Sommer’s work: “As biblical authors evoke, interpret, paraphrase, and otherwise
employ compositions by their predecessors, they forge textual links of a sort that has been subject to intense
consideration among literary theorists in the past quarter century. Before we turn to biblical examples
themselves, it will be useful to survey the varied approaches to questions of influence, allusion, and
intertextuality current in literary theory and to decide which approaches are relevant to the project at hand […].
Such a reformulation is relevant not only to my work on Isaiah 40-66 but to the study of the subject generally,”
see Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 6. Sommer first draws his reader’s attention to
the fact that within literary theory there are two broad categories by which the relationship of separate literary
texts can be described. The first is via influence or allusion, and the second is via intertextuality. According to his
distillation: “Intertextuality is synchronic in its approach, influence or allusion diachronic or even historicist.
Intertextuality is interested in a very wide range of correspondences among texts, influence and allusion with a
more narrow set. Intertextuality examines the relations among many texts, while influence and allusion look for
specific connections between a limited number of texts” (8). For Sommer, it is crucial that one have this
distinction in mind before proceeding with any study that purports to trace the influence of one work upon
another. For example, in a study that concentrates on the intertextuality present between two texts, it would not
matter whether the author of text B were aware of her reliance on text A. Sommer takes his definition from J.
Clayton and E. Rothstein, "Figures in the Corpus: Theories of Influence and Intertextuality," in Influence and
Intertextuality in Literary History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), 31 n. 3. To quote Sommer: “From
the vantage point of intertextuality, ‘a resemblance or parallel is seen as inhering in the mind of the reader in the
first place,’ [quoting Clayton and Rothstein] so that the intertextual critic ‘does not need to worry about whether
the author really read, remembered, and imitated a specific precursor’ [quoting again Clayton and Rothstein]”
(9). This is because intertextuality—according to many theorists—exists only in the mind of the present-day
reader rather than in the mind of the author. On the other hand, when analyzing a text for traces of allusion or
influence, one is interested in tracing a specific connection between those two texts that would point to
motivation stemming from the author. Thus, if one is dealing with a case of allusion, the author of text B will
have alluded to text A because he wanted to make a specific point about his own text. A further innovation
Sommer makes in his work, in comparison to that of Fishbane, is his careful distinction between ‘exegesis’ and
‘allusion.’ Where exegesis is an attempt to explain the meaning of an older text by explicitly citing it—as in the
case of the pesharim—allusion is more broadly the implicit, yet purposeful, evocation of a previous text. Thus,
Sommer provides one with a new manner in which to categorize Second Temple texts; namely, either as
exegetical or as allusory. While Fishbane uses the term ‘exegesis’ to refer to any case in which one biblical
passage borrows from or is based on another, Sommer uses the term in a more constrained manner to refer
specifically to the explicit citation and explanation of an older text. Of course, the boundary between these two
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
141
Much has been written of late on the subject of intertextuality and inner-biblical
interpretation within the Hebrew Bible,256 and a definition of intertextuality is given in a
simple manner by P. K. Tull in her chapter in To Each its Own Meaning: An Introduction to
Biblical Criticisms:
In a general sense, intertextuality simply refers to the interconnections among texts.
These connections can be as general and indirect as shared language, or sound as
specific and direct as the footnoted quotation of one text in another. What makes
intertextuality interesting, however, is that the shared webs of meaning and
association that enable communication between people are never fully and
completely shared. 257
Tull admits that these general parameters are themselves debated by scholars; however, the
phenomenon is recognized, and recently much work has been done to go beyond mere
recognition of intertextuality to understand how intertextuality functions. In a study on
intertextuality in Second Isaiah, Tull states:
Many literary critics now see intertextuality as basic to all communication. It is no
longer enough to ask, therefore, whether or not Second Isaiah reuses previous texts.
Rather, it becomes more fruitful to inquire whether any of the texts it uses are still
available to us, what kinds of texts it uses, how it uses them, and how the use
contributes to the message.258
can cross and in theory both could aim at a similar purpose: to give an explanation and interpretation of an older
text (23).
256
For a great overview of the history of biblical interpretation, see Kugel, "The Beginnings of Biblical
Interpretation," in A Companion to Biblical Interpretation in Early Judaism, ed. Matthias Henze (Grand Rapids:
William B. Eerdmans, 2012), 3-23.
257
See Tull, "Rhetorical Criticism and Intertextuality," in To Each Its Own Meaning: An Introduction to Biblical
Criticisms and their Application (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1999), 165.
258
See Willey, Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of Previous Texts in Second Isaiah, 55.
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
142
More recently, the phenomenon of intertextuality in ancient Near Eastern literature has been
taken to task by the Institute of Jewish Studies and the Institute of Classical Archeology of the
University of Vienna, which organized an international, interdisciplinary symposium in 2007
entitled “Palimpsests: An International Symposium on Paratextual Literature in Ancient Near
Eastern and Ancient Mediterranean Cultures and Its Reflections in Medieval Literature.” 259
The underlying purpose of this symposium was to assess literature in the ‘second degree;’ that
is, to understand—“without anachronism and without a theological rhetoric that presupposes
a canonical status for the base text” 260—how texts in the ancient Near East and Mediterranean
world reused previous texts. For the purposes of the symposium—as their title indicates—the
organizers used G. Genette’s now-famous study Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree to
provide a theoretical framework. 261 In this work, Genette distinguishes five types of
‘transtextual’ relationships:
Intertextuality: “a relationship of copresence between two texts or among several
texts: that is to say, eidetically and typically as the actual presence of one text within
another.” 262
B. Sommer points out that this ‘copresence’ does not exist necessarily in the mind of the
author, although it can be pointed out by a ‘paralogue’ (i.e., the reader of a given text):263
259
The proceedings of the symposium are published in: In the Second Degree: Paratextual Literature in Ancient
Near Eastern and Ancient Mediterranean Culture and Its Reflections in Medieval Literature, (Leiden: Brill, 2010).
260
See Lange, "In the Second Degree: Ancient Jewish Paratextual Literature in the Context of Graeco-Roman and
Ancient Near Eastern Literature," in In the Second Degree: Paratextual Literature in Ancient Near Eastern and
Ancient Mediterranean Culture and Its Reflections in Medieval Literature (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 16.
261
See Genette, Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree.
262
See ibid., 1-2.
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
143
Paratextuality: “a title, a subtitle, intertitles; prefaces, postfaces, notices, forewards,
etc.; marginal, infrapaginal, terminal notes; epigraphs; illustrations; blurbs, book
covers, dust jackets, and many other kinds of secondary signals, whether allographic
or autographic.” 264
Metatextuality: “is the relationship most often labeled ‘commentary.’ It unites a given
text to another, of which it speaks without necessarily citing it (without summoning
it), in fact sometimes even without naming it.” 265
Here one can place texts such as the pesharim, despite the fact that they cite the prophecies
that they claim to interpret. In any case, they stand as early ongoing commentaries of
particular biblical texts:
Hypertextuality: “By hypertextuality [Genette] mean[s] any relationship uniting a text
B (which [he calls] the hypertext) to an earlier text A ([which he calls] the hypotext),
upon which it is grafted in a manner that is not a commentary.” 266
And finally:
Architextuality: “By architextuality [he] mean[s] the entire set of general
transcendent categories—types of discourses, modes of enunciation, literary
genres—from which emerges each singular text.” 267
For the purposes of this chapter, the fourth category—‘hypertextuality’—will be the most
useful for our exploration into the uses of scriptural citationality in the serek texts. 268 At the
simplest level, any casual reader of the serek texts will notice that the use of Scripture within
263
See Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 6-10.
264
See Genette, Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree, 3.
265
See ibid., 4.
266
See ibid., 5.
267
See ibid., 1 and 4-5.
268
For more on the term ‘citationality,’ see M. Juvan, History and Poetics of Intertextuality, trans. T. Pogačar (West
Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 2008), 144-78.
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
144
them—while sometimes explicit, other times implicit—has behind it the particular purpose
of commenting upon the circumstances in which the covenanters found themselves, or
towards which they believed themselves to be heading. Strictly speaking, the use of
citationality within the serek texts is not that of a commentary, since in a commentary one
assumes that the comments should illuminate the text that is being quoted, and not
something else. 269 In the case of the serek texts, the relationship between Scripture and the
covenanters’ work always comes with an explicit agenda—even when they allude rather than
explicitly cite texts—and this agenda is to comment upon how Scripture is affecting the
current and future circumstances of the covenanters. 270
2.1 Hypertextuality in the Serek Texts
There have been several attempts to collect the allusions to and quotations of Jewish
Scriptures in the DSS. Up until 2011, there was no comprehensive list available, and scholars
still had to collect individual citations from lists given in several publications. 271 However, as of
269
I would argue that the serek texts are similar to the pesharim as regards their purpose, and that one should be
careful in categorizing the pesharim as explicit commentaries. The pesharim are not meant to illuminate
Scripture, but rather to illuminate the covenanters’ own worldview.
270
In my preference for the term ‘hypertextuality’ over ‘intertextuality’ in describing the phenomenon of
Scriptural citationality in the serek texts, I am at odds with Lange who appears to prefer ‘intertextuality’; see
Lange and Weigold, Biblical Quotations and Allusions in Second Temple Jewish Literature (Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011), 21-24. I have used Clayton and Rothstein to nuance my definition of
intertextuality; see Clayton and Rothstein, "Figures in the Corpus: Theories of Influence and Intertextuality," 31 n.
3.
271
These have been collected, although not systematically in Fitzmyer, "The Use of Explicit Old Testament
Quotations in Qumran Literature and in the New Testament," 297-333. An additional collection can be found in
Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Major Publications and Tools for Study, 2 ed. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990), 205-37.
A further list can be found in J. Maier, Die Qumran-Essener: Die Texts vom Toten Meer: Einführung, Zeitrechnung,
Register und Bibliographie, vol. 3 (München: Reinhardt, 1996), 161-82. Finally, a list can be found in VanderKam
and Flint, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Significance for Understanding the Bible, Judaism, Jesus, and
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
145
2011, a new list has been compiled by A. Lange and M. Weigold entitled Biblical Quotations and
Allusions in Second Temple Jewish Literature. This work will be sure to serve as a starting point
for any study of allusion and quotation in Second Temple literature in the years to come. In it,
not only have Lange and Weigold provided a list of quotations and allusions that have been
gleaned from previous secondary sources, but they have also compiled—with the help of
Oaktree’s software Accordance—many more allusions and quotations that had hitherto not
been identified by scholars. Their use of the INFER command in Accordance has been
particularly productive. In the words of Lange:
[Accordance] includes since version 8.0 the newly created ‘INFER’ command. This
command compares texts with each other to identify parallel phrases. The new
INFER feature of Accordance allows for the first time for a systematic search of
quotations of and allusions to Jewish Scriptures in Second Temple Jewish
Literature. 272
Thus, with this new tool, it is possible to examine a relatively comprehensive list of biblical
allusions and quotations in the serek texts which can serve as a starting point for any
discussion about the function of such hypertextuality. 273
Christianity, 427-33. As regards M, a more systematic attempt to collect citations in Carmignac, "Les citations de
l'Ancien Testament dans la Guerre des Fils de Lumière contre les Fils de Ténèbres," RB 63 (1956).
272
273
See Lange and Weigold, Biblical Quotations and Allusions in Second Temple Jewish Literature, 17.
For Lange and Weigold, the base definition of allusion is given in this manner: “Allusions are employments of
anterior texts in which the anterior text is still linguistically recognizable in the posterior text but not
morphologically identical with it”(25). They go on to say that “any parallel of at least three words to another text
[is classified] as an implicit allusion.” In this guise, an explicit allusion would be characterized by “a reference to a
given text or a quotation formula in addition to which a given text is paraphrased or a keyword or theme of a
given text are employed”(26). As regards quotations, Lange and Weigold explain that “[w]hile allusions are
characterized by their morphological difference to their anterior texts, [in quotations the anterior texts] are
morphologically identical with them.” Ibid. Thus, quotations can also be explicit or implicit: explicit if introduced
by a quotation formula, or implicit if not. The greatest question that this definition might beg is how one
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
146
2.2 The Scribal Technique of Hypertextuality in Deutero-Isaiah
Perhaps the most compelling reason for comparing the scribal technique of hypertextuality
from Isaiah to that in the serek texts is that of all of the biblical texts found at Qumran, Isaiah
is by far the most prevalent with twenty-one copies having been found. 274 One cannot deny
that Isaiah was likely one of the most important prophetic texts at Qumran. In addition, one
also becomes quickly aware that there exists a strong link between the serek texts and in
particular Deutero-Isaiah in the fact that both groups allude back extensively to older
prophecies. This scribal technique has been explored in several studies, including those by
Tull and by Sommer mentioned above; the scribes who wrote Isaiah 40-55 continually alluded
back to more ancient prophecies contained in Jeremiah, First Isaiah, the Psalms and other
sacred texts.275 Sommer’s conclusions regarding the general attitude towards prophecy in the
post-exilic era are as follows:
As prophecy faded, new ways to ascertain or articulate YHWH’s will arose. Scribes
collected, edited, and perhaps revised existing records or prophetic discourse, and in
so doing they presented the material in a way relevant to their own day. Later in the
accounts for various biblical traditions? This system assumes that in the case of quotations, that the author is
referring to an established text, and ‘quoting’ it directly. For this reason, I lean towards using the term ‘allusion’ in
my analysis, assuming that there were at least several biblical textual traditions which had variations amongst
them (any of which the covenanters could have been using). However, I accept Lange’s and Weigold’s
conception that if a text such as M, S or D contains at least three consecutive words (or in rare cases two) that
can be traced to Scripture, such a phenomenon would constitute an instance of allusion to that anterior
scriptural text; see ibid., 25. I believe this applies in particular in the Qumran context as the covenanters were so
imbued with Scripture.
274
See Tov, "The Text of Isaiah at Qumran," in Writing and Reading the Scroll of Isaiah: Studies of an Interpretive
Tradition, VTSup 70.2 (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 491. Also see F. J. Gonçalves, "Isaiah Scroll, The," in ABD (New York:
Doubleday, 1996, c. 1992), 472.
275
See Willey, Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of Previous Texts in Second Isaiah. See also Sommer,
A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 315-31. Sommer does not call the allusions to the psalms as
references to ‘prophecies;’ however, given the status of David as a prophet, it is likely that they may have been
seen as prophetic allusions. On David as a prophet, see Kugel, "David the Prophet," 45-55.
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
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Second Temple period, people who composed religious documents came increasingly
to attribute their work to older, recognized figures, such as the patriarchs or
Jeremiah’s secretary, Baruch. This turn towards pseudepigraphy discloses a feeling
that revelation or divinely sanctioned religious instruction must come from the
mouth of a pre-exilic authority. 276 […]
Deutero-Isaiah’s allusivity discloses (and responds to) a crisis of prophetic authority.
This crisis generated new forms of expression later in the post-exilic era. Those who
wrote religious documents after the outset of the Second Temple period either
attributed them to authoritative figures from the past or limited themselves to
composing interpretations of older texts. Jews seeking the word of God increasingly
consulted not an individual with special access to the divinity but to the words of
earlier figures which were thought to have meaning for the present. Deutero-Isaiah
precedes this development; he is still a prophet, and he identifies his utterances as
pronouncements of YHWH. But close examination shows that to an extraordinary
degree these pronouncements consist of revisions of earlier ones. Thus, DeuteroIsaiah is a pivotal figure in the movement from the predominantly oracle-based
religion of ancient Israel to the more hermeneutically based ones of the Second
Temple period and later. 277
Sommer’s comments are instructive, although they may reveal his own bias regarding the
definition of a prophet. However, putting the issue of prophecy aside, one can say that his
insights are keen. During the post-exilic period a shift had begun that would develop into
several new types of sacred literature, based primarily upon a dialogue which looked back to
already established sacred texts. The question as to whether these new revelatory texts should
be categorized as ‘prophetic’ or as something else has been taken head-on by several
scholars. 278 However, the concern here for the moment is not about appellation, but rather
276
See Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 175.
277
See ibid., 181.
278
See, for example, the collection of articles in Prophets, Prophecy, and Prophetic Texts in Second Temple Judaism,
(London: T&T Clark, 2006).
Chapter 3: From Intertextuality to Hypertextuality
148
about how an early allusive text from the post-exilic period functioned.279 The matter of
function is described by Sommer in his conclusions:
Deutero-Isaiah’s was a peculiar sort of prophetic inspiration. He experienced the
presence of the divine voice by ruminating on divine voices from the past. More than
his pre-exilic forerunners, Deutero-Isaiah based his prophecies on older texts,
recasting their words in order to create new but derivative oracles for his own day.
Thus he augured what was to come, for writers in the Second Temple period and later
fashioned themselves as interpreters and imitators of prophecy. Deutero-Isaiah’s
reuse of older texts, then, comes to bear not only on the nature of inner-biblical
allusion but on the history of prophecy and the rise of hermeneutically based religion.
Sommer is making several striking points here, but again his restricted view of prophecy may
be limiting how he conceptualizes prophecy in the Second Temple period. What he has
discovered through his analysis of Deutero-Isaiah is that the phenomenon of allusion had
already become accepted as a method of inspiration by the time of the composition of Isaiah
40-66. He leaves the scribes of the Second Temple period in a category of ‘interpreters and
imitators of prophecy’; nevertheless, he seems reluctant to put Deutero-Isaiah into the same
category. However one might want to categorize Deutero-Isaiah, it does appear to be a
seminal text in regard to the extent to which it recycles Scripture. The scribes who composed
this piece alluded to prophecies that came before—especially to Jeremiah—and were able to
reinterpret those prophecies by turning them on their head. Much of the reason this
technique was able to function was that the audience for the new prophecy would have been
so familiar with the alluded texts, that explicit citation may have been redundant in many
279
See, for example, the study by L. Grabbe, "The Social Setting of Early Jewish Apocalypticism," JSP 4 (1989): 2747. Also see Grabbe, "Introduction and Overview," in Knowing the End from the Beginning: The Prophetic, the
Apocalyptic and their Relationships, JSPSS 46 (London: T&T Clark, 2003), 2-43.
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ways. However, through allusion the scribes were able to bolster their text with the authority
of what came before. Given that their allusions came from texts that were sacred, then it is
reasonable to assume that copying this technique meant that they hoped to follow in the
same ‘prophetic’ tradition.
3 Analysis of Hypertextuality in the Serek Texts & in
Deutero-Isaiah
I will proceed in the following section to analyze several occurrences of the scribal technique
of hypertextuality in the serek texts, using Deutero-Isaiah as a point of comparison for the
same technique. Note that Appendices A through to H summarize all of the instances of
hypertextuality in M, the Community Cycle (S, Sa and Sb) and D, in addition to providing the
full colour-coded texts in Hebrew, labeled as either allusions of fulfillment or reprediction.
I would argue that in general, whether through direct or indirect revelation, scribes who used
this technique hoped to demonstrate at least two aspects of how the divinity worked in
history: (1) What lead up to the present events (and how these have been presaged); and, (2)
How events will unfold in the future. In the case of the same scribal technique in DeuteroIsaiah, these two aspects were expressed—although not exclusively—through fulfillment and
reprediction for the future. 280 In other words, many aspects of the current circumstances in
280
Sommer shows in his study that Deutero-Isaiah related to older prophecies in several manners: through
historical recontextualization, reprediction, reversal of meaning, fulfillment of earlier prophecies and through
typologies. These are the categories under which he divides each of his sections; see his first chapter ‘DeuteroIsaiah’s Use of Jeremiah’ in Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 32-72. The first of these—
historical recontextualization—refers to the process by which Deutero-Isaiah would allude to a prediction from
an earlier prophet, and then transform the older prophecy by relating it in a new context to a similar but separate
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which the Isaian scribes found themselves were seen as being the fulfillment of the words of
the prophets that came before; in addition, visions for the future were also often seen as
presaged by those same prophets, their words cast in the form of re-predictions for the future.
This reprediction for the future brought back to life old words that had been written
previously for a different context. Thus, we might break down the scribal technique of
hypertextuality into two separate subcategories: the scribal technique of fulfillment and the
scribal technique of reprediction. Both fulfillment and reprediction for the future can be seen
as a development of the ‘revelatory’ that began at least in the late First Temple and early postexilic periods to answer the following questions: How do the words of our Prophets from the
past effect our present? And, how will the future unfold given the words of the past? This
intense concern for understanding prophecies, expressed in one manner through the scribal
technique of hypertextuality, would have become one of the hallmarks of revelatory literature
by the Second Temple period. In the context of this analysis of the serek texts, it must be
emphasized that it is specifically the scribal technique of Deutero-Isaiah rather than the text of
Deutero-Isaiah that is the focus.
set of events or to a new group altogether. Reprediction constitutes the allusion to an older text where the
message in the new context does not differ from the context of the older text; thus, the allusion is basically a
restatement. In reversal of meaning, the new text alludes to an older prophetic text, but in the new context the
meaning of the older prophecy is reversed altogether. Fulfillment of earlier prophecies constitutes an allusion to
an older prophecy where in the new context it is made clear that the older prophecy has come to pass in some
way. Finally through typologies—which function in a manner similar to recontextualization—the scribe would
posit a correspondence between people, events and places by showing that one can be understood in light of the
other. Each of these correspondences, as expounded by Sommer, can be reduced at their core to two primary
forms of allusion. The first I would call fulfillment, and the second I would call Reprediction; these two terms
correspond to a particular chronology. That is, while the scribes of Deutero-Isaiah, in alluding to previous
prophecies, could relate them to their new text in different manners, the primary purpose for those allusions
would with be to demonstrate that the older prophecy had been fulfilled, or that the previous prophecy was yet to
be fulfilled in the future.
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3.1 Fulfillment in the Serek Texts and in Deutero-Isaiah
The first aspect of this scribal technique of hypertextuality, as described above, can be called
fulfillment—a ‘looking-back’ of sorts that finds inspiration and ultimate authority in the
fulfilled words of authoritative figures from the past. In this sort of hypertextuality, the words
of the ancient prophets are not taken and recast to tell the future, but rather they are taken in
order to show how their message has now been fulfilled in the present. In nearly all cases, the
prophetic primary text is taken out of its original context and brought to bear on a completely
new secondary text. The overall effect of this scribal technique is to give authority not only to
the new texts that evokes the old, but also bolsters the authority of the older text to which the
scribe alludes. The new text claims that those words—while not ostensibly fulfilled—were
meant for and would be fulfilled in a different time and context. Thus, the technique of using
‘fulfilling’ hypertextuality confers a double authority. Hypertextuality of fulfillment could take
at least two different forms; first, the scribe could take the older prediction meant for a
different context, and transform it by placing it in a new context thus giving the text a new
historical contextualization. Second, the scribe could choose a text from the past without a
specific prophetic context, and recast it in a manner that could be described as prophetic.
However the scribe cast it, the hallmark of the scribal technique of fulfillment was that the
prediction was seen to have already taken place in the new context. Thus, the prophecy of old
was completed and stood as a testament to the veracity of the ancient prophets.
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3.1.1 Fulfillment in Deutero-Isaiah
There are many instances in which Deutero-Isaiah uses the scribal technique of fulfillment,
alluding to older previous prophets by showing how their prophecies had already come to
pass in his day. For example, one sees in Isa 40:2 an allusion to Jer 16:18 that demonstrates this
scribal technique. 281 The allusion is to a twofold punishment that would be meted out to the
Israelites and comes in a passage located at the very beginning of Deutero-Isaiah (Isa 40:2): 282
\ לב ירושלם \ וקראו אליה כי \ מלאה צבאה \ כי נרצה עונה- דברו על2
:חטאתיה-כי לקחה מיד יהוה \ כפלים בכל
2
Speak tenderly to Jerusalem, / And declare to her / That her term of service is over, /
That her iniquity is expiated; / For she has received at the hand of the LORD / Double
for all her sins.
The scribes of Deutero-Isaiah have made a clear allusion to an older Jeremianic text (Jer 16:18):
הר ומעל-כן אשלח לרבים צידים \ וצידים \ מעל כל-יהוה \ ודיגים \ ואחרי- הנני שלח לדיגים רבים \ נאם16
18
:נצפן עונם מנגד עיני-דרכיהם \ לא נסתרו מלפני \ ולא-כל- כי עיני על17 :גבעה \ ומנקיקי הסלעים-כל
-ארצי \ בנבלת שקוציהם \ ותועבותיהם מלאו את-ושלמתי ראונה \ משנה עונם וחטאתם \ על חללם את
:נחלתי
16
Lo, I am sending for many fishermen / -declares the LORD- / And they shall haul
them out; / And after that I will send for many hunters, / And they shall hunt them /
Out of every mountain and out of every hill / And out of the clefts of the rocks. 17 For
my eyes are on all their ways, / They are not hidden from My presence, / Their
iniquity is not concealed from My sight. 18 I will pay them in full—/ Nay, doubly for
their iniquity and their sins—/ Because they have defiled My land / With the corpses
of their abominations, / And have filled My own possession / With abhorrent things.
281
282
This section is an expansion based upon the examples and expositions presented in ibid., 57-60.
Unless otherwise specified, the text and translations for the Hebrew Bible come from JPS Hebrew-English
Tanakh: The Traditional Hebrew Text and the New JPS Translation, (Philadelphia-Jerusalem: JPS-Sefer ve Sefel
Publishing, 2005).
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This section of Jeremiah comes within a small collection of utterances (Jer 16:1-17:18)
attributed to Jeremiah, all miscellaneous in nature.283 In its more immediate context, it
constitutes a part of the second of three small prophecies, called by J. R. Lundbom: (1) New
Exodus, New Oath (16:14-15), (2) No Refuge for the Wicked (16:16-18) and (3) New Day, New
Knowledge of Yahweh (16:19-21). 284 While the compositional history is debated by many
scholars, the general consensus is that all three oracles were written in the period of the first
exile around 597 B.C.E. 285 The second oracle is an oracle of judgment—complete judgment—
addressed in all likelihood to Judah.
The images are striking: the oracle presents fishermen and hunters although it is not clear
what their prey is. One cannot help but succumb to the impression that it is the Judeans
themselves who are being pursued and hunted by a foreign enemy. However, in the end it is
Yahweh who is the arch-pursuer. The oracle leaves not only the identity of the pursuers in the
dark, but it is also reticent about the nature of their iniquities. Whatever the referents, one
must assume that the scribes who wrote the oracle had a particular scenario in mind, even if
that scenario was not spelled out in detail and has been lost in the mists of time. In any case,
as time passed—given the enigmatic images present in the oracle—it became more and more
open to interpretation from various communities.
283
See J. R. Lundbom, Jeremiah 1-20 (New York: Doubleday, 1999), 752-801.
284
See ibid., 765.
285
On the range of views regarding the composition of these three oracles, see ibid., 766.
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This passage from Jeremiah is evoked in what might be called the prologue to Deutero-Isaiah
of which Isa 40:2 is a part; however, there is some debate as to how this opening should be
understood. For example, J. Watts describes the scene in 40:1-11 as the ‘Hall of Voices’ in which
“YHWH and the members of his court are present and speak sometimes amongst themselves
and sometimes to Judah and / or Jerusalem as well as to the nations.” 286 J. Blenkinsopp is more
cautious, however, and decides to describe the opening more broadly as an apologia by an
anonymous seer in which “those addressed are given a commission involving three
commands: comfort the people, speak consoling words to Jerusalem… and proclaim good
news.” 287 However one takes these lines, the message in the prologue is clear: it announces a
new purpose for Israel, a highway and a new exodus. Within this jubilant report, it announces
that Jerusalem has paid double for all of her sins and thus she has been absolved. As shown by
Sommer, the allusion to the oracle in Jeremiah is striking and unmistakable given how the
words have been recycled.288 Where Jeremiah’s oracle—in a rather obscure context—had
looked forward to a foreboding and uncertain future, here is it evoked and made to stand as a
truthful instance of fulfillment. The precise nature of the ‘double’ punishment is not unpacked
in detail; nevertheless, it is assumed by the scribe of Deutero-Isaiah that the prediction of
Jeremiah had been fulfilled.
286
See J. D. W. Watts, Isaiah 34-66, Revised ed. (Thomas Nelson, 2005), 607.
287
See Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 40-55 (New York: Doubleday, 2000), 179.
288
See Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 57-60.
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The second example of the application of the scribal technique of fulfillment in DeuteroIsaiah comes in the scribe’s use in Isa 40:17-23 of the Book of Psalms. 289 Sommer, in his study,
classifies this instance of allusion as ‘Repetition and Echo;’ however, as will be seen below, I
would classify this as an instance of a fulfilling allusion. This psalm is evoked by DeuteroIsaiah through a cunning string of allusions in Isa 40:17-23, and it is repeated in a manner that
shows the fulfillment of the psalm in Deutero-Isaiah’s present time:
הפסל נסך19 :דמות תערכו לו-מי תדמיון אל \ ומה- ואל18 :לו-הגוים כאין נגדו \ מאפס ותהו נחשבו- כל17
-ירקב יבחר \ חרש חבם יבקש- המסכן תרומה \ עץ לא20 :חרש \ וצורף בזהב ירקענו \ ורתקות כסף צורף
\ הלוא תדעו \ הלוא תשמעו \ הלוא הגד \ מראש לכם \ הלוא הבינתם21 :לו \ להכין פסל \ לא ימוט
23
חוג הארץ \ וישביה כחגבים \הנוטה כדק שמים \ וימתחם כאהל לשבת הנותן- הישב על22 מוסדות הארץ
:רוזנים לאין \ שפטי ארץ כתהו עשה
17
All nations are as naught in His sight; / He accounts them as less than nothing. 18 To
whom, then, can you liken God, / What form compare to Him? 19 The idol? A
woodworker shaped it, / And a smith overlaid it with gold, / Forging links of silver. 20
As a gift he chooses the mulberry - / A wood that does not rot - / Then seeks a skillful
woodworker / To make a firm idol, / That will not topple. 21 Do you not know? / Have
you not heard? / Have you not been told / From the very first? / Have you not
discerned / How the earth was founded? 22 It is He who is enthroned above the vault /
of the earth, / So that its inhabitants seem as grasshoppers; / Who spread out the skies
like gauze, / Stretched them out like a tent to dwell in. 23 He brings potentates to
naught, Makes rulers of the earth as nothing.
It is likely that Sommer does not consider this to be an instance of fulfillment because he does
not consider the psalms to be prophetic in nature. However, as discussed above, it is certain
that David, and by extension the Davidic Psalms, would have been seen as prophetic by the
post-exilic period, and likely even before. The psalm alluded to here—Ps 82:5-8—is attributed
to the prophet David and speaks about ‘divine beings’ ( )אלהיםwho are being judged:
289
This section is an expansion based upon the examples and expositions presented in ibid., 122-27.
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:אמרתי אלהים אתם \ ובני עליון כלכם- אני6 :מוסדי ארץ- לא ידעו ולא יבינו \ בחשכה יתהלכו \ ימוטו כל5
:הגוים-אתה תנחל בכל- קומה אלהים שפטה הארץ \ כי8 : אכן באדם תמותון \ וכאחד השרים תפלו7
5
They neither know nor understand, / they go about in darkness; / all the foundations
of the earth totter. 6 I had taken you for divine beings, / sons of the Most High, all of
you; 7 but you shall die as men do, / fall like any prince. 8 Arise, O God, judge the earth,
/ for all the nations are Your possession.
It is nearly impossible to isolate the specific cultic situation in which this particular psalm
would have been written. Nevertheless, scholars have been able to devise the setting in
general terms and to date the text within an early archaic period, when there would have
existed a heated debate within the Jewish cultic sphere surrounding polytheism. 290 The psalm
has been recognized for its prophetic qualities in that it predicts the judgment of the
individuals who support such polytheistic cults. 291 Because of this, and because it is attributed
to David the Prophet, one can deduce that the scribe of Deutero-Isaiah saw this psalm as an
appropriate prophetic text to evoke. Within the psalm’s original context, David as the psalmist
deems the judicial systems that derived from the polytheistic cults as being corrupt; the judges
representing those gods favored wrongdoers over those who were righteous, and thus they
fostered grave injustice. David the psalmist describes the highest Judge—Yahweh—as coming
to call those acting under the authority of these deities to account for their bad rulings. The
deities are likened to demonic and wicked powers; the ‘they’ referred to in line 4 are the
wicked persons who have been left to go free through unjust rulings—free to wreak havoc
290
See comments in Hans-Joachim Kraus, Psalms 60-150, trans. Hilton C. Oswald (Minneapolis: Fortress Press,
1993), 153-58.
291
See ibid., 154.
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upon the lives of the meek. Here the psalmist evokes Yahweh for the purpose of making all of
these wicked ones accountable for their sins.
The use of fulfillment as a scribal technique in this portion of Deutero-Isaiah functions as an
attempt to convince the Judeans that Yahweh has all the power, and is mightier than the
empires surrounding them. The genre of this section has been described as a disputation
speech in form-criticism. 292 As regards the overall motif of this passage, the prophet ridicules
idol-worship in a manner which ties it indirectly to Ps 81; also, in addition to these similar
motifs, the passage is tied even more intimately to the psalm by its repetition of rare key
phrases making the allusion unmistakable. 293 The scribal technique is meant to persuade the
audience of the supreme power of Yahweh by asking several rhetorical questions; as pointed
out by Blenkinsopp, these questions follow in good measure the didactic-sapiential
tradition. 294 However, the subject of the allusion is simple. David, in his psalm, evokes God to
act: “Arise, O God, judge the earth, / for all the nations are Your possession.” As much as this is
a supplication, it can also be seen as an oracle. David predicts that God will arise to judge the
nations; a right he alone holds because inevitably all nations belong to him. The scribes allude
to this Psalm in order to demonstrate that David’s words were fulfilled in their present time;
by so doing, the scribes have utilized a technique that serves to evoke in their listeners a
292
For a summary of the work done on this section analyzing its genre, see Watts, Isaiah 34-66, 620-21.
293
For further argumentation about this instance of allusion, see Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in
Isaiah 40-66, 122-27.
294
Blenkinsopp cites Job 38:4-7 as a point of comparison; see Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 40-55, 191.
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rhetorical question: ‘Did you not hear?’ (Isa 40:20), thus calling them to recognize the
fulfillment of David’s words. 295
3.1.2 Fulfillment in the War Scroll
A similar type of scribal technique― as in Deutero-Isaiah described above―is evident in M.
The first lines of M constitute a complex set of allusions to the words of several ancient
prophets, and they set the stage for the first seven-year stage—the so-called War of the
Kittim—of the 40-year eschatological war described by the covenanters. The section of M
under examination is as follows (1QM 1:1-2): 296
למ] [ המלחמה ראשית יד בני אור להחל בגורל בני חושך בחיל בליעל בגדוד אדום ומואב ובני עמון
֯ 1
°
וח ] [ פלשת ובגדודי כתיי אשור ועמהם בעזר מרשיעי ברית בני לוי ובני יהודה ובני בנימין גולת המדבר
֯ 2
ילחמו בם
1
For the In[structor, the Rule of] the War. The first attack of the Sons of Light shall be
undertaken against the forces of the Sons of Darkness, the army of Belial; the troops
of Edom, Moab, the sons of Ammon, 2 the [Amalekites,] Philistia and the troops of the
Kittim of Assyria. Supporting them are those who have violated the covenant. The
sons of Levi, the sons of Judah, and the sons of Benjamin, those exiled to the
wilderness, shall fight against them […]
Each of the prophetic allusions in this section has a particular context from which they are
taken; the prophetic context is often similar in some way to the context of M, but it is taken
from this older context and used to describe a separate, new set of events in M. Thus, the
ancient prophets’ words are taken and given a new historical recontextualization by the
author of M, serving to build the overall fabric of the new text. In addition, the older prophetic
295
296
See Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 122.
The transcription for M comes from Duhaime, "War Scroll," 80-203. All translations of M are taken from Abegg,
"The War Scroll," 146-70.
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text is used in a context that would have been seen by the covenanters to have already been
fulfilled in history. The first stage of the war, which is the subject of this first example, would
have been seen by the covenanters to have already taken place; thus, in this manner several of
the allusions in this section of M can be seen as examples of fulfilling allusions. 297
In the first line of M, the enemies of the Sons of Light are enumerated as follows: “the forces of
the Sons of Darkness, the army of Belial; the troops of Edom, Moab, the sons of Ammon, 2 the
[Amalekites,] Philistia and the troops of the Kittim of Assyria. Supporting them are those who
have violated the covenant.” 298 This allusion may be to several texts from Scripture; each must
be considered in turn as it is likely that the author of M had all in mind when composing these
complex lines. The first is to in the words of the seer Asaph (Ps 83:7-9), 299 a man described as
one who prophesied under David (2 Chr 25:1), 300 siring his own line of prophets. The second is
to Isaiah’s prophecy of homecoming (Isa 11:11-16) in which he describes a return of banished
Jews from the four corners of the earth. The final allusion is to Daniel’s description of
Antiochus Epiphanes’ campaigns against Egypt, followed by the usurper’s persecution of the
Jews and his final demise (Dan 11:30-45). The scribes of M alluded to these texts, weaving them
297
For the specific historical allusions present in M, see R. Gmirkin, "Historical Allusions in the War Scroll," DSD 5
(1998): 172-214.
298
This section is given in Hebrew below; the underlined words constitute the allusion in the other prophetic
texts.
299
300
He is described as a seer in 2 Chr 29-30.
The sons of Asaph are described, along with the sons of Heman and Jeduthun, as being ones who prophesied
with the accompaniment of lyres, harps, and cymbals in the service of David. According to Johnson, this is likely
an indication that during the time of the Chronicler, the music guild functioned as a ‘fraternity’ of cultic
prophecy; see A. R. Johnson, The Cultic Prophet in Ancient Israel, 2 ed. (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1962),
69-71.
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together seamlessly into a new text which was able to distill a complex historical
recontextualization of the older prophets’ words.
The names of the enemies that M enumerates are given in a very similar manner by the
prophet Asaph in Ps 83:7-9 (the parallel words that constitute the allusion are underlined):
אשור נלוה עמם היו- גם9 ישבי צור- גבל ועמון ועמלק פלשת עם8 אהלי אדום וישמעאלים מואב והגרים7
לוט סלה-זרוע לבני
7
the clans of Edom and the Ishmaelites, Moab and the Hagrites, 8 Gebal, Ammon, and
Amalek, Philistia with the inhabitants of Tyre; 9 Assyria too joins forces with them;
they give support to the sons of Lot. Selah
This psalm contains five of the six nations mentioned in M; it is missing the Kittim of Assyria,
and also contains an additional four nations: the Ishmaelites, the Hagrites, Gebal and the
inhabitants of Tyre. 301 While the names enumerated were peoples who existed in the post-163
B.C.E. period after the rededication of the Temple—i.e., Idumea (Edom), Moab (Beʿon),
Ammon and Philistia (Jamnia, Azotus)—it should be pointed out that M, in enumerating the
Sons of Darkness, is likely drawing upon a list of traditional enemies of Israel rather than
referring concretely to specific enemies. 302 These enemies are listed in several places in the
301
It is important to note that there are two sets of enemies presented in M. The first is the list given in 1QM 1:1-2
and the second comes in col. 2. Schultz has shown convincingly that the first set represent enemies which are
geographically close to Israel; that is, Israel’s immediate neighbours. The second in col. 2 has to do specifically
with the War of the Divisions which will involve foreign nations farther abroad; see Schultz, Conquering the
World: The War Scroll (1QM) Reconsidered, 183.
302
Yadin states that “the names of the enemies of the Sons of Light who dwell within the Biblical boundaries of
Palestine are mentioned many times in the Bible, in various periods and in much the same order. The early and
later Maccabees also fought against them, and in the descriptions of the war in Jubilees they are mentioned a
number of times in a similar form;” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of
Darkness, 21-22. Yadin does not connect the list of enemies to any particular event in history, however, Gmirkin
has recently claimed that these names refer to specific events which would have taken place in period of the
Maccabean revolts, see Gmirkin, "Historical Allusions in the War Scroll," 172-214. His claims build upon
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Hebrew Bible and it is for this reason that this first section of M is quite complex; oftentimes it
is difficult to say for certain if the scribes were indeed alluding to particular texts, or whether
they were creating a pastiche. However, Ps 83 is a convincing candidate given that the same
names are given in the same order as stated in M.303
The allusion to a psalm of Asaph is significant given the Psalm’s broader content. It acts as a
magical formula of sorts by which the prophet Asaph invokes the Lord to destroy the wayward
nations who threaten Israel: the surrounding nations join together in order to destroy the
people of God, and Asaph counters them through direct divine intervention.304 In the psalm,
the enemies have not begun any sort of advance; rather, they conspire around Israel. Asaph
states: “Your enemies rage, Your foes show defiance 4 They plot craftily against Your people,
take counsel against Your treasured ones. 5 They say, ‘Let us wipe them out as a nation; Israel’s
name will be mentioned no more” (Ps 83:3-5). 305 Thus, there is reason for a preemptive strike;
and while it may be serendipitous, M also states that the Sons of Light will be the first to
VanderKam’s work on Jubilees; VanderKam shows how the enemies enumerated in 1 Macc 5:1-68 and Ant. 12:327353 are reflected in the list given in Jub. 37-38, and he claims that this likely represents an historical gloss to those
specific events; see VanderKam, Textual and Historical Studies in the Book of Jubilees (Missoula: Scholars Press,
1977), 235-38. While I do not find it convincing that these lines refer specifically to the Maccabean revolts, I agree
with Schultz that the list of enemies do accurately portray the political climate of the early Hasmonean period;
see Schultz, Conquering the World: The War Scroll (1QM) Reconsidered, 126-27.
303
Carmignac notes the same saying: “…on trouve, parmi d’autres, exactement les mêmes noms dans le même
ordre,” see Carmignac, "Les citations de l'Ancien Testament dans la Guerre des Fils de Lumière contre les Fils de
Ténèbres," 240.
304
Commentators do not agree whether Ps 83 can be assigned to a specific historical context. For a summary, see
Kraus, Psalms 60-150, 161-62.
In the JPS translation of verse 3, the idiom ‘ ’נשאו ראשis rendered as ‘assert themselves.’ I prefer to render the
Hebrew idiom as ‘show defiance’ because this represents better the nuances of the Hebrew. The idiom in Hebrew
does not mean that the enemies physically ‘assert’ themselves—which ‘assert’ tends to mean in English—but
rather, as Ps 83 shows in context, the enemies are planning treachery before they invade; see The Dictionary of
Classical Hebrew, vol. 5 (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2001), 760.
305
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attack the Sons of Darkness—( אשית משלוח יד בני אור להחל בגורל בני חושך1QM 1:1).
Furthermore, the conclusion of the psalm matches the overarching tone that will come to
light as the war described in M is spelled out; that is, judgment will be meted out and by virtue
of such judgment, the rebels will be eternally abandoned: “May they be frustrated and
terrified, disgraced and doomed ( )ויאבדוforever” (Ps 83:18). 306 Thus, the Psalm is similar to M
in tone, although it deals with a completely different set of historical events. The scribes of M
would likely have seen these words of Asaph to be like an oracle that had to be
recontextualized in order to be understood in their present time. In the covenanter’s mind,
the frustrated and doomed ones of the Psalms did not refer only to the historical context in
which Asaph lived, but rather they were a prediction for the אחרית הימיםin which the
covenanters found themselves. The allusions in the first two lines of M are complex because
the primary concern of the scribes who wrote them was to enumerate the enemies whom the
Sons of Light must first attack; these scribes would have been well aware that there were
several models in the prophetic books for the enemies of Israel.
306
The choice of a psalm of Asaph may have conjured a broader link for the covenanters to a story about a
descendent of the prophetic house of Asaph—Jahaziel ben Zechariah ben Benaiah ben Jeiel ben Mattaniah of
the sons of Asaph—who was called before Jehoshaphat to prophesize amongst the representatives of Judah and
Jerusalem during a time of war (2 Chr 20). In this martial story, not all of the enemies listed in 1QM 1-2 are
mentioned: the text speaks of the “Moabites, Ammonites, together with some Ammonim” (2 Chr 20:1) who wage
war against Jehoshaphat. However, once again, the miraculousness in how the story unfolds is reflected on the
whole in M. The prophecy of Jahaziel stresses how God would intervene on behalf of Jehoshaphat in order that
he might win the battle, stressing: “do not fear or be dismayed by this great multitude, for the battle is God’s, not
yours” (2 Chr 20:15). Once Jehoshaphat’s armies arrive at the battlefield, they are astounded to see that the
ground is covered with corpses. They need only bless the Lord and return to Jerusalem in jubilation, playing
harps, lyres and trumpets (2 Chr 20:24-30).
On the meaning of the gentilic “Ammonim” see the discussion in S. Japhet, I & II Chronicles: A Commentary
(Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1993), 785. Japhet translates the Hebrew מהעמוניםas Meunites,
correcting the MT against the LXX Μινᾶιων; while their identity is controversial, the term may refer to a tribe of
wandering Arabs.
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The second locus to which the scribes alluded is a passage attributed to the prophet Isaiah (Isa
11:12-14): 307
/ וסרה קנאת אפרים13 מארבע כנפות הארץ/ ונפצות יהודה יקבץ/ ואסף נדחי ישראל/ ונשא נס לגוים12
/ ועפו בכתף פלשתים ימה14 אפרים-יצר את- ויהודה לא/ יהודה-יקנא את- אפרים לא/ וצררי יהודה יכרתו
ובני עמון משמעתם/ אדום ומואב משלוח ידם/ קדם-בני-יחדו יבזו את
12
He will hold up a signal to the nations / And assemble the banished of Israel, / And
gather the dispersed of Judah / From the four corners of the earth. 13 Then Ephraim’s
envy shall cease / And Judah’s harassment shall end; / Ephraim shall not envy Judah, /
And Judah shall not harass Ephraim. 14 They shall pounce on the back of Philistia to
the west, / And together plunder the peoples of the east; / Edom and Moab shall be
subject to them / And the children of Ammon shall obey them.
This section contains four of the six enemies mentioned in M: Philistia, Edom, Moab and
Ammon; in addition, it adds a broader category of ‘the peoples of the east.’ A further link to M
is its use of יד משלוח, a term that the sectaries pick up and reuse. In a similar manner to Ps 83
above, the themes of this passage become important groundwork upon which the narrative of
M is built. Isa 11:11-16 is concerned with the return of the exiles and the overcoming of jealousy
between “Ephraim” and “Judah;” that is, the reconciliation between the former northern
kingdom of Israel (Ephraim being the geopolitical centre) and Judah. 308 In M this is
307F
immediately picked up and rewritten into the narrative: “The sons of Levi, the sons of Judah,
and the sons of Benjamin, those exiled to the wilderness, shall fight against them” (1QM 1:2).
This foreshadows the eventual reuniting of the twelve tribes after the War of the Kittim.
307
It is agreed upon by most scholars that these verses did not originate with Isaiah since he could not have
anticipated a return from Assyria; see Wildberger, Isaiah 1-12, 489. However, I am attributing this passage to the
prophet Isaiah because this is how the covenanters would have perceived this passage.
308
The former kingdom of Israel is referred to as Ephraim in several passages: cf. esp. Isa 7:2, 5, 8, 9, 17; 9:8, 20; 11:13,
etc.; see also Jer 31:9, 18, 20; Ezek 37:16, 19; see S. Herrmann, "Ephraim in the Bible," in ABD (New York: Doubleday,
1996, c.1992), 551.
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The next two allusions in 1QM 1:1-2 come from the prophet Daniel (Dan 11:30-42) in a final
revelation given by an angel:
45
ומרשיעי ברית יחניף בחלקות ועם ידעי אלהיו32 [...] וזרעים ממנו יעמדו31 [...] ובאו בו ציים כתיים30
[...] ובא בארץ הצבי ורבות יכשלו ואלה ימלטו מידיו אדום ומואב וראשית בני עמון41 [...] יחזקו ועשו
קצו ואין עוזר לוץ-[ ובא עד...]
30
Ships from Kittim will come against him […] 31 Forces will be levied by him […] 32
He will flatter with smooth words those who act wickedly towards the covenant, but
the people devoted to their God will stand firm […] 41 he will invade the beautiful
land, too, and many will fall, but these will escape his clutches: Edom, Moab, and the
chief part of the Ammonites […] 45 […] and he will meet his doom with no one to
help.
The context of this passage in Daniel is quite different from the previous two given by Asaph
and Isaiah. While the latter two were speaking about specific wars, the details surrounding
those wars were in more general terms. Here in the passage from Daniel, it is very specific in
its detail and the historical references are much more blatant. The angel tells Daniel several
things: he gives a long ex eventu regnal prophecy which spans from the Persian era, through
the career of Alexander the Great, the Ptolemies, the war between Egypt and Syria, the career
of Antiochus III, Seleucus IV and finally Antiochus Epiphanes. The section ends with
Antiochus Epiphanes’ demise, and within Dan 12:1-3 a small eschatological prophecy is given,
stating that the archangel Michael will arise; those written in the book will be delivered; the
dead will rise; and, the wise and righteous will live eternally. As has been pointed out by
several scholars, it is possible to trace the events in Dan 11:1-39 with relative certainty;
however, the final events given in 11:40-45 involving the final campaign and fall of Antiochus
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Epiphanes would have remained unfulfilled at the time of Daniel’s composition. 309 Here, it
appears that several communities—especially the group that wrote 1 Maccabees—rejected
Dan 7-12 as a forgery given the problematic oracles in this section. 310
D. Flusser’s work on M has also shown convincingly that col. 1 follows closely the wording of
Dan 11:32—12:1, to which it repeatedly alludes later. 311 Nevertheless, the same column from M
also diverges from the text of Daniel by way of gleaning allusions from elsewhere in Scripture.
Flusser points out how both M (lines 1-2) and Daniel mention Edom, Moab and Ammon in the
same order, but that the scribes of M also include the ‘sons … of Philistia’ in addition to ‘the
Kittim of Assyria.’ These nations were seen above in Ps 83:7-9 and Isa 11:14. Flusser believes
that the connection between Daniel and M contains more than literary influence; it is a rather
“conscious attempt on the part of the author to enumerate as enemies all the nations in whose
midst lived Jewish communities.” 312 He goes on to state that true Philistines no longer existed
as a nation at the time, but that the term ‘Philistia’ is reused from Scripture in the same sense
as in 1 Maccabees (3:41; 4:22; 5:66, 68); that is, to describe the cities of the coast such as
Ashdod, Ashkelon and Gaza. 313 On the whole, while Flusser’s observations are meant to
309
See comments in Schultz, Conquering the World: The War Scroll (1QM) Reconsidered, 91-92. Also see comments
in Collins, Daniel: A Commentary on the Book of Daniel, 338. Collin states: “modern scholarship marks the
transition from ex eventu prophecy to real (and erroneous) prediction at this point” (388). Antiochus led a
campaign to the east and remained there until his death in approximately 164 B.C.E.; see O. Mørkholm, Antiochus
IV of Syria (Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, 1966), 166-80.
310
As stated by J. A. Goldstein: “the author of First Maccabees seems to take delight in proving the oracles of
Daniel false,” see Goldstein, I Maccabees (New York: Doubleday, 1976), 42-45.
311
See Flusser, "Apocalyptic Elements in the War Scroll," 143.
312
See ibid., 144.
313
See H. J. Katzenstein, "Philistines," in ABD, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1996), 328.
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support a different agenda, his analysis actually opens up M to surprising new insights. It
shows how in this section, the scribes have made use of the scribal technique of fulfillment by
anchoring their text into Scripture thereby creating a historical recontextualization. The
scribes used various scriptural lemmata to answer particular questions pertinent to their own
vision of the end time. In this case, the scribe might have asked: Why is not Philistia present in
Daniel when mention is made of Edom and Moab, and yet it is present as a trio—Edom, Moab
and Philistia—in Psalms and Isaiah? The simplest answer is that for the scribes of M, it was
not important for the prophet Daniel to mention it, because it is already mentioned in other
prophetic texts. Thus, the anchors ‘Edom and Moab’ ensure for the scribes that all the three
passages from the prophets Asaph, Isaiah and Daniel are written as a description of the
eschatological battle. In a scribal technique akin to those functioning in the pesharim, the
scribes utilize the ancient prophets as messengers who did not know the true content of their
prophecies. As the expansion above shows, not only is 1QM 1:1-2 a paraphrase of Dan 11:34 and
41, it is also a prophetic compilation of Ps 83:7-9 and Isa 11:14. The scribes weave together three
prophetic texts into one compilation with an absence of explicit citation formula. The result is
a new text which attains authority through its prestigious anchoring in a prophetic primary
text. In addition to such scriptural anchoring, the overall narrative of M also goes on to create
a sort of ‘aggadic’ exegesis. Not only are scriptural lemmata added together and compiled,
their original meanings are transformed into a new context to create a new text. Similar to the
explicit pesharim, the new text becomes an implicit commentary on the original texts used to
build the narrative.
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A second example of the scribal technique of fulfillment in M also comes at the beginning of
the scroll, where the scribes recount the first stages of the war that will entail a seven-year
conquest of the land of Israel—six years of fighting plus one sabbatical year (1QM 1:3):
] [ לכול גדודיהם בשוב גולת בני אור ממדבר העמים לחנות במדבר ירושלים° ֯ב3
ואחר המלחמה יעלו משם
3
…against their troops, when the exiles of the Sons of Light return from the
Wilderness of the Peoples to camp in the Wilderness of Jerusalem. Then after the
battle they shall go up from that place…
As shown by R. Gmirkin, the scribes likely saw this portion of the overall vision of the endtime war as already having come to pass after the first stages of the Maccabean revolts. 314 The
text that M alludes to here comes from Ezek 20:35:
:פנים-מדבר העמים ונשפטתי אתכם שם פנים אל-[ והבאתי אתכם אל...] 35
35
[…] and I will bring you into the wilderness of the peoples; and there I will enter
into judgment with you face to face
Ezek 20:32-44 is called ‘Judgment and Renewal’ by W. Eichrodt. 315 The passage comes after a
rebuke and a threat are given by God to the sinful people of Israel. In its original context, the
overarching issue is one of worship; that is, Ezekiel has come to know that the Judeans intend
to organize regular sacrificial worship in Babylon. The threat and rebuke are cast in terms that
reflect the days of the great exodus, suggesting a new period of 40 years in the desert. In its
314
See Gmirkin, "Historical Allusions in the War Scroll," 172-214. Also see Gmirkin, "The War Scroll, the Hasidim,
and the Maccabean Conflict," in The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years after Their Discovery: Proceedings of the Jerusalem
Congress, July 1997 (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 2000), 486-96.
315
See W. Eichrodt, Ezekiel: A Commentary (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1970), 276.
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original context, according to the opening verse 20:1, the prophecy should date approximately
to the year 591 B.C.E. 316
As has been pointed out by H. Bardtke and J. P. M. van der Ploeg, the expression ממדבר
—העמיםas a fixed religious term in M—is a schematic new coining of Ezekiel's line in 20:35. 317
316F
The expression was not current in normal geographical terminology; thus, it must be
maintained that the term had special meaning for the end time connected directly with
Ezekiel’s words. If it can be maintained that the covenanters believed this portion of the war
had already taken place in wake of the beginning of the Maccabean revolt, then this allusion
to Ezekiel’s ‘wilderness of the people’ can be considered an instance of the scribal technique
of fulfillment at work. Ezekiel had predicted a new ‘Exodus’ that would entail a gathering of
the nations from the wilderness; according to the scribes of M, these words from Ezekiel had
been fulfilled at the beginning of the Maccabean revolts.
The examples discussed here demonstrate that the scribal technique of hypertextuality under
the guise of fulfillment, as used in Deutero-Isaiah, is also detectable in M. This technique, as
used by the scribes in this context, aims at reassuring their audience that the words of
Scripture are being fulfilled for the covenanters in their present circumstances as the
Maccabean revolts had demonstrated.
316
See Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel, Chapters 1-24, trans. Ronald E.
Clements (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979, c.1983), 406.
317
See Bardtke, "Die Kriegsrolle von Qumrân übersetzt," 401. Also see J. P. M. van der Ploeg, "La Règle la Guerre,
traduction et notes," VT 5 (1955): 375 & 94.
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3.1.3 Fulfillment in the Community Cycle (S, Sa & Sb 318)
The first example of the scribal technique of fulfillment to be discussed in the Community
Cycle comes at the beginning of Sa (1QSa 1:1-3):
להתה[לך
̇
בהספם] ליחד
֯
וזה הסרך לכול עדת ישראל באחרית הימים
ב[דרך
֯ סר]ו מלכת
֯ על פי משפט בני צדוק הכוהנים ואנושי בריתם אשר
האר[ץ
֯
לכפ]ר בעד
֯ העם המה אנושי עצתו אשר שמרו בריתם בתוך רשעה
1
2
3
1
This is the rule for all the congregation of Israel in the Last Days, when they are
mobilized [to join the Yaḥad. They must l]ive 2 by the law of the Sons of Zadok, the
priests, and the men of their Covenant, they who ce[ased to walk in the w]ay 3 of the
people. These same men of His party [ His design/plan? ]who kept His Covenant
during evil times, and so aton[ed for the lan]d (my italics and suggestion).
Here at the beginning of Sa, one finds a statement that gives “general instructions for the final
incorporation of all Israel into the Yaḥad.” 319 The scribes who originally wrote this section
named it the “Rule for all the Congregation of Israel in the Last Days,” and it appears to be
written for a time period after the ‘evil times.’ These ‘evil times’ in their present context,
presumably correspond to the days of exile and the War of the Kittim, had occurred right
before this current period. The passage is likely military in scope given its use of ‘ingathering’
()בהספם
֯
in 1:1, the same term of which is used in the same binyan on one of the courses of
trumpets in 1QM 3:2. Although Sa is likely geared towards the War of the Divisions, it makes a
reference within this context to the times before the restoration—what would have been the
present time for the scribes who wrote the text—in the form of a flashback. The scribes
achieve this by speaking about the ‘men of his counsel/party’—that is, the Sons of Light—who
318
On the use of ‘Community Cycle,’ see Chapter 2 above.
319
See Wise, "Charter for Israel in the Last Days," 137.
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170
had kept God’s covenant during the evil times. The evil times are the scribes’ present time that
lead up to War of the Divisions. Essentially, while Sa as a whole describes the future War of
the Divisions, the expression ‘men of his party’ in this particular line looks back to the scribe’s
present, and to the beginning of the struggle between the Sons of Light and Darkness. The
allusion under question comes from Isa 46:11:
:אעשנה-אביאנה \ יצרתי אף-דברתי אף- קרא ממזרח עיט \ מארץ מרחק איש עצתו עצתי \ אף11
11
I summoned that swooping bird from the East; / From a distant land, the man for
My purpose. / I have spoken, so I will bring it to pass; / I have designed it, so I will
complete it.
This greater section in Isaiah from which these lines are taken was originally crafted as a
testimony to the destruction of Babylon, 320 and is referred to as “Yahweh’s Plan” by K.
Baltzer. 321 While the section preceding the lines quoted above does describe the destruction of
Babylon, the line in Isa 46:11 comes in a transition passage. The focus turns from Babylon to
Israel, and the consequences of Israel’s misbehaviour. It is clear in the original context that the
“man for My [God’s] purpose” is Cyrus the Great. In the context of Isaiah, Cyrus is used as a
pawn by God to inflict judgment upon the Babylonians.
The phrase אנושי עצתוhas been translated in several manners. Above, Wise translates “men of
His party,” emphasizing the fact that this 3rd person, masculine, pronominal suffix likely refers
to God. Knibb translates “the men of his counsel,” choosing to translate עצתוin a manner
320
321
See B. S. Childs, Isaiah (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 2001), 356-62.
See K. Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah: A Commentary on Isaiah 40-55, trans. Margaret Kohl (Minneapolis Fortress Press,
2001), 262.
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closer to the meaning given in the Hebrew Bible.322 Generally, the word belongs to a semantic
field that can be represented by the words counsel, plan, purpose and the like in English. 323
However, given the passage in Isaiah quoted above, one might want to push our
understanding of this allusion further. If one takes the meaning of the term עצהas it is used in
Isa 46:11 meaning ‘purpose’ or ‘plan,’ and impose it onto Sa, then one sees that this passage is
referring to the Children of Light as the ‘Men of His [i.e., God’s] design/plan.’ 324 In this sense,
32F
this passage becomes a recasting of Isa 46:11, where in Sa the covenanters repredicted the
words of Isaiah and used them to apply to the Children of Light themselves as instruments of
God, fulfilling God’s divine design.
The second example of the scribal technique of fulfillment to be discussed in the Community
Cycle comes in a particular expression that is used twice in the Serek ha-Yaḥad. The first
occurrence is in 1QS 3:20-23b: 325
ביד שר אורים ממשלת כול בני צדק בדרכי אור יתהלכו וביד מלאך20
חושכ כול ממשלת בני עול ובדרכי חושכ יתהלכו ובמלאך חושך תעות21
כול בני צדק וכול חטאתם ועוונותם ואשמתם ופשעי מעשיהם בממשלתו22
[...] לפי רזי אל עד קצו23
20
The authority of the Prince of Light extends to the governance of all righteous
people; therefore, they walk in the paths of light. Correspondingly, the authority of
the Angel 21 of Darkness embraces the governance of all wicked people, so they walk
in the paths of darkness. The authority of the Angel of Darkness further extends to
322
See Knibb, The Qumran Community, 146.
323
See The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 6, 528-31.
One sees that Milik had already pointed this out in his editio princeps: “L. 3: אנשי עצתו: cf. IQpHab ix 10. Ici le
suffix 3e pers. sing. ne peut designer que Dieu, et on a une allusion à Isa 46II (selon le ketib et IQIsa) où l’expression
a une valeur eschatologique;” see Milik, "Règle de la Congrégation (1QSa)," in DJD 1 (1955), 112.
324
325
The transcriptions for S in this chapter come from Qimron and Charlesworth, "Rule of the Community (1QS),"
1-51. The translations in this chapter for S come from Wise, "Charter of a Jewish Sectarian Association," 112-35.
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the corruption 22 of all the righteous. All their sins, iniquities, shameful and rebellious
deeds are at his prompting, 23 a situation God in His mysteries allows to continue
until His era dawns.
This section is part of what Knibb calls “The Teaching of the Community.” As he notes, it
describes in an explicit manner the nature of humanity during the end time; that is, that they
are made up of parts of light and parts of darkness.326 This exact explanation of the nature of
man is set out in the ‘Instruction on the Two Sprits.’ Here, the ‘paths of darkness’ are
mentioned once again, the same expression occurring in 1QS 4:9-11b:
ולרוח עולם רחוב נפש ושפול ידים בעבודת צדק רשע ושקר גוה ורום לבב כחש ורמיה אכזרי9
ורוב חנפ קצור אפים ורוב אולת וקנאת זדון מעשי תועבה ברוח זנות ודרכי נדה בעבודת טמאה10
[...] ולשון גדופים עורון עינים וכבוד אוזן קושי עורפ כובוד לב ללכת בכול דרכי חושכ וערמת רוע11
9
The operations of the spirit of falsehood result in greed, neglect of righteous deeds,
wickedness, lying, pride and haughtiness, cruel deceit and fraud 10 massive hypocrisy,
a want of self-control and abundant foolishness, a zeal for arrogance, abominable
deeds fashioned by whorish desire, lechery in its filthy manifestation, 11 a reviling
tongue, blind eyes, deaf ears, still neck, and hard heart—to the end of walking in all
the ways of darkness and evil cunning.
The expression ‘to walk in the ways of darkness’ and its variants are rather rare in the Hebrew
Bible. 327 There are only two clear occurrences of the expression; the first, which includes the
326
See Knibb, The Qumran Community, 93.
327
It is possible that the scribes were alluding to a passage from the Parables of Enoch (1 En. 41:8):
እስመ፡ ፀሐይ፡ ብዙኀ፡ ሙያጢ፡ ቦቱ፡ ስበረከት፡ ወስመርገም፡ ወምርዋጸ፡ ፍኖቱ፡ ስርኀ፡ ስጻድቃን፡ ብርሃን፡ ወስኃጥኣን፡ ጽልመት፡ በስሙ፡
ሰእግእ፡ ዘፈጠረ፡ ማእከሰ፡ ብርሃን፡ ወማእከሰ፡ ጽልመት፡ ከፈሰ፡ መንፈሶሙ፡ ስሰብእ፡ ወኦጽንዐ፡ መንፈሶሙ፡ ሰጻድቃን፡ በስመ፡ ጽድቀ፡
ዚኦሁ።
For the shining sun (5v, b30) makes many revolutions, for a blessing and for a curse, and the path of the journey
of the moon (is) for the righteous light, but for the sinners darkness, in the name of the Lord who has created (a
division) between light and darkness, and has divided the spirits of men, and has established (5v, b35) the spirits
of the righteous in the name of his righteousness.
*GeÁez text from Charles, The Ethiopic Version of the Book of Enoch (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1906), 83.
Translation from Knibb, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch: A New Edition in the Light of the Aramaic Dead Sea Fragments,
vol. 2: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), 129-30.
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entire phrase חשך-ללכת בדרכי, can be found in a Proverb of Solomon, Son of David (Prov 2:1115):
\ : להצילך מדרך רע \ מאיש מדבר תהפכות12 \ : מזמה תשמר עליך \ תבונה תנצרכה11
אשר15 \ : השמחים לעשות רע \ יגילו בתהפכות רע14 \ :חשך- העזבים ארחות ישר \ ללכת בדרכי13
:ארחתיהם עקשים \ ונלוזים במעגלותם
11
Foresight will protect you, / And discernment will guard you. / 12 It will save you
from the way of evil men, / From men who speak duplicity, / 13 Who leave the paths of
rectitude / To follow the ways of darkness, / 14 Who rejoice in doing evil / And exult in
the duplicity of evil men, / 15 Men whose paths are crooked / And who are devious in
their course.
This excerpt comes from a Proverb that M. Fox calls “The Path to Wisdom.” 328 In this section, a
father is speaking to his son, admonishing him to listen to his words. One of the principal
precepts that this ‘father’ speaks of, is that the son must have knowledge of and fear before
God. Beyond this, the proverb describes something more specific: the benefits of wisdom, and
more importantly for our discussion, the fact that wisdom will save the son from the ways of
wicked men.
On the surface, one might not imagine that this instance of allusion is predictive. The
covenanters found themselves in a world in which they believed evil men had arisen―men
from whom they needed to guard themselves. The following statement from the Serek haYaḥad attests to this fact: “Correspondingly, the authority of the Angel 21 of Darkness embraces
the governance of all wicked people, so they walk in the paths of darkness” (1QS 3:20b-21). This
unfortunate circumstance was already present in their lives—it had come to pass, and the
328
See M. V. Fox, Proverbs 1-9 (New York: Doubleday, 2000), 106.
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covenanters were forced to battle these men, if only with words before actual fighting would
commence. However, was this circumstance thought to have been predicted from earlier
times? The answer to this is determined by how the covenanters would have seen Solomon,
the purported author of this proverb. There is no doubt that the covenanters would have
believed Solomon authored this proverb. However, would it have been a common belief in the
period that Solomon was a prophet? While one does not have direct evidence in the scrolls
that Solomon was seen as a prophet, as one does for David his father, there is good evidence
from the Hebrew Bible that Solomon was considered to be one who spoke with God. Given
that he had the ability to speak directly with God, one must conclude that Jews in the Second
Temple period would also have seen him as privy to divine information, which could be used
to predict events. 329 For example, one sees in 1 Kgs 3:5-15, shortly before Solomon succeeds to
David’s throne, that he has a dream vision:
5
At Gibeon the LORD appeared to Solomon in a dream by night; and God said, “Ask,
what shall I grant you?” 6 Solomon said, “You dealt most graciously with Your servant
my father David, because he walked before You in faithfulness and righteousness and
in integrity of heart. You have continued this great kindness to him by giving him a
son to occupy his throne, as is now the case. 7 And now, O LORD my God, You have
made your servant king in place of my father David; but I am a young lad, with no
experience in leadership. 8 Your servant finds himself in the midst of the people You
have chosen, a people too numerous to be numbered or counted. 9 Grant, then, Your
servant an understanding mind to judge Your people, to distinguish between good
and bad (טוב לרע- ;)להבין ביןfor who can judge this vast people of Yours?
This section is important for two reasons. First, the fact that Solomon is speaking directly to
God puts him into the unique category of being a prophet. Only a prophet could properly
329
For more on Solomon, see Kugel, How to Read the Bible: A Guide to Scripture Then and Now (New York: Free
Press, 2007), 493-518.
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speak to God in such a direct manner. Second, Solomon is credited with asking God to give
him the power to distinguish between good and evil, a distinction that was of great
importance for the covenanters as evidenced in the passages quoted above. If one can grant
that Solomon would have been seen as a prophet—not only a prophet, but a spokesperson of
God who had the unique gift of judging between good and evil—then the fact that the
covenanters alluded to this proverb brings a significant depth of meaning to S. Not only were
the covenanters evoking the great Solomon in their use of ‘ways of darkness,’ but they were
making an important statement about the present. Solomon had predicted that there would
be men who would forsake wisdom, that there would be a divide between those who had
wisdom and those who did not. This divide, which was already quite apparent in the
covenanters’ present time, was seen to have been fulfilled by their scribes. 330
The examples discussed here further demonstrate that the scribal technique of
hypertextuality, as used in Deutero-Isaiah, is detectable in the Community Cycle. Here the
technique reassures the covenanters that their present circumstances in the world are a
fulfillment of the words of Scripture.
It should be added that a similar use of דרך חשךis also used in a Psalm of David in a manner that might lead
one to conclude that S in the above cited sections, are doing double duty not only as instances of fulfillment, but
through David’s Psalm, are making a statement also about the future doom of the evil men. The section is quoted
here (Ps 35:4-6):
330
6
5
דרכם- יהי:רוח \ ומלאך יהוה דוחה- יהיו כמץ לפני:יבשו ויכלמו \ מבקשי נפשי \ יסגו אחור ויחפרו \ חשבי רעתי
:חשך וחלקלקות \ ומלאך יהוה רדפם
4
Let those who seek my life / be frustrated and put to shame; / let those who plan to harm me / fall back in
disgrace. / 5 Let them be as chaff in the wind, / the LORD’s angel driving them on. / 6 Let their path be dark and
slippery, / with the LORD’s angel in pursuit.
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3.1.4 Fulfillment in the Damascus Document
The first example of the scribal technique of fulfillment to be discussed in D comes in a rather
complex passage as regards hypertextuality. This small section—CD 1:11-18a—alludes to at
least 12 different scriptural texts, interweaving them into a comprehensive history. While most
of the passage is concerned with repredicting older prophecies, there is one case in this
passage of hypertextuality that is utilized to show the fulfillment of a past prophecy. The
passage is as follows:
ויקם להם מורה צדק להדריכם בדרך לבו ויודע
ְ 11
לדורות אחרונות את אשר עשה בדור אחרון בעדת בוגדים12
הם סרי דרך היא העת אשר היה כתוב עליה כפרה סורי̈ רה13
̇כן סרר ישרﭏ בעמוד איש הלצון אשר הטיף לישראל14
מימי כזב ויתעם בתוהו לא דרך להשח גבהות עולם ולסור15
מנתיבות צדק ולסיע גבול אשר ראשנים בנחלתם למען16
הדבק בהם ̇את אלות בריתו להסגירם לחרכ נקמת נקם17
[...] ברית18
11
So He raised up for them a teacher of righteousness to guide them in the way of His
heart. He taught 12 to later generations what God did to the generation deserving
wrath, a company of traitors. 13 They are the ones who depart from the proper way.
That is the time of which it was written, “Like a rebellious cow, 14 so rebelled Israel”
(Hos 4:16). When the Man of Mockery appeared, who sprayed on Israel 15 lying waters,
he led them to wander in the trackless wasteland. He brought down the lofty heights
of old, turned aside 16 from paths of righteousness, and shifted the boundary marks
that the forefathers had set up to mark their inheritance, so that 17 the curses of His
covenant took hold on them. Because of this they were handed over to the sword that
avenges the breach of 18 His covenant.
This section has been titled “The Origins of the Essene Movement” by Knibb. 331 One of the
greatest moments in this history is the coming of the teacher of righteousness, a moment
immortalized in the above passage. While the identity of the teacher remains unknown, it is
apparent from here and from the biblical commentaries (1QpMic 8-10; 1QpHab; 4QpPsb 1:4),
331
See Knibb, The Qumran Community, 17.
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that the teacher was an important figure. Within this survey of history, the scribe quotes Hos
4:16a as a proof-text for the existence at the present time of a “company of traitors”:
[...] כי כפרה סררה \ סרר ישראל16
16
Ah, Israel has balked, / Like a stubborn cow [...]
This particular image in Hosea comes in a section that H. W. Wolff calls “A Spirit of
Whoredom in Israel’s Worship.” 332 According to Wolff, the original context for this passage
was as an accusation aimed towards the priests of Bethel on account of their forgetting the
teaching of their God, and may be dated to around the final years of Jeroboam II. 333 In D, this
image is transformed and reapplied to the rivals of the covenanters who were seen as their
current threat. 334
The second example of the scribal technique of fulfillment to be discussed in D comes in CD
3:17b-20. This section gives a resume of the evil generations:
17
בפשע אנוש ובדרכי נדה
֯ התגוללו
[...]
18
ויאמרו̇ כי לנו היא ואל ברזי פלאו כפר בעד עונם וישא לפשעם
֯
ויבן להם בית נאמן בישראל אשר לא עמד כמהו למלפנים ועד19
הנה המחזיקים בו לחיי נצח וכל כבוד אדם להם הוא כאשר20
̇ובני
̇ והלוים
̇ הקים אל להם ביד יחזקאל הנביא לאמר הכהנים21
332
See H. W. Wolff, Hosea: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Hosea (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974), 70.
333
See ibid.
334
Most of the following allusions in this particular section of D repredict future events. For example the use of
Man of Mockery, or Scoffer, alludes to Isa 28:14-15:
15
14
-מות \ ועם- כי אמרתם \ כרתנו ברית את:יהוה \ אנשי לצון \ משלי העם הזה \ אשר בירושלם-לכן שמעו דבר
עבר יעבר \ לא יבואנו \ כי שמנו כזב מחסנו \ ובשקר נסתרנו-שאול עשינו חזה \ שיט שוט שוטף כי
14
Hear now the word of the LORD, / You men of mockery, / who govern that people / In
Jerusalem! 15 For you have said, / “We have made a covenant with Death, / Concluded a pact
with Sheol. / When the sweeping flood passes through, / It shall not reach us; / For we have
made falsehood our refuge, / Taken shelter in treachery.”
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IV (MS A)
משמרת מקדשי בתעו֯ ת בני ישראל
̇
צדוק אשר שמרו את1
הכהנים הם שבי ישראל
̇
מעליהמ יגישו לי חלב ו̇ דם2
היוצאים מארץ יהודה והנלוים עמהם ובני צדוק הם בחירי3
[...] ישראל קריאי השם העמדים באחרים הימים4
And although they had wallowed in the sin of humanity and in impure ways 18 and
said, “Surely this is our business,” God in His mysterious ways atoned for their iniquity
and forgave their transgression. 19 So He built for them a faithful house in Israel, like
none that had ever appeared before; and even 20 at this day, those who hold firm to it
shall receive everlasting life, and all human honour is rightly theirs, as 21 God
promised them by Ezekiel the prophet, saying, “The priests and the Levites and the
sons of col. 4:1 Zadok who have kept the courses of My sanctuary when the children of
Israel strayed 2 from Me, then shall bring Me fat and blood” (Ezek 44:15). “The priests”:
they are the repentant of Israel, 3 who go out of the land of Judah and the Levites are
those accompanying them; “and the sons of Zadok”: they are the chosen of 4 Israel,
the ones called by name, who are to appear in the Last Days.
This section in D recounts what Knibb calls “The Establishment of the Covenant” and has
received a reasonable amount of attention by scholars. 335 The founders of the movement are
seen as the faithful remnant, and the cited verse from Ezek 44:15 is given as a testament to the
justification of the covenanters’ current existence:
ישראל מעלי המה יקרבו אלי-משמרת מקדשי בתעות בני- והכהנים הלוים בני צדוק אשר שמרו את44
:לשרתני ועמדו לפני להקריב לי חלב ודם נאם אדני יהוה
44
But the levitical priests descended from Zadok, who maintained the service of My
Sanctuary when the people of Israel went astray from Me—they shall approach Me to
minister to Me; they shall stand before Me to offer Me fat and blood — declares the
LORD God.
As pointed out by Knibb: “The author claims divine authority for the existence of the
movement by presenting the building of the ‘sure house’ as the fulfillment of the promise
335
See Knibb, The Qumran Community, 32.
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given in Ezek 44:15.” 336 In essence, there is a double interpretation of Ezekiel here. On the
surface, the verse from Ezekiel would seem to predict the future; that is, eventually, the
covenanters will be restored to Jerusalem and will renew the proper sacrificed. While it is
likely that this is what the covenanters saw, they also decided to interpret Ezekiel in a
contradictory manner. Their manner of showing how Ezekiel’s prophecy had been fulfilled at
the current time was to interpret their own exile as the key to understanding Ezekiel: “‘The
priests:’ they are the repentant of Israel, 3 who go out of the land of Judah and the Levites are
those accompanying them” (CD 4:2-3). Presumably, in this context, the maintenance of God’s
sanctuary is not through the regular offerings, but must have been interpreted as their own
offerings of the lips. Thus, this present exile was, for the covenanters, foreseen by Ezekiel and
fulfilled in their personal exile.
The scribal technique of fulfillment provides in this section of D a direct interpretation of
Ezekiel’s discussion about the laws of the sanctuary and the regulations for Levites and priests.
The current situation in which the covenanters found themselves—that is, being in exile—is
explained as being a fulfillment of Ezekiel. The scribes offer not only an explanation that
shows fulfillment, but also a reprediction for the future that explains the future appearance of
the “Sons of Zadok.” They will be the Children of Light who appear in the last days.
336
See ibid., 36. Knibb also points out that scholars are unsure whether the scribes of D were reading a different
version of Ezekiel—their version adding ‘the priests and the levites and the sons of Zadok’—or whether they had
modified the text. Also see the discussion in Grossman, Reading for History in the Damascus Document: A
Methodological Study, 172-74.
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3.2 Reprediction in the Serek Texts and in Deutero-Isaiah
When speaking about reprediction, I am primarily concerned with the chronology of the new
secondary text. 337 Thus, if the secondary text predicts events in the future and it uses an older
oracle—the hypotext—as a part of its prediction, then I would classify this as an instance of
the scribal technique of ‘reprediction.’ This scribal technique recasts and reuses the prophetic
words of old to predict new events in a yet-to-pass timeframe. 338 In many cases, the serek texts
look forward to events that have not come to pass. Despite the fact that the covenanters
envisioned themselves as living in the אחרית הימים, there were many more years of conflict
and tribulation that were seen as predicted yet to come. Thus, many of the hypertexts that are
drawn forth within the serek texts are done so under the guise of the scribal technique of
reprediction; the scribes weave them into their texts to illuminate a yet-to-unfold future. In a
parallel manner, the scribes who wrote Deutero-Isaiah also used a similar technique; they
looked back into the prophetic past—in particular back to Jeremiah—in order to recast
similar prophecies from an earlier time for a yet-to-pass future scenario.
337
Sommer describes reprediction in his book as an allusion to a previous text, without changing the older text’s
overall message and he divides this category into ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ reprediction. For him, both of these
categories constitute a reprediction which does not change the original text’s message; the terms positive and
negative only refer to the content of the message. That is, if the prophecy in Jeremiah was about restoration and
Deutero-Isaiah alluded to such a text, the reprediction would constitute a ‘positive’ reprediction. Or, if the
allusion in Deutero-Isaiah is to a judgment oracle in Jeremiah, this would constitute a ‘negative’ reprediction; see
Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, esp. 46 & 54. I will not use these terms because they
refer to content rather than to the relation between the older prophecy and the alluding text.
338
One has to note that the difference between recontextualization and reprediction is slight, and has mostly to
do with the content of the texts that are being alluded. In essence, any literary allusion can be seen as a
‘recontextualization’ of the text alluded to within its new literary context. However, in the context of our
categories of ‘historical recontextualization’ and ‘reprediction,’ the difference is one of degree. If the text alluded
to has a more concrete context, referring to specifics within that context, and it is brought to bear on a new
historical context, then this would constitute historical recontextualization. If the passage alluded to had a
vaguer historical context, yet it is chosen because of its strong message, then this should be seen as an instance of
reprediction.
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3.2.1 Reprediction in Deutero-Isaiah
Deutero-Isaiah contains several hypertextual segments that were created using the scribal
technique of reprediction for the future. For example, in Isa 56:9-57:6, the scribe gives a long
denunciation of the people in which he criticizes their idolatrous worship and blames false
prophets for leading many astray. Accompanying this condemnation is a prophecy
concerning the imminent fate of these wrongdoers. 339 The scribes pick up this prediction in
the following section (Isa 56:9-57:6):
והמה רעים לא ידעו הבין \ כלם... 11 ... \ צפיו עורים כלם10 חיתו ביער- כל חיתו שדי אתיו לאכל \ כל9
חסד נאספים \ באין-לב \ ואנשי- הצדיק אבד \ ואין איש שם על57:1 ... 12 לדרכם פנו \ איש לבצעו מקצהו
... הנה \ בני עננה- ואתה קרבו3 ... משכבותם- יבוא שלום \ ינוחו על2 מפני הרעה \ נאסף הצדיק-מבין \ כי
... נחל חלקך- בחלקי6
9
All you wild beasts, come and devour, / All you beasts of the forest! 10 The watchmen
are blind, all of them, … 11 … As for the shepherds, they know not / What it is to give
heed. / Everyone has turned his own way, / Every last one seeks his own advantage 12
… 57:1 The righteous man perishes, / And no one considers; / Pious men are taken
away, / And no one gives thought / That because of evil / The righteous was taken
away. 2 Yet he shall come to peace, / He shall have rest on his couch … 3 But as for you,
come closer, / You son of a sorceress, … 6 With such are your share and portion…
This denunciation is a clear allusion to Jer 12:8-12 in which God calls on the nations to punish
his people for their sins:
חית השדה \ התיו- אספו כל... 9 כן שנתיה-לי נחלתי \ כאריה ביער \ נתנה עלי בקולה \ על- היתה8
הארץ \ כי אין- נשמה כל... 11 חלקת חמדתי \ למדבר שממה- רעים רבים שחתו כרמי בססו את10 לאכלה
בשר-קצה הארץ \ אין שלום לכל-ארץ ועד- כי חרב ליהוה אכלה \ מקצה... 12 לב-איש שם על
8
My own people acted towards Me / Like a lion in the forest; / She raised her voice
against Me - / Therefore I have rejected her. 9 … gather all the wild beasts, / Bring
them to devour 10 Many shepherds have destroyed My vineyard, / Have trampled My
field / Have made My delightful field / A desolate wilderness. 11 … The whole land is
339
This section is an expansion based upon the examples and expositions presented in Sommer, A Prophet Reads
Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 54-57.
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laid desolate, / But no man gives it thought. 12 … For a sword of the LORD devours /
From one end of the land to the other; / No flesh is safe.
This passage in Jeremiah is the first of a series of eight judgments against Judah with God
speaking in the first person in a type of lament, expressing a great sense of loss.340 The greater
unit (12:7-13) consists of two parts—Yahweh’s speech (12:7-11) and a judgment (12:12-13), which
may come from Deuteronomistic editorial circles;341 however, the unit as a whole likely relates
to the period between 598-587 B.C.E. 342 J. Lindbom points out that the language in Yahweh’s
speech points to a separation, if not a divorce, between Yahweh and the nation. The LORD
abandons “house, land and his dearly beloved” as if after an annulment.343 After His protection
has been withdrawn, the nation is left to the dangers that lurk, amounting to a death sentence.
This message makes sense in the historical context in and around 598 B.C.E. when Jehoiakim
revolts against Nebuchadnezzar and hordes of Chaldeans, Syrians, Ammonites, and Moabites
are sent to overrun Judah (2 Kgs 24:1-2); however, it must have been seen as vague enough to
have been re-appropriated by a later generation. 344
The overall prediction in Jer 12:7-13 is that Yahweh will abandon his nation, as if in a divorce,
and this will lead to destruction and retribution. The passage in Deutero-Isaiah has been
340
For comments on this passage see Lundbom, Jeremiah 1-20, 650-60.
341
See W. Thiel, Die deuteronomistische Redaktion von Jeremia 1-25 (Neukirchener Verlag, 1973), 162-68.
342
See R. P. Carroll, Jeremiah: A Commentary (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1986), 290.
343
See Lundbom, Jeremiah 1-20, 659.
344
See ibid.
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entitled “The Dark Side of Jerusalem” by Watts. 345 This particular unit is a complex set of
statements relating to Yahweh’s announcement that Jerusalem is to be an open city, left to be
raided and pillaged. The reasons for this abandonment are based on an indictment against the
various leaders of the community; that is, the leaders have neglected their duties. P. Hanson
describes the genre of the unit as a ‘hybrid form of the prophetic genre […] the salvationjudgment oracle,’ and he proposes a date between 515-510 B.C.E. 346 He also emphasizes—as fits
his overall hypothesis in The Dawn of Apocalyptic—that this section reflects a post-exilic
historical situation where a community had been divided into conflicting parties. 347 Whether
or not one accepts Hanson’s overall schema, one must recognize that the passage does
emphasize the wrongs done by the leaders as opposed to the nation as a whole. And the
prediction for the imminent future is not pleasant.
As Sommer demonstrates in his analysis of the two passages, there are several anchors from
Jeremiah that Deutero-Isaiah imports into his new historical scenario (underlined in the texts
given above). 348 Sommer classifies the relationship between the two passages as ‘negative
reprediction;’ that is, negative in the sense that Deutero-Isaiah has referred back to a
pessimistic oracle of Jeremiah, which is in contrast to the overall optimistic tone of DeuteroIsaiah. However, there it must be emphasized that this case of allusion is repredictive in the
345
See Watts, Isaiah 34-66, 823.
346
See P. D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic, revised ed. (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1975), 194-95.
347
See ibid., 195.
348
See Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 54-55. Here, he presents a complete analysis of
these two passages.
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sense that Deutero-Isaiah uses Jeremiah’s prediction to repredict new events to come.
Deutero-Isaiah picks up on a formula spelled out in Jer 12:7-13; that is, God will ‘divorce’ any of
those who do not stay faithful, and the consequence of such abandonment will be destruction
by outside forces. For Deutero-Isaiah in this passage, this period of punishment was yet to
come, and it had already been foreseen by Jeremiah. Thus, here one has an instance in which
an allusion is made to a text in Jeremiah that had a vaguer historical context; thus, the
message could be seen and recast as a reprediction to take place during the time of DeuteroIsaiah. The basic gist of Yahweh’s speech and the judgment following it are brought into
Deutero-Isaiah, and anyone familiar with Jeremiah would have been immediately affected by
such a repetition of images.
The scribal technique of repredictive allusion can also occur when the older prophecy refers
to a different context in a more explicit manner. This can be seen in the following passage (Isa
57:16-19):
\ בעון בצעו קצפתי17 רוח מלפני יעטוף \ ונשמות אני עשיתי- כי לא לעולם אריב \ ולא לנצח אקצוף \ כי16
19
דרכיו וארפאהו \ ואנחהו ואשלם נחמים לו \ ולאבליו18 ואכהו הסתר ואקצף \ וילך שובב בדרך לבי
בורא ניב שפתים \ שלום \ שלום לרחוק ולקרוב \ אמר יהוה \ ורפאתיו
16
For I will not always contend, I will not be angry forever: Nay, I who make spirits
flag, Also create the breath of life. 17 For their sinful greed I was angry; I struck them
and turned away My wrath. Though stubborn, they follow the way of their hearts, 18 I
note how they fare and will heal them: I will guide them and mete out solace to them,
And to the mourners among them 19 heartening, comforting words: It shall be well,
Well with the far and the near—said the Lord—And I will heal them.
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The allusion is to Jer 3:12-14, 21-22: 349
- אפיל פני בכם כי-יהוה לוא-הדברים האלה צפונה ואמרת שובה משבה ישראל נאם- הלך וקראת את12
דרכיך- אך דעי עונך כי ביהוה אלהיך פשעת ותפזרי את13 יהוה לא אטור לעולם-חסיד אני נאם
יהוה-דרכם \ שכחו את-[ כי העוו את...] 21 [...] יהוה-שמעתם נאם-עץ רענן ובקולי לא-לזרים תחת כל
שובו בנים שובבים \ ארפה משובתיכם22 אלהיהם
12
Go, make this proclamation toward the north, and say: Turn back, O Rebel Israel—
declared the LORD, I will not look on you in anger, for I am compassionate—declares
the LORD; I do not bear a grudge for all time. 13 Only recognize your sin; for you have
transgressed against the LORD your God, and scattered your favours among strangers
under every leafy tree, and you have not heeded Me—declares the LORD […]
21
[…] For they have gone a crooked way, ignoring the LORD their God. 22 Turn back, O
rebellious children, I will heal your afflictions!
In its original context, Jeremiah is speaking to Israel, calling for them to return to Yahweh.
Yahweh reaffirms that He will be faithful and He reneges on His past anger. Finally, Yahweh
states that in order for Him to accept a return, Israel must confess its guilt and admit to its
rebellion. As pointed out by Lundbom, the context for the oracles in this section likely comes
after the exiles leave for Babylon in 597 B.C.E. The oracles are directed towards several people:
349
This section is an expansion based upon the examples and expositions presented in ibid., 52-54. In addition to
the Jeremiah allusion, it has been pointed out by several scholars that Deutero-Isaiah (57:16-19) may also be
alluding to Ps 103:9: לנצח יריב \ ולא לעולם יטור- לא9 ( 9 He will not contend forever, / or nurse His anger for all
time.) This psalm is attributed to David; the line quoted above comes from within a song of thanksgiving given by
a petitioner of sorts who has experienced forgiveness (see Kraus, Psalms 60-150, 290.) It is hard to date Ps 103;
however, if one assumes that it was written before the era of Persian rule, then it is likely that Deutero-Isaiah was
also drawing on this line. Sommer states the following: “A verse resembling 57:16 and Jer 3:5 appears in Ps 103:9 as
well, and this might render my assertion that Deutero-Isaiah borrowed from Jer 3:5f dubious. However, the
additional vocabulary shared between 57:18-19 and Jeremiah 3 makes it more likely that this passage in DeuteroIsaiah depended directly on Jeremiah,” see Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, 53.
Despite Sommer’s argumentation, I would claim that such double allusion does not make the presence of other
allusions doubtful. The writers and compilers of a text like Deutero-Isaiah had a wealth of material on which to
draw, and it seems likely to me that they would have drawn on many sources simultaneously when they were
able, and if it bolstered the overall fabric of their new work. While Blenkinsopp does not mention the Jeremiah
allusion, he does expand on the allusion to Ps 103, see Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66 (New York: Doubleday, 2003),
171.
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exiles in Egypt, Babylon, Assyria and those who remained in the old territory of Northern
Israel.350 The second portion of this set of oracles quoted above and beginning in verse 22 is a
liturgy describing contra-banned cult activity of the high places. Jeremiah calls for those who
have turned from Yahweh to return so that Yahweh can heal them. It is likely that the context
for this liturgy comes during the reign of Josiah (ca. 640-609 B.C.E.) during his attempt to
eradicate the high places. 351 Thus, both of these portions of Jeremiah come in the wake of
Josiah’s Reform, the last years of the Davidic kingdom and the subsequent exile to Babylon in
597 B.C.E.
The context of the passage in Deutero-Isaiah is harder to isolate exactly, because the text of
Isa 56-66 is very difficult to date; however, it is likely that it comes from a post-exilic context. 352
Most scholars claim that the text of Isa 56-66 was composed in Judah during the 1st century of
Persian rule; i.e., during the reigns of Darius I (522-486), Xerxes I (486-465) and Artaxerxes I
(465-424). 353 The text is a salvation oracle (15b-19) that offers relief and well-being to those
who follow the correct way, and the most striking difference between this passage and the
Jeremiah passage quoted above is that the identity of the true Israel in Deutero-Isaiah is no
longer identified with the people as a whole. 354 While some of the claims in Hanson’s book, I
believe he rightly claims that this passage is evidence for a visionary group in Judah that did
350
See Lundbom, Jeremiah 1-20, 311-12.
351
See ibid., 319-23.
352
See Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66, 42-54. For example, the lament for the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple
(63:18; 64:9-10) and its rebuilding (61:4) may suggest that this section is well after the exile.
353
See ibid., 43.
354
See ibid., 173.
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not see Yahweh’s promise of salvation as applying to the whole of Israel but rather only to the
members of the visionary group itself. 355 While the question of whether such a group did exist
is highly speculative, the passage does appear to be claiming particularism akin to
sectarianism. The verses in Jeremiah portray a more universal perspective that envisions a
greater re-gathering of the people in the wake of great crisis. The passage from Jeremiah—
while its original context likely comes from within the cult and within the intricacies of the
thanksgiving liturgy—is brought new meaning as it is evoked in Deutero-Isaiah. That is, the
salvation of the many, and the chance for the salvation of the many has become the salvation
of the few. No longer will all of the children of Israel be healed; only the select few according
to Deutero-Isaiah, will be healed and collected by God. In this way, Deutero-Isaiah has alluded
to Scripture coming from very different contexts, and recontextualized and repredicted those
passages for a new historical context. In this manner, the methods of the author look very
similar to those of the serek texts; disparate passages from Scripture are alluded to, coming
from very different contexts, and these are given new historical significance in light of new
circumstances. Neither the serek texts nor Deutero-Isaiah is in a polemic with the older
prophets; rather, they implicitly evoke authority from those older prophets, even though they
recontextualize their message from its previous context.
355
See Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic, 77-79.
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3.2.2 Reprediction in the War Scroll
The scriptural allusions made in the banner-slogans that are to be used during the second
stage of the eschatological war—the War of the Divisions—are described in 1QM 4:
למלחמה יכתובו על אותותם ימין אל מועד אל מהומת אל חללי אל ואחריהם כול
֗ ובגשתם7
פרוש שמותם
7
When they draw near for battle they shall write on their banners, “The Right hand of
God,” “The Appointed time of God,” “The Tumult of God,” “The Slain of God.” After
these their names in full (1QM 4:7)
This passage comes in a section describing in detail the slogans that will be written on several
banners to be used during the War of the Divisions (1QM 4:6-18). At the beginning of the
arrangement of the banners (3:13-4:6), several more general banners, matching the overall
structure of the congregation, are laid out. The first banner describes the congregation as a
whole—named the grand banner ()האות הגדולה. Next one is presented with a description of a
banner for the heads of the camps, thereafter with a banner for the tribe; and finally, with
seven other banners, all describing the physical makeup of various divisions (thousands,
hundreds, fifties & tens) for the end time, based on the wilderness-organization of Numbers 356
when the Israelites camped each with his standard ()דגלו, under the banners ( )באתתof their
ancestral house, around the Tent of Meeting (Num 2:2). 357 The next section of this description
356F
356
There is at least one banner which cannot be identified because of a break in the text at 3:17. This first set of
banners—of the whole congregation, of the heads of the camps of the three tribes, of the tribe, of the family, of
the myriad, of the thousand, of the ten—has been described in detail in Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of
Light against the Sons of Darkness, 38-64.
357
See Ibba, Il 'Rotolo della Guerra:' Edizione Critica, 99. See also van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la Guerre: traduit et
annoté avec une introduction, 81. For a commentary on Numbers 2, see Levine, Numbers 1-20 (New York:
Doubleday, 1993), 143-50. This section may also be influenced by the description of the rods of the princes of the
tribes in Num 17:17-18; see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness, 39.
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of banners, however, goes beyond the physical makeup of this second wilderness-scenario and
proceeds to describe the army of the sons of light: “when they go to battle […]” (4:6). The
banners in this section appear to stretch the meaning of the noun אותto denote its fuller
meaning—being ‘sign’—in the sense of being a communication from God as seen in Psalms
(78:43 & 105:27) and Isaiah (8:18 & 38:7). 358 For example, in Ps 105:27 one finds:
357F
:חם-בם דברי אתותיו ומפתים בארץ-שמו
They performed His signs among them, His wonders, against the Land of Ham
The banners in M use the term אותin a similar, meta-military manner; they describe
attributes of God in a military context, rather than describing merely a practical military unit.
The importance of Psalms and Isaiah extends beyond the fact that they are alluded to in the
aforementioned banner—for the scribes of M, the notion of a ‘banner/sign from God’ was
more than a practical military implement. For them the banners/signs also constituted a
direct evocation of the presence of God in a military context, a fact that was presaged by
David and Isaiah. 359 The slogans should be seen not only as talismans alluding to the powers of
358F
God, but also as a prophecy to be fulfilled in a ‘yet-to-come,’ end-time scenario.
For the broader meaning of the term אות, see entry in The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 1 (Sheffield:
Sheffield Phoenix Press, 1993), 165-67.
358
359
This point has not been emphasized by the commentaries. In Yadin’s section on banners (Ch. 3) he does not
discuss at all 4:6-8 which gives the banners to be used during the battle. In a footnote ad loc. in his commentary
he does give scriptural references to the allusions; however, they are not explained at all. He does recognize that
the term אותcan be connected to ‘magical concepts’ (64); he concludes that “the system described in the scroll
denotes the end of this development [i.e., from magical concepts] and the point when banners actually changed
into instruments of military and organizational technique,” see Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light
against the Sons of Darkness, 63-64. Of course, his insistence on this point stems from his overall hypothesis that
M is fashioned after late Roman tactical treatises.
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The powers of God that are evoked in these allusions on the banners are anchored in several
other phrases attributed to the prophets. The first banner looks back to the words of Moses in
the Song at the Sea (Ex 15:6):
ימינך יהוה נאדרי בכח \ ימינך יהוה תרעץ אויב6
6
Your right hand, O LORD, glorious in power, Your right hand, O LORD, shatters the
foe!
The victory of God via Moses at the Red Sea is brought to serve in the new context of the
victory of the Sons of Light over their foes in the War of the Divisions. The ‘right hand of God’
becomes a type of metonymy representing triumphant, divine victory over Israel’s enemies.
The image itself, as pointed out by N. Lohfink is not of a God who brawls with his enemy, but
rather of a soldier who wields his sword in battle. 360 The overall context of the song is one of
victory-making and thanksgiving. 361 The original context of the song is slightly convoluted; it is
likely an earlier poem that was later inserted into the Exodus narrative.362 Despite this fact, the
poem in its context in Exodus serves several purposes, as pointed out by B. Childs: first, it is a
response of faith; in other words, the people had feared, yet they believed, and they were thus
rewarded with salvation. Second, the poem offers an interpretation of the entire event.
360
See N. Lohfink, The Christian Meaning of the Old Testament (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1968), 76. He argues this on the
basis of ancient Near Eastern iconography.
361
The Song of the Sea has been given several characterizations from a form-critical perspective; see comments in
Cross and Freedman, "The Song of Miriam," JNES 14 (1955). It has most often been categorized it as a victory
psalm.
362
See Childs, The Book of Exodus: A Critical, Theological Commentary (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press,
1975), 248.
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Finally, the poem anchors the praise of God to a particular event in history. 363 The overall
spirit of this original context would have been very attractive for the scribe; given the relative
similarities between the two events—peril, potential loss of faith, and trust in the divine
power to harness victory—the allusion was easily taken over into the new context of the endtime scenario. Not only was it a source of inspiration but it was also used as a proof text for the
manner in which the future War of the Divisions would unfold. The Song of the Sea is taken
out of its original context and recast for the future.
The third banner in the same section (1QM 4:7) is an allusion to a different prophetic text, this
time from Deutero-Zechariah (14:13):
יהוה רבה בהם והחזיקו איש יד רעהו ועלתה- והיה ביום ההוא תהיה מהומת13
יד רעהו-ידו על
13
In that day, a great [tumult] from the LORD shall fall upon them, and everyone shall
snatch at the hand of another, and everyone shall raise his hand against everyone
else’s hand
This passage comes from the so-called ‘additions’ to Zechariah. In general, while one must
assume that it was written with a specific situation in mind, it is now impossible to know
exactly for which situation or situations. The oracles themselves in chapters 12-14 are filled
with inner-biblical allusions and are generally dated to the post-exilic period; the passage
quoted above may be as late as the Hellenistic period. 364 The broader section from chapter 1214, into which the above quoted passage falls, contains an editorial line reading: “A
363
See ibid., 248-49.
364
See D. L. Petersen, "Zechariah 9-14," in ABD, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c. 1992).
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pronouncement: The word of the LORD concerning Israel” (Zech 12:1). The overall text
contains stock language and images that describe a siege of many nations, and a conflict that
will take place in Jerusalem. The section quoted above comes near the end of the oracle and
becomes more eschatological in content; the scene becomes more and more cataclysmic as
Yahweh takes his place on the stage to defend his city, and his final appearance leads to the
destruction of the enemy. The hypotext above is anchored into the hypertext of M by the
relatively rare biblical phrase יהיה-מהומת. 365 While the overall series of oracles presented in
Zech 12-14 are not repredicted by M as a whole, the small subsection in 14:13-14 is evoked in a
manner that constitutes a prophecy for a future time. In Zechariah, the panic of the Lord is
meant to fall upon the enemies to cause their destruction; an inevitable destruction of persons
and of vast quantities of חילor wealth (Zech 14:14), the root of which word is also echoed in
the use of חלליםin the fourth banner. 366 This vague Zecharian scenario is evoked in the third
365F
365
Zechariah 14:13 is very likely alluding itself to Deut 7:23, and the latter passage could well have served as
inspiration for the text of 1QM 4:7.
366
It is also possible that the covenanters were alluding more broadly to Ps 77:10 or to Ps 118:15-16. For example, Ps
77:10, written by the prophet Asaph, is a psalm that is also intimately tied to the slogan on the fourth banner:
ואמר חלותי היא \ שנות ימין עליון
11
11
And I said, “It is my fault that the right hand of the Most High has changed.”
The psalm opens as a lament in the first person—the speaker states: “I cry aloud to God… In my time of distress I
turn to the Lord” (77:1-2). This leads the speaker to reflect upon the days of old, and the deeds of God; thus, the
psalm is a type of lament followed by a hymn to God, but as pointed out by Kraus, the individual in the beginning
is a speaker for the community, and the second half acts as a retrospective concerning the deeds of God. While it
is difficult to date this psalm precisely, the source of the anguish for the speaker concerns the fate of Israel most
likely during the time of the exile. While this text was not originally written as a prophecy, given the fact that it
was written by a prophet, the covenanters would have taken the words to be oracular. Thus, the message in the
quoted passage above evokes the wrong-doing of the speaker: “it is my fault that the right hand of the Most High
has changed,” to emphasize that the root used to denote the wrongdoing ( )חלותיis likely connected to the same
root used in the fourth banner ()חללי אל. While there is no extant pesher on this particular Psalm, it is possible
that the covenanters would have seen this wrongdoer as connected to the slain; that is, it is those who have erred
who will also be slain.
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banner by this rare phrase, and becomes a reprediction that explains how Yahweh will work
in history during אחרית הימים.
For the purposes of this analysis, I have been very flexible with my definition of ‘prophecy,’ as
in their writings the covenanters appear to consider any writing of a ‘prophet’ to have been
prophetic and thus meriting the clout of an oracle or prediction. Furthermore, as was seen
above in section 4.2.4, it appears that the covenanters were not adverse to seeing what might
be called the ‘legal genre’ in the Hebrew Bible as also having prophetic qualities. 367 As was
discussed there, given that the covenanters conceptualized Moses as a prophet, it was not a
great leap for them to see any of the writings attributed to him as prophetic. Thus, they were
also able to interpret such texts as Leviticus in an apocalyptic manner that brought their new
meaning and conceptualization into the end time. This is an instance of the scribal technique
of reprediction in which the older legal text is taken to have special apocalyptic meaning for
the present; for the covenanters, their present was the אחרית הימיםand thus even legal texts
would have to be recast for this imminent end.
In the next example, one sees how Leviticus is again evoked in a prophetic context. Within its
original context, Leviticus would not have been seen as an oracle at all for any particular time;
nonetheless, it appears to be taken over by the scribes of M and made to work in an entirely
new eschatological context as if it were a prediction of sorts. Thus, once the scribes had
367
See, for example, Metso, "Leviticus Outside the Legal Genre," in A Teacher for All Generations: Essays in Honor
of James C. VanderKam, JSJSup 153 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 379-88. See also Jassen, "Prophecy after 'The Prophets': The
Dead Sea Scrolls and the History of Prophecy in Judaism," 577-93.
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changed their own perception about what a legal text could be and how it could function,
they were able to actualize texts such as Leviticus into predictions for their own times.
Furthermore, this type of allusion should not be seen as a subcategory of the scribal technique
of reprediction, since the covenanters would have seen this sort of alluding as a general use for
prophetic literature (into which category Leviticus would have participated). In addition, it
must be emphasized that there is no direct parallel in the scribal techniques of Deutero-Isaiah
for such allusion to legal texts; such a reconceptualization constitutes a development in the
scribal technique as used by the scribes of the serek texts. However, such an allusion to a legal
text in an eschatological framework still constitutes reprediction in our terms. 1QM 2:8-9
reflects the text of Leviticus as follows:
ובשני השמטים לוא יחלוצו לצאת לצבא כיא שבת...
... מנוח היאה לישראל בחמש ושלושים שני העבודה תערך המלחמה9
… But during the years of remission they shall not ready men to go out for battle, for it
is a Sabbath 9 of rest for Israel. During the thirty-five years of service the war shall be
waged…
The text of Lev 25:4 reads thus:
: ובשנה השביעת שבת שבתון יהיה לארץ שבת ליהוה שדך לא תזרע וכרמך לא תזמר4
4
But in the seventh year the land shall have a Sabbath of complete rest, a Sabbath of
the LORD: you shall not sow your field or prune your vineyard.
This passage from Leviticus comes within a section described by J. Milgrom as “Jubilee, The
Priestly Solution for Economic Injustice.” 368 This emphasis on social engagement is evasive;
Milgrom charts the development that took place in First Temple times that saw the increase
368
See Milgrom, Leviticus 23-27 (New York: Doubleday, 2001), 2145-272.
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of rich landowners—acquiring new lands by debt defaults—who increasingly moved to the
larger centres leaving indentured Israelite farmers.369 While it is not known for certain
whether the law for the Jubilee Year was enforced at any time, the reasons behind the law’s
creation were practical in nature, as pointed out by C. Wright.370 Given that the kinship
structure of the Israelites—tribe, clan and household—was bound directly to the land, the
land itself was seen as an inalienable right. Thus, while the usufruct could be given over to
another in order to pay a debt, the land itself could never truly be ‘sold.’ By consequence,
while a portion of the usufruct could be given over to the creditor, this would have to end in
the Jubilee Year when the land would be ‘given back’ to the debtor.
Within this greater topic comes the line quoted above concerning the Sabbatical Year—
occurring every 7th year—which was to be a year in which the land was left to fallow. 371 This
same law comes up in other legal texts—namely Ex 23:10-15 & Deut 24:19-22—however, in
none of these texts is it certain whether the Sabbath of Sabbaths ( )שבת שבתוןwill affect the
daily work of the people. The only thing that will rest is the tillable land. As pointed out by E.
Gerstenberger, it is likely that this was not meant to include all arable land, but rather only a
portion. This land left to fallow could be gleaned by the poor. 372
371F
369
See ibid., 2243. The release allowed for by the Jubilee Year applied to Israelite landowners who for whatever
reasons had to ‘mortgage’ their land against debt. This would be released in the 50th year, see C. J. A. Wright,
"Sabbatical Year," in ABD (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c. 1992), 859.
370
See Wright, "Jubilee, Year of`," in ABD, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c.1992), 1025.
371
This is an extension of Exod 23:10; see Wright, "Sabbatical Year," 857.
372
See E. S. Gerstenberger, Leviticus: A Commentary (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1996), 375.
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The section of M quoted above describes the mobilization and assignment of troops; in
addition, it provides information about how the years of the war will be broken down.
According to Carmignac, the war will be waged for four six-year periods continuously, each
followed by a sabbatical year of rest; finally, after these four six-year periods, a final five more
years of fighting will continue on until the last of the sons of Japhet—that is, the gentiles—are
destroyed.373 This chronology is taken up by Schultz, and the following table is adapted from
his reconstruction: 374
373
See Carmignac, La Règle de la Guerre des Fils de Lumière contre les Fils de Ténèbres: Texte restauré, traduit et
commenté (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1958), 35. A similar chronology is given by van der Ploeg, Le Rouleau de la
Guerre: traduit et annoté avec une introduction, 73. See also that given by Dupont-Summer, The Essene Writings
from Qumran, 172.
374
See Schultz, Conquering the World: The War Scroll (1QM) Reconsidered, 86-169.
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Table 4: Chronology of the End-Time Wars
7 (6 + 1) Years of
Preparation
(i.e., the War of the
Kittim)
6
6 Years of Preparation
1
1st Sabbatical Year
1st 6 Years of War
6
1
War of the Divisions
1
1
1
5
6
4th Sabbatical Year
4th 6 Years of War
6
6
3rd Sabbatical Year
3rd 6 Years of War
6
6
2nd Sabbatical Year
2nd 6 Years of War
6
6
6
5th Sabbatical Year
5 Final Years of War
5
Total Non-Sabbatical
Years of War (red):29
Total Sabbath Years for Both Wars
Total Years of
(i.e., the War of the Divisions =
29 + 4 or
33 years)
(green): 5
Service (purple): 35
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The war is to last a total of 40 years, 35 of which can be called ‘years of service’ which must be
added to five sabbatical years to make the total. For the years of remission, as our quoted text
above states, there is to be no fighting whatever.
In M, it appears that the scribe has taken Lev 25:4 on its own, neither making reference to Ex
23 nor to Deut 24:19-22. In this way, the scribes do not concern themselves with any
agricultural matters. In contrast, for the later rabbis all three texts were used together to
create a more encompassing ruling for the shemitah year, and the gist of the tractate in the
Mishnah concerns all three lemmata: the sanctity of produce of the land and the remission of
all debts.375 Within M, the allusion to Leviticus is for a specific purpose, and the scribe’s
interpretation of the Leviticus passage is quite different. First, as mentioned above, the
agricultural aspects are neither mentioned nor expanded upon. The sole purpose of the
allusion is to demonstrate that during the 40 years of the war, during five of the years there
will be a complete cessez-le-feu.
The examples discussed here demonstrate that the scribal technique of reprediction, as used
in Deutero-Isaiah, is also detectable here in M, which draws on a legal hypotext. The
technique as used by the scribes, however, demonstrates a departure from Deutero-Isaiah in
that the covenanters could use ‘legal’ texts in addition to other texts from Scripture for their
base texts. Their ultimate aim is to show to their audience how the words of Scripture, as
interpreted by the covenanters, will come to pass in the near future.
375
See introduction in P. Kehati, "Shevi'it," in Mishnah Seder Zera'im 2, ed. Avner Tomaschoff (Jerusalem: Maor
Wallach Press, 1995), 1-6.
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3.2.3 Reprediction in the Community Cycle
At the end of the Community Cycle, in the so-called “Rule of the Blessings,” one finds a
blessing for the Prince of the Congregation that is meant to take place in a final session of the
eschatological age (1QSb 5:20-23b):
20
]הע ֯דה אשר
֯ למשכיל לברך את נשיא
21
יחדש לו להקים מלכות ֯ע ֯מו לעול]ם
֯ וברית ֯הי֯ ֯חד
֯
]גבור[תו
̇
לפניו תמים בכול דר]כי אל
֯ ]א[רץ ולהתהלך
֯
]ול[הו̇ כיח במי֯ ]שור לע[נ֯ וי22
[ לדו֯ ֯ר ֯שי]הו
̇ ב[צר
֯ולהקים ברי]ת23
20
(Words of blessing) [for insight] 376 by which to bless the Prince of the Congregation
who […] 21 And He shall renew for him the Covenant of the [Ya]ḥad, so as to establish
the kingdom of His people forev[er, that “with righteousness He may judge the poor,]
22
[and] decide with equity for [the me]ek of the earth” (Isa 11:4), walk before Him
blameless in all the ways of [His heart,] 23 and establish His covenant as holy [against]
the enemy of those who seek H[im.]
As has been pointed out, Sb is an insightful collection of blessings that highlights the theology
of the covenanters regarding the end time. Of note is the absence of curses in this portion of
the Community Cycle, presumably because the Sons of Darkness and the gentiles would have
already been destroyed.377 This passage first alludes to Jer 31:31:
לא כברית אשר כרתי32 :בית יהודה ברית חדשה-בית ישראל ואת-יהוה וכרתי את- הנה ימים באים נאם31
-בריתי ואנכי בעלתי בם נאם-המה הפרו את-אבותם ביום החזיקו בידם להוציאם מארץ מצרים אשר-את
:יהוה
31
See, a time is coming—declares the LORD—when I will make a new covenant with
the House of Israel and the House of Judah. 32 It will not be like the covenant I made
with their fathers, when I took them by hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt, a
covenant which they broke, though I espoused them—declares the LORD.
376
I have modified Wise’s translation based on the work in Hawley, "On Maskil in the Judean Desert Texts."
Hawley makes a convincing argument that the phrase למשכילshould not be translated as “for the Instructor,” as
it has by the majority of scholars of the DSS, but rather as a header for colophons meaning “intended for insight.”
This corresponds to its use in the Hebrew Bible, and reflected in the LXX and Targum translations.
377
See comments in Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, "Blessings (1QSb)," 119. See also Metso, The Serekh Texts, 55.
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This passage is contained in a section W. McKane aptly calls “A New Covenant.” 378 This is the
only occurrence in the Hebrew Bible of בריתbeing qualified with חדשה, and it is these two
words that form the basis of the allusion. 379 The greatest difference between this ‘new’
378F
covenant and the Sinai covenant—as pointed out by McKane—is that the new covenant will
not be broken (Jer 31:32). While the precise context of the original Jeremianic passage is
allusive, the overall message of this portion of Jeremiah is that of a new national order.
Blenkinsopp summarizes this as follows:
The origin of the so-called book of consolation in Jeremiah 30-31 (with some additions
in chap. 33) poses a special problem since, exceptionally, it holds out the promise of a
new order for a restored and reunited people under a Davidic dynast. While some
recent attempts have been made to read it in the context of Josian reforms, and
therefore to attribute it directly to Jeremiah, it stands in stark contrast to what
Jeremiah has to say elsewhere […]. In giving new prescriptions for the future that
draw on the experience of past religious failure, both Jer 31:31-34 and Deut 30:14 speak
of the law inscribed in or on the heart without, however, explaining how exactly this
inscription will lead to a future different from the past. 380
As one can see in Sb, the scribes had a ready answer to Blenkinsopp’s question. For them,
these words were taken from their original context, and through the scribal technique of
reprediction, they were transformed for the eschatological age as they saw it would unfold. In
addition to the allusion to Jeremiah, one also finds a quotation of Isa 11:1-4:
378
See W. McKane, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Jeremiah, vol. 2 (Commentary on Jeremiah 26-52)
(Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996), 817.
379
380
The same verse from Jeremiah is alluded to as well in CD A 6:19; CD A 8:21 par CD B 19:33-34 and CD B 20-12.
See Blenkinsopp, A History of Prophecy in Israel: Revised and Enlarged (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox
Press, 1996), 134-35.
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\ ונחה עליו רוח יהוה \ רוח חכמה ובינה \ רוח עצה וגבורה2 \ : ויצא חטר מגזע ישי \ ונצר משרשיו יפרה1
4
\ :למשמע אזניו יוכיח-למראה עיניו ישפוט \ ולא- והריחו ביראת יהוה \ ולא3 \ :רוח דעת ויראת יהוה
:ארץ בשבט פיו \ וברוח שפתיו ימית רשע-ארץ \ והכה-ושפט בצדק דלים \ והוכיח במישור לענוי
1
But a shoot shall grow out of the stump of Jesse, / A twig shall sprout from his stock. /
The spirit of the LORD shall alight upon him: / A spirit of wisdom and insight, / A
spirit of counsel and valor, / A spirit of devotion and reverence for the LORD. / 3 He
shall sense truth by his reverence for the LORD: / He shall not judge by what his eyes
behold, / Nor decide by what his ears perceive. / 4 Thus he shall judge the poor with
equity / And decide with justice for the lowly of the land. / He shall strike down a land
with the rod of his mouth / And slay the wicked with the breath of his lips.
2
Here, the original context for the passage in Isaiah is likely the exilic or postexilic world,
although it is difficult to determine this with any precision. 381 In any case, the passage
describes a messianic figure—an ideal Davidic ruler—and further on in the passage a
peaceful kingdom. In the context of the DSS, this image has been given attention by Collins—
in particular in his The Scepter and the Star—where he shows how this image of an
eschatological, ideal king developed not only from Isaiah, but also from the Psalms of
Solomon. 382 The covenanters took this image and reused it to tell their own story about the
eschatological age. 383 In the context of Sb, the Prince of the Congregation becomes the
repredicted figure for this age—one of God’s instruments to actualize his design. 384
381
See ibid., 109.
382
See Collins, The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature (New
York: Doubleday, 1995), 49-73.
383
Although we cannot connect the document directly to the DSS, it is interesting to point out that 4 Ezra also
uses the image of a Davidic scion, which it recasts for a future time (4 Ezra 12:32):
̇ ̇ܗܘ.ܡܫܝܚܐ
̇ ̇ܗܘ.ܕܝܘܡܬܐ
̇
̈
ܘܢܟܣ. ܘܢܐܬܐ ܘܢܡܠܠ ܥܡܗܘܢ.ܕܕܢܚ ܡܢ ܙܪܥܗ ܕܕܘܝܕ
ܕܢܛܪ ܡܕܝܡܐ ܠܫܘܠܡܗܘܢ
̣ܗܘܝܘ32
. ܘܢܣܕܘܪ ܩܕܡܝܗܘܢ ̣ܥܘܠܗܘܢ. ܘܥܠ ܡܒܐܫܢܘܬܗܘܢ ܢܟܘܢ ܐܢܘܢ.ܐܢܘܢ ܥܠ ܪܘܫܥܗܘܢ
32
This is the Messiah whom the Most High has kept until the end of days, who will arise from
the offspring of David, and will come and speak with them. He will denounce them for their
ungodliness and for their wickedness, and will display before them their contemptuous
dealings.
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One finds another example of reprediction in S in a section entitled by Wise “General
foundational precepts regarding entry into the group’s new covenant” (1QS 5:10-13): 385
10
יקים בברית על נפשו להבדל מכול אנשי ִהעול ההולכים
ֿ
ואשר
[...]
בדרכ הרשעה כיא לוא החשבו בבריתו כיא לוא בקשו ולוא דרשהו בחוקוהי לדעת הנסתרות אשר תעו11
)מ(שפטים
̇ בם לאששמה והנגלות עשו ביד רמה לעלות אפ למשפט ולנקום נקם באלות ברית לעשות בם12
[...] עולם לאין שרית
ֿ
גדולים לכלת13
10
… Each one who thus enters the Covenant by oath is to separate himself from all of
the perverse men, they who walk 11 in the wicked way, for such are not reckoned a
part of His Covenant. They have not sought Him or inquired of His statutes so as to
discover the hidden laws in which they err 12 to their shame. Even the revealed laws
they knowingly transgress, thus stirring God’s judgmental wrath and full vengeance:
the curses of the Mosaic covenant. He will bring against them 13 weighty judgments,
eternal destruction with none spared.
This portion of text occurs in a section of the Serek ha-Yaḥad describing a binding oath that
new members to the community will have to swear in order to enter the community. 386
According to the text that precedes the quotation above, initiates must swear two oaths: first,
an oath to return to the law of Moses; and second, they must swear to keep separate from the
men of injustice. After these oaths are described, the scribe proceeds to predict the impending
doom of these ‘perverse men,’ from whom the covenanters must keep apart. In doing so, the
scribes allude to at least three prophetic texts. The first of these is Zeph 1:6:
*Syriac taken from R. J. Bidawid, "4 Esdras," in The Old Testament in Syriac According to the Peshitta Version
(Leiden: Brill, 1973), 39. English translation from The Holy Bible Containing the Old and New Testaments with the
Apocryphal / Deuterocanonical Books: New Revised Standard Version (NRSV), (Oxford: OUP, 1995).
384
Cf. the use of Isa 11 in CD B 20:16-17 (also see parallel with Ps 72).
385
See Wise, "Charter of a Jewish Sectarian Association," 123.
386
There is a shorter version of this section (i.e., 1QS 5:7b-20a) in 4QSb,d. As Metso points out, 4QSb,d does not have
a title, and begins with כול הבא לעצת היחדwhereas 1QS 5:7b has the following title: ואלה תכון דרכיהם על כול
החוקים האלה בהאספם ליחד. Metso points out that 4QSb,d appears to be the early form; see Metso, The Serekh
Texts, 10.
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הס מפני אדני יהוה כי קרוב יום יהוה7 יהוה ולא דרשהו-בקשו את-הנסוגים מאחרי יהוה ואשר לא- ואת6
הכין יהוה זבח הקדיש קראיו-כי
6
And those who have forsaken the LORD, And those who have not sought the LORD
And those who have not turned to Him. 7 Be silent before the Lord GOD, For the day
of the LORD is approaching; for the LORD has prepared a sacrificial feast, has bidden
His guests purify themselves.
This passage comes at the beginning of Zephaniah in a section named by A. Berlin “The
Announcement of Doom (1:2-9).” 387 The appellation is appropriate. The original context for
the words of Zephaniah was within the years before the Josian reforms as can be seen in the
header of the section (Zeph 1:1); however, the book begins with an all-encompassing prophecy
of doom. All living creatures will be destroyed: humans, animals, birds and fish. As pointed
out by Berlin, the first chapter of Zephaniah is in many ways a reversal of the creation story in
Genesis. Then, the focus of the prophet moves to Judah and its capital Jerusalem, in particular
to the idolaters presiding there. Scholars are unsure whether this scene of doom, in its original
context, was being predicted before or after the Josianic reforms, but in any case, it refers to
the perceived apostasy within Judea at the time. 388
In the context of S, this allusion to Zephaniah’s impending doom of apostates is appropriated
and given new life in the context of their oath to keep clear of the ‘perverse men.’ Presumably,
these perverse men, being that they are not cast as gentiles, would have been the ‘apostate’
Jews who did not conform to their practices and ways of believing. These would have been the
men who would eventually be destroyed in the War of the Kittim described in col. 1 of M. Not
387
See A. Berlin, Zephaniah (New York: Doubleday, 1994), 71.
388
See ibid., 43-47.
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204
only is Zephaniah alluded to in this passage, but also Ezekiel (Ezek 24:8) is evoked by the
scribe through his use of a rare phrase:
:צחיח סלע \ לבלתי הכסות-דמה על- להעלות חמה לנקם נקם \ נתתי את8
8
She set her blood upon the bare rock / So that it was not covered, / So that it may stir
up [My] fury / To take vengeance.
In Ezek 24, one finds a cruel and yet striking image—an oracle with an oracle—dubbed “The
Filthy Pot” by M. Greenberg. 389 Such ‘vengeance’ is perhaps better understood in the greater
context of this oracle (Ezek 24:3b-8):
Put the caldron [on the fire], put it on, / And then pour water into it. / 4 Collect in it
the pieces [of meat]. / Every choice piece, thigh and shoulder; / Fill it with the best
cuts—/ 5 Take the best of the flock. / Also pile the cuts in it. / 6 Assuredly, thus said
the Lord GOD: / Woe to the city of blood—/ A caldron whose scum is in it, / Whose
scum has not been cleaned out! / Empty it piece by piece; No lot has fallen upon it. / 7
For the blood she shed is still in her; / she set it upon a bare rock; / She did not pour it
out on the ground / To cover it with earth. /
Here one sees the full image of the bloodbath. The original context for this image is the day on
which the king of Babylon started to besiege Jerusalem. 390 The cuts of meat represent the
inhabitants, and they are destined to be sacrificed in a massive holocaust, after their blood has
been spilt. Here again one sees how the scribes, in composing S, have taken this prediction
from Ezekiel and recast it to support their own outlook for the future. If one looks again to M,
this instance of the scribal technique of reprediction would have to be for the ‘perverse men’
who would be destroyed before the Children of Light could reclaim the Holy City and re-
389
See M. Greenberg, Ezekiel 21-37 (New York: Doubleday, 1997), 495.
390
See ibid., 503.
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205
establish sacrifices there before beginning their work in the second part of the war against all
the nations.
3.2.4 Reprediction in the Damascus Document
The first example of the scribal technique of reprediction in D comes in CD A 15:13b-17 in a
section that describes the ‘camps’:
13
נגלה ̇מן ̇התורה לרו̇ ב
̇ וכל אשר
[...]
]מ[ד
֯ ויל
֯ קר או̇ תו וצוה עליו
̇ המב
̇
֯ ֯ה ֯מ ֯חנ֯ ֯ה ו֯ ֯הו֯ ֯א ֯ש ֯ג ֯ה ̇בו̇ יו̇ ]דיעה[ו14
שו[גה
̇
עתו̇ ̇הי̇ ו̇ תו אוי̇ ̇ל ומשוגע וכל ̇פ ̇ת]י
֯ ימה ו֯ ̇לפי ̇ד
̇ ̇ע ̇ד ̇שנ֯ ֯ה ֯ת ֯מ15
]עטו[ט ֯א
̇
֯ונ[ער ז
ו̇ ̇כ ֯ה ֯ה ֯עי֯ ̇ני֯ ֯ם ֯ל ֯ב ֯ל]תי16
13
[…] Everything that is revealed from the Law for the multitude of the 14 Camp, and
in which he (the postulant) has imperfect knowledge, the Overseer should tell him
and command him to study 15 for one full year; and then according to his knowledge
he may draw near. But no one who is a fool or insane may enter; and no simpleton or
ignoramus 16 or one with eyes too weak to see or lame or crippled or deaf or minor
child…
Line 16 of this passage can be restored with the help of 4QDa (4Q266) f8i:6b-9:
]ו[חגר או פסח או חרש8 ]ומ[שוגע אל יבו וכול פתי ושוגה וכה עינים לבלתי ראות7 [ וכול היותו אויל...] 6
]מ[אלה אל תוך העדה כי מלאכ]י[ הקוד]ש9 או נער זעטוט א]ל יבו[ איש
6
[...] And no-one stupid 7 [or de]ranged should enter; and anyone feeble-minded and
insane, those with eyes too weak to see, 8 [and] the lame or one who stumbles, or a
deaf person, or an under-age boy, none 9 [of] these [shall enter] the congregation, for
the ho[ly] angels […] 391
Most scholars have assumed that D describes two types of living arrangements: for those who
live in the ‘city’ and for those who live in the ‘camps.’ 392 Furthermore, the ‘camps’ have been
391
392
The transcription and translation of 4QDa are taken from The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, vol. 1, 592-93.
See Davies, "Damascus Rule," in ABD, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1996, c. 1992), 9. See
also further discussion in Chapter 2.
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206
described by some as “communal cells in the villages and towns of the land,” 393 and along
these lines, it is generally argued that the individuals living in these settlements should be
seen as differing in some way from the individuals who wrote S and M.394 However, if one
takes the text quoted above and compares it to M, one sees an immediate correspondence.
The portion in M to which I am referring occurs in 1QM 7:3b-5a in a section that describes the
recruitment of soldiers for the camps:
3
וכול נער זעטוט ואשה לוא יבואו למחנותם בצאתם
[...]
מירושלים ללכת למלחמה עד שובם וכול פסח או חגר או איש אשר מום עולם4
בבשרו או איש מנוגע בטמאת
[...] בשרו כול אלה לוא ילכו אתם למלחמה5
3
[…] No youth nor woman shall enter their encampments [camps] from the time
they leave 4 from Jerusalem to go to battle until their return. No one crippled, blind,
or lame, nor a man who has a permanent blemish on his skin, or a man affected with
ritual uncleanness of 5 his flesh; none of these shall go with them to battle […]
It is very likely that both documents are describing the same scenario—that is, they describe
the camps that will be needed on the periphery of the state during the 33-year War of the
Divisions. The text in CD and in 4QDa are both broken after the phrase וכול נער זעטוט, and
given the reading in S, it is advisable to restore them based on the text in M. Looking at the
manuscripts, given the fact that there are broken letters that are nearly illegible in these
393
394
See discussion in Chapter 2 above.
This theory is held by Murphy-O’Connor who hypothesizes that the Essenes, as a movement, predated
Qumran and that D reflects this earlier history. In Murphy-O’Connor’s schema, the Qumran community reflects a
later splinter movement of the non-Qumran Essenes; see Murphy-O'Connor, "The Essenes and their History," RB
81 (1974): 215-44. For more recent discussions of the varying details of this general conclusion, see Knibb, "The
Community of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Introduction," DSD 16.3 (2009): 297-308. Several scholars have recognized
recently that the similarities between S and D traditions cannot warrant a simple conception of S as representing
a celibate community living at Qumran and D as representing a group that married and lived outside of Qumran.
See Schofield, "Between Center and Periphery: The Yahad in Context," DSD 16.3 (2009): 330-50. Finally, see
Metso, "Problems in Reconstructing the Organizational Chart of the Essenes," 388-415.
Chapter 3: Analysis of Hypertextuality in the Serek Texts & in Deutero-Isaiah
207
spaces, and given the extra space in the manuscripts (particularly in CD), such a restoration is
possible, and would be preferential. In other words, the text in CD should read: וכול נער זעטוט
ואשה לוא יבואו, i.e., “No youth nor woman shall enter.” CD clearly states that this particular set
of laws is for the ‘camps,’ and if one reads this as a military camp (as in M) that would be set
up in a future time rather than as a settlement, it only makes sense that certain persons would
be allowed to enter and certain person would be excluded, especially given the context of
these eschatological camps. 395 The camp, in this manner of reading D, would then be the camp
394F
that would come into existence during the 33-year War of the Divisions; that is, a camp that
would be one of many special military outfits based on Numbers 1 with soldiers grouped into
thousands, hundreds and fifties (CD 13:1; 1QM 4:1-3). These would be specially guarded spaces
on the boarders in which perfectly pure soldier-priests would reside to fight alongside the
angels. In such a camp, heightened purity restrictions demanded the exclusion of women,
children, and those with defects, as this space would become like the Temple itself, and thus
would be subject to the strict purity laws of Leviticus.
A similar passage describing these defective persons can be found in Sa (1QSa 2:3b-10):
395
One sees in CD 19:2-3 the following statement: “But if they live (in) camps according to the rule of the land
which is as it was previously and take wives according to the custom of the Torah and beget sons, they shall walk
according to the Torah.” This vision for the camps likely refers to the wilderness scenario in Numbers, as the
scribe in D states ‘as previously’ ()מקדם. While woman and children were allowed in the camps during this
ancient time, the scribe stresses that in the future, once the camps return, the Torah must be followed. Thus,
women will not be allowed in the camps on account of their variable purity status, and children are also banned
given that they are not of age. If this were not the case, one would wonder why the scribe chose to emphasize
that the camp dweller must live according to the Torah if he has a wife and children. Presumably, this was
because the camps in Numbers and the camps that the scribe writes about differed. One must assume that the
women and children in the scribes’ camps would stay in Jerusalem, if a member of the camp chose to have a wife
and children.
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208
ת
3
̇מכו֯ ל טמאו
̇ מנוג ֯ע ֯ב ֯א ֯חת
̇
[ וכול איש...]
֯בא ̇ל ֯ה ̇ל ֯ב ̇ל ֯תי
֯ האדם אל יבוא בקהל אלה וכול איש מנוגע4
החזיק מעמד בתוך העדה וכול מנוגע בבשרו נכאה ֯ר ֯ג ֯לי֯ ֯ם או5
בנוגע בבשרו
̇
ידים ֯פ ֯סח או ̇עו̇ ר או חרש או אלם או מום6
לבלתי֯ התחזק בתוך העדה
֯
זקן̇ כושל
̇ לראות עינים או איש7
̇כיא מלאכי
̇ ]ב[תו֯ ֯ך עדת ֯א]נ[ו֯ שי השם
֯
ותהיצב
̇
[אלה
̇ אל יבו֯ ]או8
קודש ]בעצ[תם ואם יש ̇ד ֯ב]ר לאחד מ[אלה לדבר אל עצת הקודש9
10
לו[א יבוא האיש כיא מנ֯ ו֯ ̇גע
̇
]ו[דורש]יהו[ מפיהו ואל תוך ]העדה
̇
3
[…] No man, who suffers from a single type of the uncleanness 4 that affects
humanity shall enter their assembly; neither is any man so afflicted 5 to receive an
assignment from the congregation. No man with a physical handicap—crippled in
both legs or 6 hands, lame, blind, deaf, dumb, or possessed of a visible blemish in his
flesh— 7 or a doddering old man unable to do his share in the congregation— 8 may
en[ter] to take a place in the congregation of the m[e]n of reputation. For the holy 9
angels are [a part of] their congregation. If [one] of these people has some[thing] to
say to the holy congregation, 10 let an oral [de]position be taken, but the man must
n[ot] enter [the congregation,] for he has been smitten.
In each of these texts, the scribes are clearly alluding to Lev 21:16-24. This text is generally
assigned to a group of laws in Leviticus called the Heiligkeitsgesetz (‘Holiness Code’ or Lev. 1726). It is generally believed that this section originally made up an independent legal corpus
that was edited at one point by the Priestly School. 396 The corpus on the whole is thought to be
organized around—as the title suggests—the notion of holiness including purity and
cleanliness. Milgrom points out that chapter 21 and chapter 22 form a unit when read
together, which can be laid out in the following manner 397:
A Relation of a priest to his family for sacrifice (21:1-15)
B Blemishes of priests who sacrifice (21:16-23)
X How a priest should avoid desecration of sacrifices (22:1-16)
B' Blemishes of animals for sacrifice (22:17-25) 398
A' Relation of an animal and its family for sacrifice (22:27-28)
397 F
396
For a brief overview of the Holiness Code, see H. T. C. Sun, "Holiness Code," in ABD (New York: Doubleday,
1996), 254-56.
397
See Milgrom, Leviticus 17-22 (New York: Doubleday, 2001), 1792.
There are parallels in vocabulary between this passage and Deut 15:19-21 which describes the בכורותand their
disqualification for sacrifice if they have a serious defect such as lameness or blindness.
398
Chapter 3: Analysis of Hypertextuality in the Serek Texts & in Deutero-Isaiah
209
The acrostic pattern of this section is striking and emphasizes the intimate connection in the
mind of the author between the physical perfection of the offering and the physical perfection
of the priest responsible for offering it. The most important portion of the above unit is
Milgrom’s B as listed above; that is, ‘Blemishes of priests who sacrifice.’ This section starts with
the Lord ordering Moses to give Aaron certain precepts for his priestly descendants. The
passage in question is Lev 21:17b-21:
בו מום לא יקרב-איש אשר- כי כל18 :איש מזרעך לדרתם אשר יהי בו מום לא יקרב להקריב לחם אלהיו
דק או-גבן או- או20 :יהיה בו שבר רגל או שבר יד- או איש אשר19 :איש עור או פסח או חרם או שרוע
בו מום מזרע אהרן הכהן לא יגש להקריב-איש אשר- כל21 :תבלל בעינו או גרב או ילפת או מרוח אשך
:אשי יהוה מום בו את לחם אלהיו לא יגש להקריב-את
No man of your offspring throughout the ages who has a defect shall be qualified to
offer the food of his God. 18 No one at all who has a defect shall be qualified: no man
who is blind, or lame, or has a limb too short or too long; 19 no man who has a broken
leg or a broken arm; 20 or who is a hunchback, or a dwarf, or who has a growth in his
eye, or who has a boil-scar, or scurvy, or crushed testes. 21 No man among the offspring
of Aaron the priest who has a defect shall be qualified to offer the LORD’s offering by
fire; having a defect, he shall not be qualified to offer the food of his God.
Milgrom makes the important observation that the notion of an unblemished priest should
not be seen as anomalous in the ancient Near East; for example, the Mesopotamian bâru or
diviner could not be cross-eyed, could not have chipped teeth, nor mutilated finger. 399 Thus,
the above text must be seen as functioning within a common ancient Near Eastern ethos; i.e.,
it was imperative that the priest who offers before God to be as perfect as possible (like the
animal that he will offer). As regards the מום, Leviticus lists 12 categories of priestly exclusion:
‘no man who is blind ()עור, or lame ()פסח, or has a limb too short ( )חרםor too long ( ;)שרועno
399
For a more complete list including references, see Milgrom, Leviticus 17-22, 1841. One can also mention within
the biblical canon Dan 1:3 where the Babylonian king asks for attendants מום-בהם כל-אשר אין. In addition, see 2
Sam 14:25 in the case of Absalom.
Chapter 3: Analysis of Hypertextuality in the Serek Texts & in Deutero-Isaiah
210
man who has a broken leg ( )שבר רגלor a broken arm ( ;)שבר ידor who is a hunchback ()גבן,
or a dwarf ()דק, or who has a growth in his eye ()תבלל בעינו, or who has a boil-scar ()גרב, or
scurvy ()ילפת, or crushed testes ()מרוח אשך. Nearly every one of these categories is paralleled
(albeit not verbatim) in D, M and Sa.
C. Wassen makes the connection between demons and the description of physical defects in
the literature of the covenanters. 400 In a recent article, she discusses the question of why
angels appear to be mentioned whenever physical defects ( )מוםare mentioned. She asks why
angels—as intermediaries between God and humans—would not want to look at human
imperfections. It is often claimed that the covenanters increase the severity of the biblical
prescriptions against those with blemishes, and Wassen concludes that the reason for this
tendency in the literature of the covenanters stems from the fact that these defects engender
the influence of evil spirits. 401 Wassen’s thesis appears to build on the thought of scholars like
40F
Schiffman, who emphasizes that in Sa, certain members are excluded from the council
because the covenanters saw impurity and deformity as a sign of some kind of moral
deformity. 402
401F
While there is truth to Wassen’s theory about physical defects, there may be another manner
in which one can look at these sections. First, if one maintains that this section in D is looking
400
See C. Wassen, "What Do Angels Have against the Blind and the Deaf? Rules of Exclusion in the Dead Sea
Scrolls," in Common Judaism: Explorations in Second-Temple Judaism (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2008), 115-29.
401
It should be pointed out that in Jubilees, which was considered authoritative by the covenanters, a story is
related about evil spirits in which a tenth of the evil spirits were allowed to stay on earth to inflict illnesses, and
also to cause humans to stray (Jub. 10:10-13).
402
See Schiffman, "Rule of the Congregation," 798.
Chapter 3: Analysis of Hypertextuality in the Serek Texts & in Deutero-Isaiah
211
forward to the War of the Divisions in a manner parallel to M and Sa, then one could be
looking in this instance at a future scenario. The quotation of Leviticus in this way of reading
D, thus, becomes a base text for the scribal technique of reprediction. It may seem odd to
think that the covenanters would use Leviticus in a prophetic context; however, this may not
be as odd as it first seems given that one saw similar usage of Leviticus in 1QM 2:8-9. The use of
legal texts for predictive purposes appears to be a development in the literature of the
covenanters. Metso has already pointed out how the covenanters used Leviticus elsewhere in
S to bolster arguments outside the legal genre.403 Thus, it is not a far leap to say that they
would have used Leviticus—the words of the Prophet Moses—to repredict how the layout of
the military camps would be in the War of the Divisions. Presumably, the others who would
be excluded from direct fighting because of their disabilities would still serve behind the lines,
as one sees in 1QSa 1:21:
... ובעבודת המס יעשה עבודתו כפי מעשו22 ר ֯ק בסרך ֯ה ֯צבא יכתוב משפחתו...
֯
…His family shall merely register (him) into the ranking of the army 22 even though he
shall do his service in task-work in proportion to his ability… (my translation)
This section is describing the fate of the mentally incompetent; while he will not be excluded
from the overall war—presumably the War of the Divisions as described in M—rather, he will
serve behind the scenes helping the soldiers.404
403
See Metso, "Leviticus Outside the Legal Genre," 379-88.
404
See further comment on this passage and justification for my translation in Chapter 2.
Chapter 3: Analysis of Hypertextuality in the Serek Texts & in Deutero-Isaiah
212
The second example of the scribal technique of reprediction in D comes in an historical
section looking back into Israel’s and Judah’s earlier history. The section shows the
inevitability of punishment for those who reject the law (CD 7:9b-18) 405:
[ וכל המואסים בפקד אל את הארץ להשיב גמול רשעים...] 9
עליהם בבוא הדבר אשר כתוב בדברי ישעיה בן אמוץ הנביא10
אשר אמר יבוא עליך ועל עמך ועל בית אביך ימים אשר11
באו מיום סור אפרים מעל יהודה בהפרד שני בתי ישראל12
שר אפרים מעל יהודה וכל הנסוגים הוסגרו לחרב והחזיקים13
נמלטו לארץ צפון כאשר אמר והגליתי את סכות מלככם14
ואת כיון צלמיכם מאהלי דמשק ספרי התורה הם סכות15
המלך כאשר אמר והימותי את סוכות דוד הנפלת המלך16
הוא הקהל וכינניי הצלמים וכיון הצלמים הם ספרי הנביאים17
... אשר בזה ישראל את דבריהם18
[…] But all those who reject the commandments and the rules <shall perish>. When
God judged the land, bringing the just deserts of the wicked 10 to them, that is when
the oracle of the prophet Isaiah son of Amoz came true, 11 which says, “Days are
coming upon you and upon your people and upon your father’s house that 12 have
never come before, since the departure of Ephraim from Judah” (Isa 7:17), that is,
when the two houses of Israel separated, 13 Ephraim departing from Judah. All who
backslid were handed over to the sword, but all who held fast 14 escaped to the land of
the north, as it says, “I will exile the tents of your king 15 and the foundation of your
images beyond the tents of Damascus” (Amos 5:27). The books of Law are the tents of
16
the king, as it says, “I will re-erect the fallen tent of David” (Amos 9:11). The “king”
(4Q266: the images) is 17 the congregation and the “foundation of your images” is the
books of the prophets 18 whose words Israel despised.
This section has already been spoken about, as regards its messianic expectation, by F.
Strickert.406 In it, the scribes allude to several prophets, namely to Isa 7:17:
אפרים מעל יהודה את מלך-באו למיום סור-בית אביך ימים אשר לא-עמך ועל- יביא יהוה עליך ועל17
:אשור
405
The transcriptions for D in this chapter are from Baumgarten and Schwartz, "Damascus Document (CD)," 4-57.
The translations for D are from Cook "The Damascus Document," in The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation
(New York: HarperCollins, 2005), 49-78.
406
See F. M. Strickert, "Damascus Document vii, 10-20 and Qumran Messianic Expectation," RevQ 12 (1985-87):
327-30.
Chapter 3: Conclusions
213
17
The LORD will cause to come upon you and your people and your ancestral house
such days as never have come since Ephraim turned away from Judah—that selfsame king of Assyria!
This is the last line of a section (Isa 7:1-17) that Wildberger names “Not Cowardice, but
Faith!” 407 The context of this line is the famous encounter between Ahaz and the anti-Assyrian
alliance of Damascus and Israel. Ahaz decides to go against prophetic advice and appeal for
Assyrian help, thus ushering in a long period of Assyrian overlordship. Ahaz’s faith is tested in
an encounter with God, who calls him to faith. This warning of punishment is taken up by the
scribes and recast through the scribal technique of reprediction as a warning for the present,
and as a prediction of future events to come.
4 Conclusions
The purpose of this chapter was to understand how the serek texts fit into and interact with
the greater Jewish literary tradition. In order to accomplish this, I have analyzed the use of a
significant scribal technique—that is, hypertextuality as expressed in fulfillment and
reprediciton—present in M, the Community Cycle (S, Sa & Sb) and D as well as in the most
important prophetic text at Qumran, namely Isaiah. While Isaiah does not represent the
entire ‘greater Jewish literary tradition,’ it goes without saying that it was a very significant
prophetic text during the Second Temple period, in particular for the covenanters, and the
scribes of the serek texts drew upon this productive scribal technique for their own particular
rhetorical reasons.
407
See Wildberger, Isaiah 1-12, 279.
Chapter 3: Conclusions
214
The analysis in this chapter has shown that hypertextuality functioned in a similar manner in
all the serek texts by creating a rhetorical orientation; allusion to older Scripture served the
scribes by allowing them—with the benefit of divine clout—to repredict events or to show
how they have been fulfilled. The two chronological categories—reprediction and
fulfillment—used in the serek texts create a narrative along a timeline that is drawn directly
from sacred precedence. These allusions of fulfillment (fulfilling allusions) or allusions that
repredict previous oracles (repredictive allusions) become internal, textual hallmarks for
authenticity. 408 They evoked subtly—and sometimes more explicitly—the passages the
scribes thought were pertinent into their revelations. Despite the fact that many hundreds of
years stand between Deutero-Isaiah and the serek texts, there remains an important
inspirational and cultural thread that binds the two groups. Yet, it must be emphasized that
the two texts are as different as they are similar; while the covenanters were influenced by
scribal techniques that were present in Isaiah, much would have changed politically and
culturally by the time the serek texts were written.
Recently, in an article for Dead Sea Discoveries, Wenthe has begun to contemplate the use and
reuse of Scripture in M with an eye to understanding the redactional goals and hermeneutical
assumptions of those who composed it. He concludes:
408
The primary difference between these two types of allusions—as was described above—is the assumed
timeframe of the author who makes use of them. Thus, if the scribe imports an allusion into his revelation at a
point in the narrative that is thought to have already taken place, then this allusion will serve him as a testament
to the veracity of the old oracle.
Chapter 3: Conclusions
215
It is probable that most of the "implicit exegesis" which has been described can be
found in other texts from other Jewish literature of the period. Yet, the same text,
used in what formally appears to be the same manner, can, depending upon the
posture of the community in which it is interpreted and its Sitz im Leben therein,
mean something very different […]. The fact that the author of 1QM regarded himself
as a part of this end-time community is perhaps the most significant aspect of his use
of the Hebrew Scriptures. It enables him to define the present and future in terms of
the past. It provides him with the identity of the actors in the final eschatological
drama. Not only the participants, but their movements in battle, the minutiae of their
weaponry, and the sequence and timing of the events become self-evident.
"Typological hermeneutic" and "pesher hermeneutic" are the exegetical expression of
this prior conviction. The author of 1QM has used them with remarkable skill to
create a masterpiece—a literary world which would provide meaning, identity, and
coherence for the community. 409
These observations can equally be applied to the scribes who wrote the other serek texts. It is
not that the covenanters were only looking to Deutero-Isaiah for their inspiration in terms of
this scribal technique; rather, the Qumran scribes were using a commonly known scribal
technique of the Second Temple period that was known both to the writer of Deutero-Isaiah
and to later scribes. In a manner similar to M described by Wenthe above, the scribes of S and
D used hypertextuality ‘to define the present and future in terms of the past.’ In this manner,
all of the serek texts―S (including Sa & Sb), D and M―create together “a literary world which
would provide meaning, identity, and coherence for the community.” If the scribes asked the
question—How did Isaiah know about what would happen in the post exilic era?—their answer
would have been: Isaiah had direct revelation from God; however, it was not until we― the
covenanters― came that the truth of Isaiah’s prophecies would be revealed. Here, we evoke the
409
See Wenthe, "The Use of Scripture in 1QM," DSD 5 (1998): 319.
Chapter 3: Conclusions
216
concepts of nistar and nigleh, both of which the covenanters believed they had access to. 410
While the serek texts do not explicitly claim to have direct revelation and are not set up to be
explicit commentaries in the manner of the pesharim, one can imagine—given the
discussions about ‘the hidden’ הנסתרand ‘the revealed’ הנגלהin S (1QS 5:7b-13; 8:1-2)—that
the covenanters believed these serek texts were by virtue of their connection to Scripture,
direct revelations. The serek texts appear to stand somewhere between the late prophets and
the more explicitly exegetical texts of the Second Temple period, and they can be described as
revelatory anthologies of older prophetic works. 411 The common denominator in all of these
410F
newly founded Second Temple ‘sacred’ texts was that they worked in careful dialogue with
older Scripture, and through the medium of priestly prophets, namely the Yaḥad scribes. 412
41F
This dialogue with the past was not a new occurrence by the Second Temple period, but
rather, it already had its roots in more ancient times in the Jewish world. However, one must
also push these observations one step further. Essentially this mode of understanding the
world accords with the hard determinism described in S’s ‘Instruction on the Two Spirits’ and
worldview described in the textual analysis of Chapter 2. Within this worldview, every sacred
410
For an expansion of the importance of these ‘hidden things’ in the writings from Qumran, see A. Shemesh and
C. Werman, "Hidden Things and Their Revelation," RevQ 18.71 (1998): 409-27.
411
The use of the term ‘anthology’ to describe the serek texts is reminiscent of Fitzmyer and the scholars of his
generation who coined the phrase ‘le style anthologique.’ In Fitzmyer’s words: “In both the Qumran literature
and the New Testament one finds frequently what has been called le style anthologique, the working of Old
Testament expressions and phrases into the very fabric of the composition.... Such a style anthologique involves
an implicit exegesis and is usually due to thorough acquaintance with and a reverent meditation upon the Old
Testament,” see Fitzmyer, "The Use of Explicit Old Testament Quotations in Qumran Literature and in the New
Testament," 299.
412
J. H. Newman has an informative study on the ‘priestly prophets’ in the context of the Songs of the Sabbath
Sacrifice; see Newman, "Priestly Prophets at Qumran: Summoning Sinai through the Songs of the Sabbath
Sacrifice," in The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity
TBNJCT 12 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 29-72.
Chapter 3: Conclusions
217
text had within it a predetermined blueprint of the past, present and future. The covenanters
took this blueprint and used it to build their own conceptualization of the end time. This is a
particular development of the prophetic genre. In this manner, their scribal techniques are
inextricably linked to their own vision of how God determines history.
This analysis has described not only a scribal technique, but it has also illuminated a further
unifying connection between a philosophy and a scribal technique within all of the serek
texts; a scribal technique that functioned within a worldview of predeterminism. In this
manner, this chapter has shown that the serek texts are also internally homogeneous on a
greater hypertextual level. My conclusion is that as a unified group, the serek texts—looking
to this particular scribal technique—set themselves up as prophetic compilations that they
used to establish their present time and to predict future outcomes, all under the guise of hard
determinism.
Final Conclusions
218
FINAL CONCLUSIONS
The intellectual transformation of prophetic activity has its setting in a complex
matrix of apocalyptic, priestly, scribal and mantological ideas and practices. All this
deserves the label “prophecy” as the Qumran community and the movement from
which it came and of which it was a part looked backwards to the prophets of old and
their literary legacy and brought that legacy forwards to their present.
George J. Brooke 413
The purpose of this dissertation was to undertake a descriptive reconceptualization of the
‘genre’ of the serek texts, as opposed to creating a new ‘generic’ definition for serek. For the
purposes of such a study, I included in my definition of ‘serek text’ not only S, but also M, Sa,
Sb and D, given that the scribes who wrote these texts either refer to their creations as
serakhim, or as in the case of D, make extensive use of the term serek. More than anything, the
purpose of exploring a new generic definition for serek stems from the fact that in scholarly
debate around the serek texts, M is nearly always omitted. Thus, the contention of this study is
that the serek text itself must be reconceptualized in order to allow for the inclusion of M in
debates around serek texts. With this as a basis upon which to proceed, I follow a descriptive
investigation of the serek texts according to a Gestalt analysis—a schema that describes not
only the common features of the texts, but also explains how these features create a unified
and recognizable structure; that is, a Gestalt paradigm. To this end, I examined the serek texts
at three levels: semantic, textual and hypertextual. By studying the texts at each of these
levels, I was able to conjure out a homogeneous worldview and rhetorical orientation for all of
413
See Brooke, "Prophecy and Prophets in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Looking Backwards and Forwards," 165.
Final Conclusions
219
the serek texts as a mutually dependent group. The fact that such a unified purpose exists in
this text group is evidence that they form a unique class that ought be studied in tandem.
In Chapter 1, I explored the meaning of the root סר"ךin the serek texts through a semantic
analysis. The conclusion of this investigation was that the root is more complex than was
previously assumed despite the fact that at its core, it connotes a base meaning of ‘arranging.’
According to my analysis, the semantic field of the root describes four arrangements: spatial,
hierarchical, martial, and procedural. The innovation of this analysis is that it illuminates the
fact that the root סר"ךdoes not carry primarily the connotation of ‘laying out sets of laws;’
that is, it is not primarily a legal term. Thus, one cannot conclude that the purpose of a serek
text was primarily a response to a need for legislation within a particular community or
communities.
Chapter 1 emphasizes clearly that a four-fold conceptualization of the root סר"ךis needed—a
conceptualization according to the following dispositions: (1) Spatial Disposition—in this
sense, the root has its most basic meaning, referring to laying out or organizing in space; (2)
Hierarchical Disposition―in this category, the root means to arrange according to a
conceptualization of rank; in other words to arrange in a specific, order from worst to best; (3)
Martial Disposition—denotes a military arrangement; that is, an army or a battalion; and
finally—(4) Procedural Disposition—describes regulations either as a general list of principles
or in terms of being a procedure of sorts; that is, a list of instructions that must be done in a
particular order. With this new conceptualization in place, we can conclude that a � ֶס ֶרis not
Final Conclusions
220
simply a list of rules or a list of halakhot. In all cases, the term is used in organizing the
information of an imagined world, whether a list of procedures to be accepted as a member of
the Community (as in 1QS 1:1) or the make-up of the army for the end-time battle (as in 1QM
1:1).
If one were to draw up a preliminary, overarching definition for the texts that make extensive
use of the root —סר"ךafter this contextual, semantic analysis—we would say that it is used by
the scribes to create documents that testify to an imagined arrangement that God has
promised—an arrangement that had been predicted in the past and was starting to manifest
in the present and into the future. We can conclude, for example, that M—as a blueprint for a
new physical world—served as a testimony to the arrangement that God would create in the
near future. In a similar manner, S, Sa & Sb and D also attest to this manifesting arrangement.
The serek texts are acts of testimony to God’s wisdom, and to the secrets of the prophets—
knowledge that the covenanters described as nigleh. In the face of adversity, they are the
foundational documents of the community that narrate their past, present and future, all of
which come under the rubric of —סר"ךthe divine arrangement. In this manner, the term
serek can be seen as a neologism within the covenanters’ sociolect.
In Chapter 2, I built upon this semantic base in order to further expand upon a Gestalt
paradigm for all of the serek texts. To accomplish this, it was necessary to access the particular
worldview by which the serek texts functioned. By identifying some of the key textual
elements of the serek texts, I could establish how these elements point to a unified story about
Final Conclusions
221
how the world of the covenanters worked. The analysis examined four elements that
correspond to the four dispositions described in Chapter 1.
At the semantic level, the root סר"ךdenotes a general, spatial disposition; at the textual level,
we see that the serek texts are organized into a particular, interrelated structure. At this
textual level, the serek texts create compilations consisting of at least three text-types: the
account, the instruction and the hymn/prayer/liturgy. In each of the serek texts, these texttypes are woven together to create complex compilations. Thus, one of the unifying structures
of all of the serek texts is that they are complex compilations, and are thus homogeneous in
this similarity of diversity. In Chapter 1, we saw that the root סר"ךcould also denote a
hierarchical disposition and at the textual level, this is paralleled by the existence of an
integrated, chronological narrative. In this way, a story emerges in each of the serek texts in
which there is a movement from a worse situation in the present to a better situation in the
future. The narrative tells us about the entire trajectory of the end time; it describes how the
covenanters will move from the turmoil of the ‘present’ towards the complexities of the wars
of the end time. Thus, the narrative moves along a hierarchical trajectory to a better future.
Third, semantically the root סר"ךalso denotes a martial disposition, which is paralleled by a
third element in the serek texts; that is, the central theme of the ‘enemy other.’ From this
textual element, each of the serek texts is imbued with an ‘us’ versus ‘them’ ethos that colours
their entire worldview. This evocation of an enemy is present in all of the serek texts and gives
them a stark but unified backdrop. Finally, the semantic disposition of the instruction is
paralleled at the textual level by an overarching philosophical tenet of ‘divine design,’ in which
Final Conclusions
222
the texts emphasize how God’s plan manifests itself in history; the instructions, at the textual
level, provide a template for the Children of Light to follow in order to fulfill this divine plan. It
was the contention of this chapter that these textual elements—strengthened by their
parallels in the dispositions of Chapter 1—put into relief a unified worldview that is
maintained and strengthened by each of these texts. We conclude that the scribes of these
serek texts are concerned with giving their readers a new message of hope for future renewal.
If we take the structure, narrative, central theme and philosophical tenet studied in Chapter 2,
a picture emerges in which S, Sa, Sb, D and M can be viewed as related on a textual level that
is deeper than their respective semantic uses of the term serek. 414 These texts are each
compilations in that they collect similar types of information. This raw act of collecting text
types is not random in the serek texts, but rather, follows a clear pattern: accounts,
instructions and liturgic materials are collected, each complementing the other. In addition,
this act of collecting is reflected at the semantic level in the spatial disposition, under which
general information is gathered. Going beyond ‘serek as compilation,’ we can say that this
information is also organized within a similar framework and backdrop in each of the serek
texts. In the forefront of this backdrop of assumptions is a narrative about how this divine
plan will look as it unfolds. The narrative comes out more clearly in terms of its chronology in
M, and is mirrored quite clearly in the Community Cycle (S, Sa & Sb) and in D. Each of these
414
These insights bolster the work of scholars such as Jokiranta who has argued that S and D ought to be
compared in terms of the activities each of these texts describe, rather than in terms of the communities scholars
postulate could be behind each of these groups. See, for example, Jokiranta, "An Experiment on Idem Identity in
the Qumran Movement," 328-29.
Final Conclusions
223
documents point to various stages in this end-time narrative, collecting various instructions
for the Children of Light for these various stages. There exists in this narrative a clear
presumption about the quality of these times—that is, that one is moving from worse times to
better times (and ultimately to the best of times). In this manner, the serek texts mirror the
hierarchical disposition that was described at the semantic level.
There are also certain principles at work in the serek texts that further develop a unified
worldview of the serek texts: there is a clear and emphasized dichotomy within the texts
between the ‘in-group’ and the ‘other.’ This is brought out by the scribes’ use of the central
theme of the enemy other and this central theme mirrors the martial disposition of the
semantic level. Furthermore, another fundamental principle that is brought into relief
through the study of the philosophical tenet of the serek texts, is that there exists in the texts a
clear presumption about how God works in history, and how He will allow His plan to come to
pass. This tenet of ‘Divine Design’ rests upon an assumption within the serek texts that God
has predetermined the nature of peoples and events in the world by His design. At the
semantic level, this is reflected in the use of serek as a procedural disposition in that the
instructions give a practical map for this divine plan.
In Chapter 3, I conclude that one of the most prevalent unifying prototypes in the serek texts
is the scribal technique of hypertextuality, which can be described as the scribes’ ‘reading’ of
sacred Scripture. The scribes’ usage of the scribal technique of hypertextuality approximates
that used in Isaiah, the most frequently attested prophetic text found at Qumran. My analysis
Final Conclusions
224
shows that the scribes use this technique to give their serek texts new layers of authority, and
thus, this technique can also be described as one of the scribes’ authority conferring strategies.
The purpose of this technique is for the covenanters to confirm to their audience that their
own conceptions of the past, present and future were derived directly from the prophecies of
old. They use their allusions and quotations both to demonstrate how their past and present
were already fulfilled according to Scripture, as well as to recast the prophecies of old for a
future time. Thus, under such a guise, for those who were convinced of the authority of, and
had ‘converted’ to the community, the serek texts would have had the hallmarks of prophecy.
Furthermore, the scribes who produced them would likely have been seen as priestly
prophets—priestly prophets who accessed and wielded the direct authority and true meaning
of God’s own words. The rhetorical orientation of the serek texts is ultimately towards God
himself; they are an expression of his infallible word and interpretation of the nigleh by
prophetic, priestly scribes.
The scribal technique of hypertextuality functioned in all of the serek texts by creating a
rhetorical orientation; allusion to older Scripture served the scribes by allowing them—with
the benefit of divine clout—to repredict events and to show how they have been fulfilled. The
two chronological categories—reprediction and fulfillment—as used in all of the serek texts,
create a narrative along a timeline that is drawn directly from sacred sources. These allusions
of fulfillment (fulfilling allusions) or allusions that repredict previous oracles (repredictive
Final Conclusions
225
allusions) become internal, textual hallmarks for authenticity. 415 They evoke subtly, and
sometimes more explicitly, the scriptural passages the scribes thought were pertinent for their
own revelations for the future. Despite the fact that many hundreds of years stand between
Deutero-Isaiah and the serek texts, there remains an important inspirational and cultural
thread that binds the two groups. However, it must be emphasized that the two texts are as
different as they are similar; while the covenanters were influenced by scribal techniques that
were also present in Isaiah, much would have changed politically and culturally by the time
the serek texts were written. Furthermore, as seen in Chapter 3, the scribes of the serek texts
also innovated by expanding their prophetic purview to include legal texts from Scripture.
The allusion to such legal texts for the purposes of making predictions about the future is a
technique that cannot be traced to any other Jewish communities before the covenanters.
The scribes of the serek texts used the scribal technique of hypertextuality to define the
present and future in terms of the prophetic past. In this manner, all of the serek texts―S
(including Sa & Sb), D and M―create together coherence for the community. While the serek
texts do not explicitly claim to have direct revelation and are not set up to be explicit
commentaries in the manner of the pesharim, one can imagine—given the discussions about
‘the hidden’ הנסתרand ‘the revealed’ הנגלהin S (1QS 5:7b-13; 8:1-2)—that the covenanters
believed these serek texts were, by virtue of their connection to Scripture, direct revelations.
415
The primary difference between these two types of allusions—as was described above—is the assumed
timeframe of the author who makes use of them. Thus, if the scribe imports an allusion into his revelation at a
point in the narrative that is thought to have already taken place, then this allusion will serve him as a testament
to the veracity of the old oracle.
Final Conclusions
226
Thus, one can recast the quotation from Brooke above to say that the serek texts are an
instance of “intellectual transformation of prophetic activity,” and thus they too “deserve[..]
the label prophecy.” 416 The common denominator in all of these newly founded Second
Temple ‘sacred’ texts was that they worked in careful dialogue with older Scripture, and
through the medium of priestly prophets, namely the Yaḥad scribes. This dialogue with the
past was not a new occurrence by the Second Temple period, but rather, it already had its
roots in more ancient times in the Jewish world. Within this worldview, every sacred text had
within it a predetermined blueprint of the past, present and future. The covenanters took this
blueprint and used it to build their own conceptualization of the end time. This is a particular
development of the prophetic genre. In this manner, their scribal techniques are inextricably
linked to their own vision of how God determines history.
This analysis has described not only a scribal technique, but more importantly it has
illuminated a deep unifying connection between a philosophy and a scribal technique within
all of the serek texts; a scribal technique that functioned within a worldview of
predeterminism. In this manner, my work has shown that the serek texts as a unified group
are internally homogeneous on a greater hypertextual level. My conclusion is that the serek
texts—looking to this particular scribal technique—set themselves up as prophetic
compilations that the covenanters used to establish their present time and to predict future
outcomes, all under the guise of hard determinism.
416
See Brooke, "Prophecy and Prophets in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Looking Backwards and Forwards," 165.
Final Conclusions
227
From this analysis, a unified Gestalt paradigm for all of the serek texts emerges. First, while the
serek texts as a unified group are a particular invention, they share common characteristics
with the greater world of Second Temple Judaism and resemble in a conceptual manner the
writings of the scribe/compiler of Isaiah who also relies heavily on the scribal technique of
hypertextuality to create new prophetic statements. The priestly ‘prophets’ who wrote the
serakim participated in this prophetic tradition by using a similar scribal technique.
According to this analysis, a serek text is concerned with God’s predetermined organization of
the world—the organization of predetermined hierarchies between men, the organization of
eschatological battles and ultimately the organization of God’s greatest gift, the words of
sacred Scripture. All sacred writings for these scribes were deterministic and had within them
predetermined blueprints. Through the scribal techniques of fulfillment and reprediction, the
scribes of the serek texts recast and reused the prophetic words to justify their current
circumstances and to predict new events in a yet-to-pass timeframe. Thus, this analysis has
described not only a scribal technique, but it has also illuminated an intimate connection
between a philosophy and the scribal technique—a scribal technique that functioned within
the worldview of predeterminism.
The serek texts as ‘prophecies’ formed and participated in a unified network of homogeneous
features and were further transformed into new and singular instantiations upon coming into
contact with the philosophy of hard determinism. Thus, the serek became a vehicle through
which the covenanters could describe God’s completely predetermined world: its hierarchies,
its histories, its present and its future, eschatological times. Ultimately, the serek texts were
Final Conclusions
228
expressions of anticipation; they gave to their respective communities a sense that God would
impose His order on the world, and that such imposition would restore their communities in
the manners they hoped. It is the hope of this study that it has provided a convincing base
upon which one can build further comparative studies of the serek texts—S, Sa, Sb, D and
especially M—as a unified group.
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
229
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
Fulfillment Hypertextuality
Reprediction Hypertextuality
Other Hypertextuality (neither specifically of fulfillment nor of Reprediction)
The
War
Scroll
(1QM)
Source
Hypertextual
Relationship
Scriptural Hypotext
Hypertext in M 417
, פלשת, עמון, מועב,אדום
אשור
, פלשת, עמון,אדום ומועב
כתיי אשור
1:1-2
Ps 83:7-9
Fulfillment
1:2
Dan 11:32
Fulfillment
ומרשיעי ברית
מרשיעי ברית
1:3
Ezek 20:35
Fulfillment
אל מדבר העמים
ממדבר העמים
1:4
Dan 11:44
Fulfillment
יצא בחמה גדולה להשמיד
ואפו...יצא בחמה גדולה
להשמיד
Dan 11:11
Fulfillment
ונלחם עמו אם מלך הצפון
להלחם במלכי הצפון
1:5
Isa 49:8
Fulfillment
וביום ישועה...בעת רצון
עת ישועה
1:5-6
Zech 14:13;
Deut 7:23;
מהומה גדולה \ מהומה
רבה
והיתה מהומה
ג ] [ בני יפת
Other
I Sam 5:9
1:6
Isa 31:8
Fulfillment
ונפל אשור
ונפל אשור
Dan 11:45
Fulfillment
ואין עוזר לו
ואין עוזר לו
Ezra 9:14
Fulfillment
לאין שארית
לאין שארית
Dan 11:42
Fulfillment
לא תהיה
ופלטה לוא תהיה
לפליטה
1:8
417
Prov 4:18
Fulfillment
הולך ואור
הלוך ואור
The allusions and quotations are adapted from Carmignac, "Les citations de l'Ancien Testament dans la Guerre
des Fils de Lumière contre les Fils de Ténèbres," 384-88.
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
230
בקול המון גדול
קול המון
Other
והיאה עת צרה
ועת-צרה היא ליעקב
Fulfillment
Isa 13:4; Ezek
;23:42
1:11
Dan 10:6
1:11-12 Jer 30:7
ע] [ל עם פדות
ובקול צרותמה לוא נהיתה
כמוה מחושה עד תומה
לפדות עולמים
והיתה עת צרה אשר לא
נהיתה מהיות גוי עד העת
ההיא
מקטרת ניחוח לרצון לא
ריח ניחח
Other
לכפר בעד כול עדתו
לכפר בעד בית ישראל
Other
במועד שנת השמיטה
במעד שנת השמיטה
אנשי השם קרואי המועד
וכול ראשי אבות העדה
נשיאי עדה קראי מועד
אנשי-שם
מכול שבטי ישראל יחלוצו
להם אנשי חיל
החלצו מאתכם אנשים
לצבא
ובשני השמיטה
שנת השמיטה
יחלוצו לצאת לצבא
החלצו מאתכם אנשים
לצבא
כיא שבת מנוח היאה
לישראל
ובשנה השביעית שבת
שבתון יהיה לארץ שבת
ליהיה
בארם נהרים ...לוד ...ארם
בעוץ וחול תוגר ומשא
אשר בעבר פורת ...
ארפכשד ...אשור ...עילם
עילם ואשור וארפכשד
ולוד וארם ובני ארם עוץ
וחול וגתר ומש
על חצוצרות מקרא העדה
שני חצוצרות...
Fulfillment
Dan 12:1
1:12
Lev 1:9,13, 17
et alias
2:5
Num 15:3,
7,10 et alias
למקרא העדה...
Ezek 45:17
Reprediction
;Deut 15:2, 9
31:10
2:6
Reprediction
Num 16:2
2:6-7
Reprediction
Num 31:3-5
2:7-8
Reprediction
;Deut 15:2, 9
31:10
2:8
Reprediction
Num 31:3-5
2:8
Reprediction
Lev 25:4
2:8-9
Reprediction
Reprediction
2:10-13 Gen 10:22-23
Num 10:2
3:2
231
בהאספם לבית מועד
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
אספה ...אל
Reprediction
Num 11:16
3:4
אהל מועד
ועל חצוצרות מסעיהם
שני חצוצרות...
Reprediction
Num 10:2
3:4-5
ולמסע את-המחנות
להפיץ אויב ולהניס כול
משנאי צדק
ויפצו איביך וינסו משנאיך
מפניך
לוא ישוב אפו עד
לא ישוב אף-יהוה עד
Reprediction
עם אל
עם-יהוה
Other
לאין שארית
לאיו שארית
Reprediction
Ezra 9:14
בנבל עשור
בנבל עשור
Reprediction
Ps 33:2; 144:9
4:5
אמת אל
ואמת-יהוה
Reprediction
Ps 117:2
4:6
ימין אל
ימינך יהוה
Other
Ex 15:6*; Ps
118:16; Hab
2:16
4:7
מועד אל
מועדי יהוה
Other
Lev 23:2, 4, 37,
44; 2 Chron
2:3; Ezra 3:5
מהומת אל
מהומת-יהוה רבה
Other
Zech 13:14
חללי אל
חללי יהוה
Other
Isa 66:16; Jer
25:33
ימין אל ...חללי אל
ואמר חלותי היא \ שנות
ימין עליון
Other
*)?( Ps 77:10
רומם אל
רוממות אל
Reprediction
גדל אל
הבו גדל לאלהינו
Other
מעשה חושב
מעשה חושב
Reprediction
זהב וכסף ונחושת
זהב וכסף ונחושת
Other
ואבני חפף
לאבני-חפץ
Reprediction
Reprediction
Num 10:35 (Ps
)?68:2
3:5-6
Jer 23:20
3:9
;Num 11:29
11:6; Judg 5:11
et alias
3:13
4:2
Ps 149:6
4:8
Deut 32:3
Ex 26:1
5:5
;Ex 25:3; 35:5
;1 Chr 18:10
*2 Sam 8:10
Isaiah 54:12
5:6
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
232
בזהב וכסף ונחושת
זהב וכסף ונחושת
Other
ושבולת
שבלת מים
Reprediction
*Psa 69:16
מעשה חושב
מעשה חושב
Reprediction
Ex 26:1
ואבני חפף
לאבני-חפץ
Reprediction
Isaiah 54:12
ברקת חנית
וברק חנית
Reprediction
Nah 3:3
6:2
שלהובת חרב
ולהב חרב
Reprediction
Nah 3:3
6:3
לשלם גמול רעתם לכול גוי
הבל
קול יהוה משלם גמול
לאיביו
Reprediction
;Isa 66:6
6:6
;Ex 25:3; 35:5
5:8
;1 Chr 18:10
*2 Sam 8:10
5:9
5:10
5:14
Jer 51:24
ושלמתי...את כל-רעתם
והיתה לאל ישראל
המלוכה
...והיתה ליהוה המלוכה
Reprediction
ובקדושי עמו יעשה חיל
וישראל עשה חיל
Other
Num 24:18
ממפשיטי החללים
מפשיטי החללים
Reprediction
1 Sam 31:8
ושוללי השלל
ושלל שללה
Reprediction
Ezek 29:19
וכול פסח או חגר או איש
אשר מום עולם בבשרו או
איש מנוגע בטמאת בשרו
כי כל-איש אשר-בו מום לא יקרב
איש עור או פסח או חרם או שרוע
Reprediction
;Lev 21:18
Obad 21
7:2
1 Chr 10:8
7:4-5
Deut 15:21
וכי -יהיה בו מום פסח או עור כל
מום רע לא תזבחנו ליהוה...
איש אשר לוא יהיה טהור
ממקורו
איש אשר לא-יהיה טהור
מקרה-לילה
וכול ערות דבר רע לוא
יראה
ולא יראה בך ערות דבר
Reprediction
לובשים בגדי שש
וילבש אותו בבגדי שש
Reprediction
Reprediction
Deut 23:11
7:6
Deut 23:15
7:7
Gen 41:42
7:10
233
כתונת בד ומכנסי בד
וחוגרים באבנט בד שש
משוזר תכלת וארגמן
ותולעת שני וצורת ריקמה
מעשה חושב ופרי מגבעות
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
כתונת בד ...ומכנסי בד...
באבנט בד...
Other
Lev 16:4; Ex
39:28-29; 26:1
שש משזר ותכלת וארגמן
ותלעת שני כרבים מעשה
חשב...
פארי המגבעת...
ואל המקדש לוא יביאום
ואל-המקדש לא תבוא
יצאו עמהמה שבעה לויים
ובידם שבעת שופרות
היובל
שבעה כהנים ישאו שבעה
שופרות היובלים
יתקעו להם הכוהנים
בחצוצרות המשוב ובאו
ליד המערכה
ותקעו בהן ונועדו אליך
כל-העדה אל-פתח אהל
מועד
ותקעו להם הכוהנים
תרועה שנית
ותקעתם תרועה ונסעו
המחנות החנים קדמה
]לו[א יחלו שמן
֗
המה
משיחת
קדושים יהיו לאלהיהם ולא
יחללו...
Reprediction
7:11-12 Lev 12:4
Reprediction
Josh 6:4
7:14
Reprediction
*Num 10:3
8:2
Reprediction
*Num 10:5
8:7
Other
Lev 21:6, 12
9:8
שמו משחת...
ונשמרת מכל דבר רע...
ולה ֯שמר מכול ערות דבר
֯
רע
ערות...
אל תיראו ואל ירך
וא[ל
֗
תחפ]וז
֯
לבבכמה ואל
תערוצו מפניהם
אל-ירד לבבכם אל-תיראו
ואל -תחפזו ואל-תערצו
מפניהם
מיא כמוכה אל ישראל
]מי[ם ובארץ אשר
֗
בש
֗
יעשה כמעשיכה הגדולים
וכגבורתכה החזקה
מי במוך...
אל בשמים ובארץ אשר-
יעשה כמעשיך וכגבורתך
ומיא כעמכה
מי כעמך
Other
Deut 23:10-15
10:1
Reprediction
Deut 20:3
10:3-4
Other
;Mic 7:18
10:8-9
;1 Kgs 8:23
Deut 3:24
Other
;2 Sam 7:23
;1 Chron 18:21
Deut 7:6
10:9
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
234
וארץ ערבה וכול צאצאיה
תבל וכל-צאצאיה
Reprediction
Isa 34:1
10:13
הסגרתה ביד דויד
֯
יסגרך יהוה בידי
Reprediction
1 Sam 17:46
11:2
בשמכה הגדול ולוא בחרב
וחנית
בחרב ובחנית
Reprediction
1 Sam 17:45
פעמים רבות בשם
קודשכה וגם ביד מלכינו
הושעתנו פעמים רבות
בעבור רחמיכה
פעמים רבות יצילם...
הושיענו ...לשם קדשך...
Other
;Ps 106:43-47
ותצילם כרחמיך רבות
עתים
ולוא לנו
ולא לנו
ולוא כוחנו ועצום ידינו
עשה חיל כיא בכוחכה
ובעוז חילכה הגדול
כחי ועצם ידי עשה לי את-
החיל ...וזכרת את-יהוה
אלהיך כי הוא הנתן לך כח
לעשות חיל...
ובקדושי עמו יעשה חיל
וישראל עשה חיל
Other
11:3-4
Neh 9:28
Reprediction
Ps 115:1
Reprediction
;Deut 8:17-18
11:5
Num 24:18
11:7
שבעת גוי הבל
שבעה גוים רבים ועצומים
Reprediction
Deut 7:1
11:8-9
לפתח תקוה
לפתח תקוה
Reprediction
Hos 2:17
11:9
כפרעוה וכשלישי
מרכבותיו בים סו]ף[
פרעה...שליליו ...בים סוף
Reprediction
11:9-10 Ex 25:4
ונכאי רוח
ונכה רוח
Reprediction
Isa 66:2
כלפיד אש בעמיר אוכלת
כלפיד אש בעמיד ואכלו
Reprediction
Zech 12:6
כורעי עפר להשפיל
...יכרעו כל-יורדי עפר
ונפשו לא חיה
Reprediction
Ps 22:30
11:13
רשעים ֗ב ֯ר ֯א ֗ש
֗
להשיב גמול
השיב גמול בראש
Reprediction
Joel 4:4,7
11:13-14
ו֗ להצדיק משפט אמתכה
בכול בני איש
משפט אמת יעשה בין
איש לאיש
Reprediction
Ezek 18:8
11:14
שם עולם
שם עולם
ולהתגדל ולהתקדש לעיני
הגו֯ ים
שאר ֯
֯
והתגדלתי והתקדשתי...
לעיני גוים רבות
ע[שותכה שפטים
֯
ועשיתי שפטים
Other
Reprediction
Other
11:10
Isa 56:5; 63:12
Ezek 38:23
11:15
;Ezek 5:10, 15
;11:9; 16:41
;25:11; 28:22
;28:26; 30:14
30:19
11:16
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
235
גוג
גוג
Reprediction
Ezek 38-39
הנק]ה[ל]ים [
֗
קהלו
ובכול ֗
כל-קהלך הנקהלים עליך
Reprediction
Ezek 38:7
השמ]ים
֗
֯כיא תלחם בם מן
[
מן-שמים נלחמו הכוכבים
Reprediction
Judg 5:20
11:17
ובחירי עם קודש
כי עם קדוש אתה ...ובך
בחר יהוה
Reprediction
Deut 14:2
12:1
בזבול קודשכה
מזבל קדשך
Reprediction
Isa 63:15
במעון קודשכה
במעון קדשו
Other
Ps 68:6; Deut
26:15
12:2
וברית שלומכה
ברית שלום
Other
;Num 25:12
Ezek 34:25; Isa
54:10
12:3
בכבוד מלכותכה
כבוד מלכותך
Reprediction
Ps 145:11
12:7
ועדת קדושיכה
בקהל קדשים
Reprediction
Ps 89:6
ומלך הכבוד
מלך הקבוד
Reprediction
Ps 24:7-10
עם קדושים
ועם-קדושים
Reprediction
Dan 8:24; 7:27
המלח]מה[
֗
וגבור
גבור מלחמה
Reprediction
Ps 24:8
כ[עננים וכעבי ֗טל לכסות
ארץ
כענן לכסות הארץ...
Other
;Ezek 38:9, 16
Isa 18:4
וכזרם רביבים להשקות
משפט
כזרם מים כבירים שטפים
Other
Isa 28:2
לכול צאצאיה
וכל-צאצאיה
Reprediction
Isa 34:1
קומה גבור שבה שביכה
איש כבוד
קום ברק ושבה שביך בן-
אבינעם
Reprediction
Judg 5:12
ידכה בעורף אויביכה
ידל בערף איביך
Reprediction
Gen 49:8
ורגלכה על במותי חלל
על-מתותימו תדרך
Reprediction
Deut 33:29
מחץ גוים צריכה
גוים צריו...ימחץ
Reprediction
Num 24:8
וחרבכה תואכל בשר
חרבי תאכלו בשר
Reprediction
Deut 32:42
12:11-12
מלא ארצכה כבוד
מלא כל-הארץ כבודו
Reprediction
Isa 6:3
12:12
המון מקנה בחלקותיכה
֗
המון מקניהם לשלל
Reprediction
Jer 49:32
בעב טל...
12:8
12:9
12:10
12:11
236
ציון שמחי מאדה והופיעי
ברנות ירושלים
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
תשמח ציון...
Other
גילי מאד בת-ציון הריעי
בת ירושלם...
;Ps 97:8; 48:12
12:13
Zech 9:9
והגלנה כול ערי יהודה
תגלנה בנות יהודה
]י[ך ֗תמיד
שער ֯
֯
פתחי
להביא
שאו שערים...פתחי עולם
ויבוא...
אליך חיל גואים
עליך ...חיל גוים
Reprediction
ומלכיהם ישרתוך
ומלכיהם ישרתונך
Reprediction
Isa 60:10
והשתחוו לך כול מעניך
בני מעניך והשתחוו
Reprediction
Isa 5:14
ועפר...
ועפר רגליך ילחכו
Reprediction
Isa 49:23
בקול רנה
בקול רנה
Other
Isa 48:20; Ps
42:5; 47:2
עדינה עדי כבוד
תעדי עדי זהב
Other
Jer 4:30; Ezek
23:40
Reprediction
Ps 97:8; 48:12
Reprediction
Ps 24:7-9
12:12-14
Isa 60:5
12:14
12:15
וי[שראל למלוך עולמים
מלכותך מלכות כל-עלמים
Reprediction
Ps 145:13
12:16
[ם על השמים אדוני]
֗
רומה על-שמים אלהים
Reprediction
Ps 57:12
12:18
נדת טמאתם
בנדת טמאתה
Reprediction
Lev 18:19
13:5
וברית ]כ[רתה לאבותינו
ברית יהוה אשר כרת עם
אבתינו
Reprediction
1 Kgs 8:21
13:7
ותקימה לזרעם
לזרעו ותקם...
Reprediction
Neh 9:8
ואליו ]תש[ו֯ קתמה
אליך תשוקתו
Reprediction
Gen 4:7
13:12
ונשישה בישועתכה ונגילה
נגילה ונשמחה בישועתו
Reprediction
Isa 25:9
13:13
כאש עברתו
באש עברתי
Other
;Ezek 21:36
;22:21, 31
38:19
14:1
באלילי מצרים
אלילי מצרים
Reprediction
יכבסו בגדיהם ורחצו
וכבסו בגדיהם...
Other
וכבס בגדיו ורחץ...
Isa 19:1
Num 8:7; 19:19
14:2
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
237
ורוממו שמו ביחד שמחה
ונרוממה שמו יחדו
Reprediction
השומר חסד לבריתו
שמר הברית והחסד
Other
Deut 7:9; 1 Kgs
8:23; 2 Chron
;6:14; Neh 1:5
9:32; Dan 9:4
וקהל גויים
וקהל גוים
Other
Gen 35:11; Jer
50:9
אין שארית
לאיו שארית
Reprediction
Ezra 9:14
[רפות
חזקו ידים רפות
Reprediction
Isa 35:3
ללמד מלחמה
מלמד ידי למלחמה
Reprediction
Ps 18:35
חזוק מעמד ואמוץ מתנים
חזק מתנים אמץ כח
Reprediction
Nah 2:2
14:6-7
רוח
ובעניי ֗
ל-עני ונכה-רוח
Reprediction
Isa 66:2
14:7
לבב קושי
קשי לב
Reprediction
Ezek 3:7
ובתמימי דרך
תמימי-דרך
Other
גויי רשעה
רשעת הגוים
Reprediction
Deut 9:4, 5
השומר ברית לאבותינו
ועם כול דורותינו
שמרו את-השבעה אשר
נשכע לאבביכם...
Other
Deut 7:8-9
Ps 34:4
14:4
14:5
14:6
Ps 119:1; Prov
11:20
14:8-9
שמר חברית לאהביו...
לאלף דור
שמרתה נפש פדותכה
שמרה נפשי...
Other
ישמר את-נפשך...
;Ps 25:20; 86:2
121:7
14:10
ואתה הקימותה נופלים
סומך יהרה לכל-הנפלים
Reprediction
Ps 145:14
14:10-11
קומה תגד]ע
֯
ורמי
ורמי הקומה גדועים
Reprediction
Isa 10:33
14:11
לכול גבוריהם אין מציל
ולקליהם אין מנום
ואבד מנוס מקל...גבור
לא-ימלט נפשו
Reprediction
Amos 2:14
ולנכבדיהם תשיב לבוז
שפך בוז על-נדיבים
Other
Ps 57:40; Job
12:21
14:11-12
במעשי אמתכה
מעשי ידיו אמת
Reprediction
Ps 111:7
14:12
ובגבורותיכה נרוממה
הללוהו בגבורתיו
Reprediction
Ps 150:2
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
238
֯רומה רומה אל אלים
והנשא בעו֯ ]ז
רומה...בעזך...
Other
אל אלהים...
;Ps 21:14; 50:1
84:8; 7:7
14:16
קומה...הנשא
לישר]]אל
֗
היאה את צרה
עת צרה היא ליעקב
Reprediction
Jer 30:7
15:1
גוי רשעה
רשעת הגוים
Reprediction
Deut 9:4, 5
15:2
חזקו ואמצו
חזקו ואמצו
Reprediction
Deut 31:6
15:7
והיו לבני חיל
והיו לבני חיל
Other
;2 Sam 2:7
13:28
תח]]
אל תיראו ואל ֯
[[מה ואל תחפזו ואל
תערוצו מפניהם
אל-ירד לבבכם אל-תיראו
ואל -תחפזו ואל-תערצו
מפניהם
Reprediction
Deut 20:3
15:8
ובחושך כו֗ ֗ל מעשיהם
והיה במחשך מעשיהם
Reprediction
Isa 29:15
15:9
ואליו תשוק]]תמה
ואליך תשוקתו
Reprediction
Gen 4:7
15:10
כעשן נמלח
כעשן נמלחו
Reprediction
Isa 51:6
מהר ימלו
מהרה ימלו
Reprediction
Ps 37:2
15:11
קרא חרב על כול
חרב אני קרא על-כל
Reprediction
Jer 25:29
16:1
ובקדושי עמו יעשה גבורה
וישראל עשה חיל
Other
ונגש כוהן הרואש ועמד
)?( Num 24:18
ונגש הכהן
Reprediction
Deut 20:2
16:13
ברית כהנת עולם
Reprediction
Num 25:13
17:3
המה לתהו ולבהו
תהו ובהו
Other
Gen 1:2; 1 Sam
12:21; Jer 4:23
17:4
וישלח עזר
ישלח עזרך
Reprediction
Ps 20:3
17:6
ונפלו בני יפת לאין קום
ונפלה ולא-תסיף קום
Reprediction
Isa 24:20
18:2
[אוץ השמש לבוא ביום
] ֯
ההואה
השמש ...לא אץ לבואץץץ
כיום ההוא
Reprediction
Josh 10:13-14
18:5
הצ ֗דק
אל ֯
אלהי צדקי
Ps 4:2; Ps
109:21; Jer
14:7; Ezek
20:9, 14, 22, 44
18:8
[[הפלתה עמנו הפלא ]][[
ו֯ פלא
להפליא את-העם-הזה
הפלא ופלא
Reprediction
Gen 49:8
18:10
ומאז לוא נהיתה כמוהה
כמהו לא נהיה מן-העולם
Reprediction
Joel 2:2
לברית ]
[עולמים
֯
Other
Appendix A: Hypertextuality in M
18:13
1 Chron 29:11
239
Other
לך יהוה הממלחה
...והמתנשא
לכה הגבו֯ ֯רה
240
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
Sigla: 418
֗ = essentially certain reading of a damaged characterא
֯ = uncertain reading of a damaged characterא
ִ֗ = deletion by scribeא
° = illegible character
= uncertain whether yod/waw; mem/mem sofit; kaf/kaf sofitי ֿ ו ֿ ֿ :מ ֿם :כֿ ֿך
) = hypertextuality (fulfillmentא
) = hypertextuality (Repredictionא
) = other hypertextuality (neither specifically of fulfillment nor of Repredictionא
I
֯ 1
למ] [ המלחמה ראשית יד בני אור להחל בגורל בני חושך בחיל בליעל בגדוד אדום ומואב ובני עמון
וח [ ]°פלשת ובגדודי כתיי אשור ועמהם בעזר מרשיעי ברית בני לוי ובני יהודה ובני בנימין גולת המדבר
֯ 2
ילחמו בם
֯ 3ב [ ]°לכול גדודיהם בשוב גולת בני אור ממדבר העמים לחנות במדבר ירושלים ואחר המלחמה יעלו משם
[ ]°° 4הכתיים במצרים ובקצו יצא בחמה גדולה להלחם במלכי הצפון ואפו להשמיד ולהכרית את קרן
[ ]° 5אה עת ישועה לעם אל וקץ ממשל לכול אנשי גורלו וכלת עולמים לכול גורל בליעל והיתה מהומה
ניע רשעה לאין שארית ופלטה לוא תהיה
להכ ֯
֗
6ג ] [ בני יפת ונפל אשור ואין עוזר לו וסרה ממשלת כתיים
֗ 7ל]בנ[י חושך
צ[דק יאירו לכול קצוות תבל הלוך ואור עד תום כול מועדי חושך ובמועד אל יאיר רום גודלו לכול קצי
8ו֯ ]בני ֯
[ ] ° 9לשלום וברכה כבוד ושמחה ואורך ימים לכול בני אור וביום נפול בו כתיים קרב ונחשיר חזק לפני אל
10ישראל כיא הואה יום יעוד לו מאז למלחמה כלה לבני חושך בו יתקרבו לנחשיר גדול עדת אלים וקהלת
11אנשים בני אור וגורל חושך נלחמים יחד לגבורת אל בקול המון גדול ותרועת אלים ואנשים ליום הווה
והיאה עת
12צרה ע] [ל עם פדות אל ובכול צרותמה לוא נהיתה כמוה מחושה עד תומה לפדות עולמים וביום מלחמתם
בכתיים
13יצ[ ]°[ ]°נ֯ ֯חשיר במלחמה שלושה גורלות יחזקו בני אור לנגוף רשעה ושלושה יתאזרו חיל בליעל למשוב
גורל
מאמצ ֗ת ֗ל]בב בני אור[ו֯ ֯ב ֯גורל השביעי יד אל הגדולה מכנעת
֗
֯ ° °[ 14ד ֯גלי הבנים יהיה להמס לבב וגבורת אל
[
[ל מלאכי ממשלתו ולכול אנשי ]
15
[אמת לכלת בני חושך ֯אז֯ ]
בעזרת]
֯
[ °קדושים יופיע
16
בכל]
[°ם יתנו יד ֗
[ל ] [°ון֗ גדול ]°°°
֗
17
"The present transcription is taken from Duhaime, "War Scroll.
418
241
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
II
1אבות העדה שנים וחמשים ואת ראשי הכהנים יסרוכו אחר כוהן הראש ומשנהו ראשים שנים עשר להיות
משרתים
2בתמיד לפני אל וראשי המשמרות ששה ועשרים במשמרותם ישרתו ואחריהם ראשי הלויים לשרת תמיד
שנים עשר אחד
וראשי השבטים ואבות העדה אחריהם להתיצב תמיד בשערי
3לשבט וראשי משמרותם איש במעמדו ישרתו ֗
המקדש
4וראשי משמרותם עם פקודיהם יתיצבו למועדיהם לחודשיהם ולשבתות ולכול ימי השנה מבן חמשים שנה
ומעלה
5אלה יתיצבו על העולות ועל הזבחים לערוך מקטרת ניחוח לרצון אל לכפר בעד כול עדתו ולהשן לפניו תמיד
6בשולחן כבוד את כול אלה יסרוכו במועד שנת השמטה ובשלוש ושלושים שני המלחמה הנותרות יהיו אנשי
השם
7קרואי המועד וכול ראשי אבות העדה בחרים להם אנשי מלחמה לכול ארצות הגוים מכול שבטי ישראל
יחלוצו
8להם אנשי חיל לצאת לצבא כפי תעודות המלחמה שנה בשנה ובשני השמטים לוא יחלוצו לצאת לצבא כיא
שבת
9מנוח היאה לישראל בחמש ושלושים שני העבודה תערך המלחמה שש שנים ועורכיה כול העדה יחד
10ומלחמת המחלקות ב)ע(תש ועשרים הנותרות בשנה הראישונה ילחמו בארם נהרים ובשנית בבני לוד
בשלישית
11ילחמו בשאר בני ארם בעוץ וחול תוגר ומשא אשר בעבר פורת ברביעית ובחמישית ילחמו בבני ארפכשד
12בששית ובשביעית ילחמו בכול בני אשור ופרס והקדמוני עד המדבר הגדול בשנה השמינית ילחמו בבני
13עילם בתשיעית ילחמו בבני ישמעאל וקטורה ובעשר השנים אשר אחריהם תחלק המלחמה על כול בני חם
יפ[ת ֯ב ֯מו֯ ֗שבותיהם
֯
במו[ש ֗בותם ובעשר השנים הנותרות תחלק המלחמה על כו֗ ֗ל] בני
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[
]
[
15
[ °לפקודיהם
עבודתם ֗ל]
[°ת התרועה לכול ֗
16
[ועושרות על ֯ח]
17
III
) 1סדרי המלחמה וחצוצרות( מקראם בהפתח שערי המלחמה לצאת אנשי הבנים וחצוצרות תרועות החללים
וחצוצרות
צ
2המארב וחצוצרות המרדף בהנגף אויב וחצו רות המאסף בשוב המלחמה על חצוצרות מקרא העדה יכתובו
קרואי אל
3ועל חצוצרות מקרא ה)ס(שרים יכתובו נשחאח אל ועל חצוצרות המסורות יכתובו סרך אל ועל חצוצרות
אנשי
ובו ראשי אבות ֗העדה בהאספם לבית מועד יכתובו תעודות אל לעצת קודש ועל חצוצרות המחנות
יכ ֗ת ִ֗
4השם ִ֗
5יכתובו שלום אל במחני קדושיו ועל חצוצרות מסעיהם יכתובו גבורות אל להפיץ אויב ולהניס כול משנאי
6צדק ומשוב חסדים במשנאי אל ועל חצוצרות סדרי המלחמה יכתובו סדרי דגלי אל לנקמת אפו בכול בני
חושך
7ועל חצוצרות מקרא אנשי הבנים בהפתח שערי המלחמה לצאת למערכת האויב יכתובו זכרון נקם במועד
8אל ועל חצוצרות החללים יכתובו יד גבורת אל במלחמה להפיל כול חללי מעל ועל חצוצרות המארב יכתובו
9רזי אל לשחת רשעה ועל חצוצרות המרדף יכתובו נגף אל כול בני חושך לוא ישוב אפו עד כלותם
10ובשובם מן המלחמה לבוא המערכה יכתובו על חצוצרות המשוב אסף אל ועל חצוצרות דרך המשוב
11ממלחמת האויב לבוא אל העדה ירושלים יכתובו גילות אל במשוב שלום
242
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
12
13סרך אותות כול העדה למסורותם על האות הגדולה אשר בראש כול העם יכתובו עם אל ואת שם ישראל
כתולדותם על אותות ראשי ה ֗מחנות אשר לשלושת השבטים
ישרא[ל ֗
֗
14ואהרון ושמות שנים עשר ֗ש]בטי
הש]בט
ע[ל ֗אות השבט יכתובו נס אל ואת שם נשי ֗
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15יכתובו ב ]°°
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16משפ]°
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]° 17
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הא]ל[ף יכתובו אף אל
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1ועל אות מררי יכתובו תרומת אל ואת שם נשי מררי ואת שמות שרי אלפיו ועל אות
בעברה על
2בליעל ובכול אנשי גורלו לאין שארית ואת שם שר האלף ואת שמות שרי מאיותיו ועל אות המאה יכתובו
מאת
חד ֗ל
3אל יד מלחמה בכול בשר עול ואת שם שר המאה ואת שמות שרי עשרותיו ועל אות החמשים יכתובו ֗
4מעמד רשעים ]ב[גבורת אל ואת שם שר החמשים ואת שמות שרי עושרותיו על אות העשרה יכתובו רנות
עשו֗ ֯ר ואת שם שר העשרה ואת שמות תשעת אנשי תעודתו
5אל בנבל ֗
למל ֗חמה יכתובו על אותותם אמת אל צדק אל כבוד אל משפט אל ואחריהם כול סרך פרוש
ובבלכתם ֯
ִ֗ 6
שמותם
למלחמה יכתובו על אותותם ימין אל מועד אל מהומת אל חללי אל ואחריהם כול פרוש שמותם
7ובגשתם ֗
֗
8ובשובם מן
המלחמה יכתובו על אותותם רומם אל גדל אל תשבוחת אל כבוד אל עם כול פרוש שמותם
9סרך אותות העדה בצאתם למלחמה יכתבו על אות הראישונה עדת אל על אות השנית מחני אל על
השלישית
10שבטי אל על הרביעית משפחות אל על החמישית דגלי אל על הששית קהל אל על השביעית קריאי
11אל על השמינית צבאות אל ופרוש שמותם יכתובו עם כול סרכם ובגשתם למלחמה יכתובו על אותותם
12מלחמת אל נקמת אל ריב אל גמול אל כוח אל שלומי גבורת אל כלת אל בכול גוי הבל ואת כול פרוש
13שמותם יכתובו עליהם ובשובם מן המלחמה י֗ כתובו על אותותם ישועות אל נצח אל עזר אל משענת אל
חת אל הודות אל תהלת אל שלום אל
֯ 14ש ֗מ ֯
שלש וע[שרה אמה
א[ו֯ ֯תו֗ ת אות כול העדה אורך ארבע עשרה אמה אות ֯ש ֗ל]
15
֯ה
[ ֯ת שע אמות
[שתים עשרה אמה ֯או֯ ֯ת ֯ה ֯ר ֯בו֯ א עשתי עש]רה
֯
16
[
עשרה ש]°°
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ות ֗ה
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17
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18
V
עשר שבטי ישראל
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1ועל ֗מ] [ °נשיא כול העדה יכתובו שמו֗ ] ו[שם ישראל ולוי ואהרון ושמות שנים
כתול ֯דותם
֗
2ושמות שנים עשר שרי שבטיהם
3סרך לסדר דגלי המלחמה בהמלא צבאם להשלים מערכת פנים על אלף איש תאסר המערכה ושבעה סדרי
4פנים למערכה האחת סדו)כ(רים בסרך מעמד איש אחר איש וכולם מחזיקים מגני נחושת מרוקה כמעשה
5מראת פנים והמגן מוסב מעשי גדיל שפה וצורת מחברת מעשה חושב זהב ֗וכ ֗סף ונחושת ממוזזים
6ואבני חפץ אבדני ריקמה מעשה חרש מחשבת אורך המגן אמתים וחצי ורוחבו אמה וחצי ובידם רמח
7וכידן אורך הרמח שבע אמות מזה הסגר והלוהב חצי האמה ובסגר שלושה צמידים מפותחים כמעשי
הצ]ו[רה מזה ומזה לצמיד
מחשבת ומחברת ֗
֗
8גדיל שפה בזהב וכסף ונחושת ממוזזים כמעשי צורת
9סביב אבני חפץ בדני ריקמה מעשי חרש מחשבת ושבולת והסגר מחורץ בין הצמידים כמעשי
שפו֯ ד אל
10עמוד מחשבת והלוהב ברזל לבן מאיר מעשי חרש מחשבת ושבולת זהב טהור ֗בתוך הלהב ו ֯
243
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
שבול ֗ת
֗
11הראש והכידנים ברזל ברור טהור בכור ומלובן כמראת פנים מעשי חרש ֗מ]ח[שבת ומראי
הכידן אמה
֗
12זהב טהור חוברת בו לשני עבריו וספות ישר אל הראוש שתים מזה ושתים מזה אורך
13וחצי ורחבו ארבע אצבעות והבטן ארבע גודלים וארבעה טפחים עד הבטן והבטן מרוגלת הנה
14והנה חמשה טפחים ויד הכידן קרן ברורה מעשה חושב צורת ריקמה בזהב ובכסף ואבני חפץ
15
[יסדרו שבע המערכות מערכה אחר מערכה
16ובעמוד ֯ה]
אנ ֗ש]י
ש[לושים באמה אשר יעמודו שם ֗
17ו֯ ֯רו֗ ֗ח]
[ל ֯מ ֯ג ֯ני֯ הפנים ] °°°° °°°°°
18
VI
ישליך ֯אל
֗
המערכות הדגל הראישון
֗
1שבע פעמים ישבו למעמדם ואחריהם יצאו שלושה דגלי בינים ועמדו בין
2מערכת האויב שבעה זרקות מלחמה ועל לוהב הזרק יכתובו ברקת חנית לגבורת אל ועל השלט השני
יכתובו
3זיקי דם להפיל חללים באף אל ועל הזרק השלישי יכתובו שלהובת חרב אוכלת חללי און במשפט אל
4כול אלה יטילו שבע פעמים ושבו למעמדם ואחריהם יצאו שני דגלי בינים ועמדו בין שתי המערכות הדגל
5הראישון מחזיק חנית ומגן והדגל השני מחזיקי מגל וכידן להפיל חללים במשפט אל ולהכניע מערכת
6אויב בגבורת אל לשלם גמול רעתם לכול גוי הבל והיתה לאל ישראל המלוכה ובקדושי עמו יעשה חיל
7
8ושבעה סדרי פרשים יעמדו גם המה לימין המערכה ולשמאולה מזה ומזה יעמודו סדריהם שבע מאות
9פרשים לעבר האחד ושבע מאות לעבר השני מאתים פרשים יצאו עם אלף מערכת אנשי הבינים וכן
]ב[רי֯ המחנה הכול שש מאות וארבעת אלפים ואלף וארבע מאות רכב לאנשי סדך
10יעמודו לכול ֗ע ֯
המערכות
]הא[חת ויהיו הפרשים על רכב אנשי הסרך ששת אלפים חמש מאות לשבט כול הרכב
֗
למערכה
֗
11חמשים
היוצאים
אנש]י[ ֗הבנים סוסים זכרים קלי רגל ורכי פה וארוכי רוח ומלאים בתכון ימיהם מלומדי
למלחמה עם ֗
֗
12
מלחמה
13ובעולים לשמוע ]ק[ולות ולכול מראי דמיונים והרוכבים עליהם אנשי חיל למלחמה מלומדי רכב ותכון
14ימיהם מבן שלו֗ ֗שים שנה עד בן חמש וארבעים ופרשי הסרך יהיו מבן ארבעים שנה ועד בן חמשים והמה
15ו֯ ֯ר ֯כ]ב [ ֗ל] [֯ °°חות ובתי ראשים ושוקים ומחזיקים בידם מגני עגלה ורמח ארוך ֯ש ֯מו֯ ֯נ ֯ה ֯א ֯מ]ות
בס]
[ו֗ קשת וחצים וזרקות מלחמה וכולם עתודים ֗
16
[ל ו֗ לשפוך דם חללי אשמתם אלה ֯המה ה]°
֗
17
18
VII
ש
1ואנשי הסרך יהיו מבן ארבעים שנה ועד בן חמשים וסורכי המחנות יהיו מבן ) (חמ) (ים שנה ועד בן
)ש(שים והשוטרים
2יהיו גם הם מבן ארבעים שנה ועד בן חמשים וכול מפשיטי החללים ושוללי השלל ומטהרי הארץ ושומרי
הכלים
3ועורך הצידה כולם יהיו מבן חמש ועשרים שנה ועד בן שלושים וכול נער זעטוט ואשה לוא יבואו למחנותם
בצאתם
4מירושלים ללכת למלחמה עד שובם וכול פסח או חגר או איש אשר מום עולם בבשרו או איש מנוגע
בטמאת
244
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
5בשרו כול אלה לוא ילכו אתם למלחמה כולם יהיו אנשי נדבת מלחמה ותמימי רוח ובשר ועתודים ליום נקם
וכול
6איש אשר לוא יהיה טהור ממקורו ביום המלחמה לוא ירד אתם כיא מלאכי קודש עם צבאותם יחד ורוח
יהיה
7בין כול מחניהמה למקום היד כאלפים באמה וכול ערות דבר רע לוא יראה סביבות כול מחניהם
8
9ובסדר מערכות המלחמה לקראת אויב מערכה לקראת מערכה ויצאו מן השער התיכון אל בין המערכות
שבעה
10כוהנים מבני אהרון לובשים בגדי שש לבן כתונת בד ומכנסי בד וחוגרים באבנט בד שש משוזר תכלת
11וארגמן ותולעת שני וצורת ריקמה מעשה חושב ופרי מגבעות בראשיהם בגדי מלחמה ואל המקדש לוא
12יביאום הכוהן האחד יהיה מהלך על פני כול אנשי המערכה לחזק ידיהם במלחמה וביד הששה יהיו
13חצוצרות המקרא וחצוצרות הזכרון וחצוצרות התרועה וחצוצרות המרדף וחצוצרות המאסף ובצאת
הכוהנים
14אל בין המערכות יצאו עמהמה שבעה לויים ובידם שבעת שופרות היובל ושלושה שוטרים מן הלויים לפני
מ[לחמה על חמשים מגן
֗
המ ֯ק ֯ר]א
15הכוהנים והלויים ותקעו הכוהנים בשתי חצוצרות ֯
[לו֗ יים שוטרים ועם
֗
16וחמשים אנשי בינים יצאו מן השער האחדו ו֯ ]
[בינים מן השערים
אנשי ֯
17כול מערכה ומערכה יצאו ככול הס]רך
המל]חמה
֗
[°°
]ועמ[דו בין שתי ֗ה ֯מ ֯ע ֯ר ֯כו֯ ֯ת ו]°°
֯
18
VIII
1החצוצרות תהיינה מריעות לנצח אנשי הקלע עד כלותם להשליך שבע
2פעמים ואחר יתקעו להם הכוהנים בחצוצרות המשוב ובאו ליד המערכה
3הראישונה להתיצב על מעמדם ותקעו הכוהנים בחצוצרות המקרא ויצאו
4שלושה דגלי בינים מן השערים ועמדו בין המערכות ולידם אנשי הרכב
5מימין ושמאול ותקעו הכוהנים בחצוצרות קול מרודד ידי סדר מלחמה
6והראשים יהיו נפשטים לסדריהם איש למעמדו ובעומדם שלושה סדרים
7ותקעו להם הכוהנים תרועה שנית קול נוח וסמוך ידי מפשע עד קורבם
8למערכת האויב ונטו ידם בכלי המלחמה והכוהנים יריעו בשש חצוצרות
9החללים קול חד טרוד לנצח מלחמה והלויים וכול עם השופרות יריעו
הת ֗רו֗ ֗עה יצאו
10קול אחד תרועת מלחמה גדולה להמס לב אויב ועם קול ֗
ובח]צו[צ ֗רות יהיו
֯
11זרקות המלחמה להפיל חללים קול השופרות יחישו
12הכוהנים מריעים קול חד טרוד לנצח ידי מלחמה עד השליכם למערכת
13האויב שבע פעמים ואחר יתקעו להם הכוהנים בחצוצרות המשוב
]כו[הנים לשלושת הדגלים ועם
֯
14קול נוח מרודד סמוך כסרך הזה יתקעו ֯ה
[רות קול תרועה
15הטל הראישון יריעו ֗ה]
יתקעו[ להם הכוהנים
16גדולה לנצח ֗מ ֗ל]חמה
ערכת
֯
[°ו על מעמדם ֯ב ֯מ
בחצוצ]רות
֗
17
[ם ו֗ ֗ע ֗מ ֗ד
֯
18
ח[ללי֗ ֗ם
֗
[
19
IX
1יחלו ידם להפיל בחללים וכול העם יחשו מקול התרועה והכוהנים יהיו מריעים בחצוצרות
המלחמה עד הנגף האויב והסבו עורפם והכוהנים מריעים לנצח מלחמה
֗
2החללים לנצח
245
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
3ובהנגפם לפניהם יתקעו הכוהנים בחצוצרות המקרא ויצאו אליהם כול אנשי הבינים מתוך
4מערכות הפנים ועמדו ששה דגלים והדגל המתקרב כולם שבע מערכות שמונה ועשרים אלף
5אנשי מלחמה והרוכבים ששת אלפים כול אלה ירדופו להשמיד אויב במלחמת אל לכלת
6עולמים ותקעו להמה הכוהנים בחצוצרות המרדוף ונחל]קו[ על כול האויב לרדף כלה והרכב
הכו֗ ]הנ[ים מריעים מרחוק ולוא יבואו
7משיבים על ידי המלחמה עד החרם ובנפול החללים יהיו ֗
]לו[א יחלו שמן משיחת כוהנים בדם
֗
8אל תוך החללים להתגאל בדם טמאתם כיא קדושים המה
9גוי הדל
[[ ]°ל] [ °גדיל ֗כפים ומגדלות
10סרך לשנות סדר דגלי המלחמה לערוך המעמד על ר]°
המערכה ] [ֿ °מיֿ ס
֗
וכנפים] [ ֯מ] [י֯ עברי
֗
11וקשת ומגדלות ועל דרוך מעט וראשים יוצאים
והמג]ד[לות
֗
ורמחהם ֗א]רו[ך שמונה אמות
֗
12אויב ומגני המגדלות יהיו ארוכים שלוש אמות
13יוצאים מן המערכה מאה מגן ומאה פני המגדל כ ]°י[סבו המגדל לשלושת רוחות הפנים
ו[אחד לשמאול ועל כול מגני המגדלות
למגדל ֯א ֯ח ֯ד ל]ימין ֯
שנים ֯
14מגנים שלוש מאות ושערים ֗
[שריאל על הרביעי רפאל
על שלישי ֗
]א[ל ]
מיכ ֗
15יכתובו על הראישון ֯
[
16מיכאל וגבריאל ל]°
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[אורב ישימ]ו[ ֗ל
ו אם ֯
לא ֯ר ֯ב ֯ע]
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[ל] [°°°
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]° 18
X
ולה ֯שמר מכול ערות דבר רע ואשר והגיד לנו כיא אתה בקרבנו אל גדול ונורא לשול את כול
1מחנינו ֯
לפ]נינ[ו֯ וילמדנו מאז לדורותינו לאמור בקרבכם למלחמה ועמד הכוהן ודבר אל העם
2אויבינו ֯
לאמור ֗ש ֗מ ֗עה ישראל אתמה קרבים היום למלחמה על אויביכמה אל תיראו ואל ירך לבבכמה
֗
3
וא[ל תערוצו מפניהם כיא אלוהיכם הולך עמכם להלחם לכם עם אויביכם להושיע
֗
תחפ]וז
֯
4ואל
5אתכמה ו֗ ]ש[ו֗ טרינו ידברו לכול עתודי המלחמה נדיבי לב להחזיק בגבורת אל ולשוֿ ב כול
]בר[תה ביד מושה לאמור כיא תבוא מלחמה
֯
6מסי לבב ולחזיק יחד בכול גבורי חיל ואשר ֗ד
והריעות]מה[ ֗בחצוצרות ונזכרתמה לפני אלוהיכם
֗
7בארצכמה על הצר הצורר אתכמה
]מי[ם ובארץ אשר יעשה כמעשיכה הגדולים
֗
בש
8ונושעתם מאויביכם מיא כמוכה אל ישראל ֗
ישראל ֗אשר בחרתה לכה מכול עמי הארצות
֗
כעמכה
9וכגבורתכה החזקה ומיא
10עם קדושי ברית ומלומד חוק משכילי בינ֯ ]ה [ °[ ]°°ושומעי קול נכבד ורואי
עמוקות ] [[ ]°מפרש שחקים צבא מאורות
֗
11מלאכי קודש מגולי אוזן ושומעי
12ומשא רוחות וממשלת קדושים אוצרות כב] [עבים הבורא ארץ וחוקי מפלגיה
פר]ים [֗ °ה חוג ימים ומקוי נהרות ומבקע תהומות
13למדבר וארץ ערבה וכול צאצאיה עם ֗
אדם ו֗ ֗תו֗ ֗ל] [עו בלת לשון ומפרד עמים מושב משפחות
֗
תבנית
14מעשי חיה ובני כנף ֗
[מועדי קודש ותקופות שנים וקצי
ארצות]
֗
15ונחלת
[֗ °ה אלה ידענו מבינתכה אשר ֯ס]°
16עד ]°°
כיא]°
אוזנ[כה אל שועתנו ֗
17
[ל֗ °°בי֗ תו הכו֯ ]
18
XI
1כיא אם לכה המלחמה ו֗ בכוח ידכה רוטשו פגריהם לאין קובר ואת גולית הגתי איש גבור חיל
2
הסגרתה ביד דויד עבדכה כיא בטח בשמכה הגדול ולוא בחרב וחנית כיא לכה המלחמה ואת
֯
֯
3פלשתיים
הכנ]י[ע פעמים רבות בשם קודשכה וגם ביד מלכינו הושעתנו פעמים רבות
4בעבור רחמיכה ולוא כמעשינו אשר הרעונו ועלילות פשעינו לכה המלחמה ומאתכה הגבורה
5ולוא לנו ולוא כוחנו ועצום ידינו עשה חיל כיא בכוחכה ובעוז חילכה הגדול כאשר הגדתה
246
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
6לנו מאז לאמור דרך כוכב מיעקוב קם שבט מישראל ומחץ פאתי מואב וו קרקר כול בני שית
7וירד מיעקוב והאביד שריד מעיר והיה אויב ירשה וישראל עשה חיל וביד משיחיכה
להל ִ֗ח ִ֗ם כבד באויבינו להפיל גדודי בליעל שבעת
8חוזי תעודות הגדתה לנו ק]צי[ מלחמות ידיכה ֗ ִ
[ח ובשלום לגבורת פלא ולב נמס לפתח תקוה ותעש להמה כפרעוה
פדותכ ֗ה ] ֗
֗
9גוי הבל ביד אביוני
תבעיר כלפיד אש בעמיר אוכלת רשעה לוא תשוב עד
10וכשלישי מרכבותיו בים סו]ף[ ונכאי רוח ֗
11כלות אשמה ומאז השמ°[ ]°עד גבורת ידכה בכתיים לאמור ונפל אשור בחרב לוא איש וחרב
12לוא אדם תואכלנו
13כיא ביד אביונים תסגיר ]או[יבי כול הארצות וביד כורעי עפר להשפיל גבורי עמים להשיב גמול
14
לכה שם עולם בעם
אש] [ ו֗ להצדיק משפט אמתכה בכול בני איש ולעשות ֗
רשעים ֗ב ֯ר ֯א ֗ש ֯
֗
15
לדעת]
֗
הגו֯ ים
שאר ֯
[ המלחמות ולהתגדל ולהתקדש לעיני ֯
הנק]ה[ל]ים [ ֗ל]
֗
קהלו
ע[שותכה שפטים בגוג ובכול ֗
֯
16
17
השמ]ים []°
֗
[ ֯כיא תלחם בם מן
[°ליהם למהמה]
18
XII
אמת[כה ובחירי עם קודש
֗
]א[לה בשמים וצבאות מלאכים בזבול קודשכה לה]ודות
֗
1כיא רוב קדושים
ומ] [°ים בזבול כבודכה
2שמתה לכה ב°[ ]°פר שמות כול צבאם אתכה במעון קודשכה ֗
3וחסדי ברכו]תיכה [ וברית שלומכה חרתה למו בחרט חיים למלוך ֗ [ ]°בכול מועדי עולמים
4ולפקוד צ°[ ]°יריכה לאלפיהם ולרבואותם יחד עם קדושיכה ] [ מלאכיכה לרשות יד
[קמי ארץ בריב משפטיכה ועם בחירי שמים נ֗ ו֯ ֯צ]חים [
֗
5במלחמה ]
6
7ואתה אל נ] [ בכבוד מלכותכה ועדת קדושיכה בתוכנו לעזר עולמי]ם [°נו ֗בו֗ ז למלכים לעג
[צבא מלאכים בפקודינו
לגבורים כיא קדוש אדוני ומלך הכבוד אתנו עם קדושים גבו֯ ] ֗
֯
8וקלס
המלח]מה[ בעדתנו וצבא רוחיו עם צעדינו ופרשינו֯ ] כ[עננים וכעבי ֗טל לכסות ארץ
֗
9וגבור
10וכזרם רביבים להשקות משפט לכול צאצאיה קומה גבור שבה שביכה איש כבוד ושול
11שללכה עושי חיל תן ידכה בעורף אויביכה ורגלכה על במותי חלל מחץ גוים צריכה וחרבכה
המון מקנה בחלקותיכה כסף וזהב ואבני
12תואכל בשר אשמה מלא ארצכה כבוד ונחלתכה ברכה ֗
בהיכל]ו[תיכה ציון שמחי מאדה והופיעי ברנות ירושלים והגלנה כול ערי יהודה פתחי
֗
13חפץ
14
]י[ך ֗תמיד להביא אליך חיל גואים ומלכיהם ישרתוך והשתחוו לך כול מעניך ועפר
שער ֯
֯
]מ[ל]כות
בנו[ת עמי צרחנה בקול רנה עדינה עדי כבוד ורדינה ֗ב ֗
֯
] 15רגליך ילחכו
16
]
וי[שראל למלוך עולמים
[הם גבורי המלחמה ירושלי֯ ֯ם ]
[ל] ֗
֗
17
[ם על השמים אדוני]
֗
18
XIII
]כו[ה ֗נים והלויים וכול זקני הסרך עמו וברכו על עומדם את אל ישראל ואת כול מעשי אמתו וז֗ ֯עמו
֯
1ואחיו ֯ה
2שם ֗א ֗ת ֯ב]לי[על ואת כול רוחי גורלו וענו ואמרו ברוך אל ישראל בכול מחשבת קודשו ומעשי אמתו
וב]ר[ו֯ כי֗ ם
3כול ֯מ ֯ש ֯רתיו בצדק יודעיו באמונה
וא ֯רו֯ ֯ר בליעל במחשבת משטמה וזעום הואה במשרת אשמתו וארורים כול רוחי גורלו במחשבת
֗ 4
5
רשעם וזעומים המה בכול עבודת נדת טמאתם כיא המה גורל חושך וגורל אל לאור
] 6עולמ[י֯ ם
]ת[ה אל אבותינו שמכה נברכה לעולמים ואנו עם ] [ל] [ °וברית ]כ[רתה לאבותינו ותקימה לזרעם
֯
וא
֯ 7
247
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
8למוע]ד[י עולמים ובכול תעודות כבודכה היה זכר ] [כה בקרבנו לעזר שארית ומחיה לבריתכה
ולס]פר [מעשי אמתכה ומשפטי גבורות פלאכה את°[ ]°יתנו לכה עם עולמים ובגורל אור הפלתנו
֗ 9
[ק וכול רוחי אמת בממשלתו ואתה
֗
10לאמתכה ושר מאור מאז פקדתה לעוזרנו וב]°
[תו ובעצתו להרשיע ולהאשים וכול רוחי
ובחוש]ך
֗
11עשיתה בליעל לשחת מלאך משטמה
12גורלו מלאכי חבל בחוקי חושך יתהלכו֗ ואליו ]תש[ו֯ קתמה יחד ואנו ֯בגורל אמתכה נשמ חה ביד
וב[ש ֗לומכה מיא כמוכה בכוח אל ישראל ועם
֯
13גבורתכה ונשישה בישועתכה ונגילה בעז֗ ֯ר]תכה
כי[א מאז יעדתה לכה יום קרב ר֗ °[ ]°°ה
֗
אביונום יד גבורתכה ומיא מלאך ושר בעזרת פ]°
֗ 14
[ל] [°ר באמת ולהשמיד באשמה להשפיל חושך ולהגביר אור ול]
֗ 15
[ל ]
[ 16ל למעמד עולמים לכלות כול בני חושך ושמחה ֗ל] ֗
]
[
17
כ[י֯ א אתה יעדתנו למ]°
18
XIV
1כאש עברתו באלילי מצרים
2ואחר העלותם מעל החללים לבוא המחנה ירננו כולם את תהלת השוב ובבוקר יכבסו בגדיהם ורחצו
3מדם פגרי האשמה ושבו אל מקום עומדם אשר סדרו שם המערכה לפני נפול חללי האויב וברכו שם
4כולם את אל ישראל ורוממו שמו ביחד שמחה וענו ואמרו ברוך אל ישראל השומר חסד לבריתו ותעודות
]]גבורו[[ת ֯פ]][[לא וקהל גויים אסף לכלה אין שארית ולהרים במשפט
֯
5ישועה לעם פדותו ויקרא כושלים ֗ל
֯
6לב נמס ולפתוח פה לנאלמים לרנן
בגבור]ת [רפות ללמד מלחמה ונותן לנמוגי ברכים חזוק מעמד
[סם לבב קושי ובתמימי דרך יתמו כול גויי רשעה
֗
רוח]
7ואמוץ מתנים לשכם מכים ובעניי ֗
8ולכול גבוריהם אין מעמד ואנו שא]רית
ברוך[ שמכה אל החסדים השומר ברית לאבותינו ועם
הדיחונ]ו
֯
[ בממשלת בליעל ובכול רזי ֗לוא
לשאר]ית
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9כול דורותינו הפלתה חסדיכה
ר
ממ]נו ובהתרשע אנ[שי ממשלתו שמ תה נפש פדותכה ואתה הקימותה
]ח[בלו גערתה ֯
֗
10מבריתכה ורוחי
[לכול גבוריהם אין מציל ולקליהם אין מנום ולנכבדיהם
קומה תגד]ע
֯
11נופלים בעוזכה ורמי
א[י֯ ן ואנו עם קודשכה במעשי אמתכה נהללה שמכה
12תשיב לבוז וכול יקום הבלי֯ ]הם
[עתים ומועדי תעודות עולמים עם מ]בו[א יומם ולילה
13ובגבורותיכה נרוממה ת]°
]רי[ם לכה מעפר
֗
[ל ֯ה
כבו[דכה ורזי נפלאותיכה במרומי֯ ]כה ֗
֗
14ומוצאי ערב ובוקר כיא גדולה ֯מ]חשבת
15ולהשפיל מאלים
[
֯ 16רומה רומה אל אלים והנשא בעו֯ ]ז
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18
XV
לישר]]אל [[דת מלחמה בכול הגויים וגורל אל בפדות עולמים
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1כיא היאה את צרה
2וכלה לכול גוי רשעה וכול ע]] [[ המלחמה ילכו וחנו נגד מלך הכתיים ונגד כול חיל
3כליעל הנועדים עמו ליום [[ ]]°בחרב אל
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֯
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6את כול המערכות כב°[[ ]]°ה והתהלך הכוהן החרוץ למועד נקם על פי
את]]
7כול אחיו וחזק ֯
[[°ה וענה ואמר חזקו ואמצו והיו לבני חיל
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תח]]
8אל תיראו ואל ֯
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9תשובו אחור ואל ]]
מחסיהם וגבורתם כעשן נמלח וכול קהל
֗
[[ל
֗
10ואליו תשוק]]תמה
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
248
[[ממה לוא ימצא וכול יקום הוותם מהר ימלו
][[ 11ה[מונם]][[ ]]°°
מועד
מלחמה היום הזה
[[התחזקו למלחמת אל כיא )י֯ ו֯ ֯ם(
[[ 12ץ בק]]
[[֯ °ט על כול בשר אל ישראל מרים ידו ב] [ת פלאו
[[אל על כול ֯ה ֯ג]]אים
֯ 13
למלחמ ֯ה ו֯ ֗ס ֗ד ֗ר]י[ ֯ק]ד[ושים
֗
ג[[בורי אלים מתאזרים
[[ 14כול רוחי רש]]עה
[ל] [°
֗
[ל]
[[° ° °°ל֗ ]°°
°[[ 15דים ליום ]]
[[ל]]
֗
16
XVI
1עד תום כול מקוד]
2
3את כול הסרך הזה יעשו ] ה[הואה על עומדם נגד מחני כתיים ואחר יתקעו להמה הכוהנים בחצוצרות
4הזכרון ופתחו שערי המ]לחמה וי[צאו אנשי הבינים ועמדו ראשים בין המערכות ותקעו להם הכוהנים
[י֯ ם לקול החצוצרות עד התיצבם איש על מעמדו ותקעו להם
והראשים]
֯
5תרועה סדר
התק[רב ובעומדם ליד מערכת כתיים כדי הטל ירימו איש ידו בכלי
֗
6הכוהנים תרועה שני֯ ֯ת]
ח[צוצרות החללים קול חד טרוד לנצח מלחמה והלוים וכול עם
7מלחמתו וששת] [ ]
[ת ֯מ] [קול גדול ועם צאת הקול יחלו ידם להפיל בחללי כתיים וכול
8השופרות יריע]ו ֗
קול ֯ה ֯ת ֯רו֯ ֯ע ֯ה ]והכוהני[ם יהיו מריעים בחצוצרות החללים והמלחמה מתלחמה מתנצחת בכתיים
9העם יחשו ֗
10
11ובהתאזר ] [ ֗ל ֗עז֯ ֯רת בני ֗חו֗ שך וחללי הבינים יחלו לנפול ברזי אל ולבחון בם כול חרוצי המלחמה
]ו[צ ֯רות המקרא לצאת מערכה אחרת חליפה למלחמה ועמדו בין המערכות
חצ ֯
יתק]עו[ ֯ב ֯
והכ]ו[הנים ֯
֗ 12
֗
13ולמתקרבי֯ ]ם
במ[ל ֯ח ֗מ ֯ה י֯ תקעו לשוב ונגש כוהן הרואש ועמד לפני המערכה וחזק את
א[ל ו֯ ֯א ֯ת י֯ ֯דיהם במלחמתו
֯
14לבבם ב]
שמעתם
֗
[חלליכם כיא מאז
֯
[ל]ב[ב עמו יבחן ֗ב ֯מ ֯צ ֯ר ֯ף ו֯ ֗לו֗ ֗א ]
֗
ואמר ]
֯
15וענה
[°הם ליֿ חו ֯ם
֯ 16ב ֯רזי אל ]
[ל]
֗
֯ 17ב ֗ג]°°°
XVII
[ אל ישראל קרא חרב על כול הגואים ובקדושי עמו יעשה גבורה
[ °בחוני מצרף ושנן כלי מלחמתה ולוא יכהו עד ]
1ושם שלומם בדלק ]°
]י[הוא בני אהרון אשר התקדש אל במשפטם לעיני֗ ]
ו[א ֯ב ֗
משפח] נדב ֯
֯
2רשע ואתמה זכורו
[עולמים
֯
3ואיתמר החזיק לו לברית ]
4ואתה התחזקו ואל תיראום ]
[ המה לתהו ולבהו תשוקתם ומשענתם בלוא ה] [ו֯ ֗לוא ]
[ה[ ]°ל בכול נהיי עולמים היום מועדו להכניע ולהשפיל שר ממשלת
5ישראל כול הויֿ ה ונהיה ו] ֯
]פ[דותו בגבורת מלאך האדיר למשרת מיכאל באור עולמים
֯
6רשעה וישלח עזר ֗עו֯ ֗ל ֯מי֯ ם ֗לגו֯ ֗רל
7להאיר בשמחה ֯ב]][[רית י]][[שראל שלום וברכה לגורל אל להרים באלים משרת מיכאל וממשלת
8ישראל בכול בשר ישמח צדק ֯במרומים וכול בני אמתו יגילו בדעת עולמים ואתם בני בריתו
9התחזקו במצרף ֗אל עד יניף ידו ו֯ ֗מלא מצרפיו רזיו למעמדכם
10ואחר הדברים האלה יתקעו֯ הכוהנים להם לסדר דגלי המערכה והראשים נפשטים לקול החצוצרות
אי[ש על מעמד]ו[ ו֯ ֯תקעו הכוהנים בחצוצרות תרועה שנית יידי התקרב ובהגיע
֗
התיצ]בם
֗
11עד
מע[רכת כתיי֯ ֯ם ֯כדי הטל ירימו איש ידו בכלי מלחמתו והכוהנים יריעו בחצוצרות
֯
12אנשי ]הבינים ליד
ים ]והלויים וכו[ל עם השופרות יריעו תרועת מלחמה ואנשי הבינים ישלחו ידם בחיל
החלל ֯
֗
13
יניח]ו[ ֗קול התרועה והכוהנים
העם ֗
֗
הת[רו֗ עה יחלו להפיל הבלליהם וכול
֯
קו[ל]
֗
14הכתיים ]ועם צעת
[ל] [ל]נ[גפים לפניהם
מ]תנצח[ת ֯ב ֯כ]תיים ֗
֗
]חמ[ה
֗
החללי[ם ו֯ ֯ה ֯מ ֯ל
֯
15יהיו מריעים ֯ב]חצוצרות
[ ֯ל] [°ל חללים
השל]י[ש]י
֯
16ובגורל
249
°[ 17אל ]°
Appendix B: Text of 1QM
[ל°
֗
XVIII
בה]נ[שא יד הגדולה על בליעל ועל כול [ ]°ל ממשלתו במגפת עולמים
[ו֯ ֯
1
2
[ ו֗ ֗ת ֗רועת קדושים ברדף אשור ונפלו בני יפת לאין קום וכתיים יכתו לאין
[ °משאת יד אל ישראל על כול המון כליעל בעת ההיאה יריעו הכוהנים
3
כ[תיים
חצוצ[רות הזכרון ונאספו אליהם כול מערכות המלחמה ונחלקו על כול מ] ֯
֯
4
וה]לויי[ם אשר
֯
[אוץ השמש לבוא ביום ההואה יעמוד כוהן הרואש והכוהנים
5להחרימם ] ֯
]אלי[ם כיא
֯
6אתו ורא]שי [ ֗ה ֗סרך וברכו שם את אל ישראל וענו ואמרו ברוך שמכה אל
פעמי֯ ם רבות
֗
עמכ]ה[ [[]] °להפליא ובריתכה שמרתה לנו מאז ושערי ישועות פתחתה לנו
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7הגדלת]][[ה עם
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[א ענינו
ב[[ריתכה ] ֗
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8למע]]ן
למ ֯ען֯ שמכה
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[[
]]
9
כא
[[הפלתה עמנו הפלא ]][[ ו֯ פלא ומאז לוא נהיתה כמוהה ואתה ידעתה למועדנו והיום הופיע
10
גבו֯ רתכה
]ש[לת ֯אויב לאין עוד ויד ֯
֯
ממ
11לנ]][[ו֯ ֯כי֯ ֯א]] [[תנו יד חסדיכ]][[ה עמנו בפדות עולמים להסיר ֯
ובמ]][[ל]]חמה [[[[]]°ל אויבינו למגפח כלה ועתה היום אץ לנו ֯לרדוף המונם כיא אתה
֗
12
13
[[°ול]][[ב גבורים מגנתה לאין מעמד לכה הגבו֯ ֯רה ובידכה המלחמה ואין
לרצונכה ֗וג ֯מו֯ ל] [°כה ותבצור ממ]°°
ומו֗ עדים ֯
[[ל]][[°יכה ֗
֯
14
[]°
[[ל]
֗
15אל]]°
16להסיר ב]]°
17באבדונו ֯ת]]
]]° 18
XIX
לג[[בורים כיא ]][[ קדוש אדירנו ומלך הכבוד אתנו וצ]בא
֗
1
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משפט ֯
ט[[ל ֗ל ֯כ]][[סות ארץ וכזרם רביבים להשקות ֗
֗
2
]ל[ך]
וש[ו֯ ל שללכה עושי חיל תן ידכה בעורף אויביך ו֯ ֯ר ֯ג ֯
3
צריכ[ה וחרבך תואכל בשר מלא ארצכה כבוד ונחלתכה ברכה ה]מון
֯
4
[בהיכלותיך ציון שמחי מואדה והגלנה כול ערי יהו]דה
֯
5
]][[]מעני[ך ]]
֯
]כו[ל
֯
[חיל גוים ומלכיהם ישרתו֗ ֗ך והשתחוו לך
6
עדינה כבוד ור]ד[ינה במלכות
֯
[ב ֯נו֯ ֯ת ֯ע ֗מי הבענה בקולל רנה
֯ 7
8למחנ[י֯ כה וישראל למלכות ֯עו֯ למים ]][[
]][[קו֗ ם המערכה
֯
ובבוקר]][[ יבואו ֯ע ֯ד ֯מ
֯
המח[נ ֯ה ]ב[ל]י[לה ההוא למנוח עד הבוקר
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9
אם]][[ °°חללים
ג[בורי כתיים והמון אשור וחיל כול הגוים ֯ה]][[נקהלים ֗
֯ 10
[ 11נ֯ פלו שם בחרב אל ונגש שם כוהן הרו֯ ]]אש [[֗ °הו֗ ]]°
ופקוד]הם
֗
[מלחמה וכול ראשי ֯המערכות
֯ 12
]א[ת ֗א ֗ל]
֯
וה[ל ֗לו שם
֗
ח[ל ֗לי ֗כתי֗ ]ים
ע[ל] ֗
֗
13
֯[ל]
14
Appendix C: Hypertextuality in the Community Cycle
250
Appendix C: Hypertextuality in the Community Cycle
Fulfillment Hypertextuality
Reprediction Hypertextuality
Other Hypertextuality (neither specifically of fulfillment nor of Reprediction)
Serek haYaḥad
(1QS)
Source
Hypertextual
Relationship
1:1-2 420
Num
4:29
Fulfillment
1:6
Jer 3:17
Fulfillment
1:8
Gen 17:1
Fulfillment
1:22-24
Lev 16:21
Complex
1:24-25
1 Kgs
8:47 par.
2 Chr
6:37
Fulfillment
2:1
Isa 63:7
Complex
2:1-4
Num
6:2326(27)
Fulfillment
par 4QSb
(4Q256)
2:6-7
Scriptural Hypotext
Hypertext in S 419
יהוה אלהיך ומצאת כי-את
-לבבך ובכל-תדרשנו בכל
נפשך
אל ̇ב]כול לב ובכול2 לדרוש
[ נפש
ילכו עוד אחרי שררות-ולא
לבם הרע
ולוא ללבת עוד בשרירות לב
אשמה
התהלך לפני והיה תמים
ולהתהלכ לפניו תמים
עונת-כל-והתודה עליו את
-כל-בני ישראל ואת
חטאתם-פשעיהם לכל
...וכול פשעי אשמתם וחטאתם
חטאנו והעוינו רשענו
]חט[אנו הרשענו אנו
̇
֯]פ[ש ֯ענ֯ ו
֯
טוב לבית ישראל-ורב
גמלם כרחמיו וכרב-אשר
חסדיו
ורחמי חסדו ֯גמל עלינו מעולם
ועד עולם
יברכך יהוה וישמרך
...מברכים
יאר יהוה פניו אליך
...ויחנך
טוב וישמורכה מכול רע ויאר3
לבכה בשכל חיים ויחונכה
בדעת עולמים
וישם לך שלום
419
The allusions and quotations are adapted from Lange and Weigold, Biblical Quotations and Allusions in Second
Temple Jewish Literature.
420
This particular example was taken from Maier, Die Qumran-Essener: Die Texts vom Toten Meer: Einführung,
Zeitrechnung, Register und Bibliographie, vol. 3.
Appendix C: Hypertextuality in the Community Cycle
251
4וישא פני חסדיו לכה לשלום
ארור בגלולי לבו לעבור
12הבא בברית הזות ומכשול
עוונו ישים לפניו
איש מבית ישראל אשר
יעלה את-גלוליו אל-לבו
ומכשול עונו ישים נכח
פניו
יתברכֿ בלבבו לאמור שלום יהי̇
לי
והתברך בלבבו לאמר
שלום יהיה-לי כי בשררות
לבי אלך למען ספות הרוה
20
את-הצמאה ][...
והבדילו יהוה לרעה
בשמועו את דברי הברית הזות
שמעו את-דברי הברית
הזאת
כול בני אור בהסוגו 17מאחרי
אל בגלוליו ומכשול עוונו יתן
בתוך ארורי עולמים
ֿ
גורלו
איש מבית ישראל ][...
מאחרי ויעל גלוליו אל-לבו
ומכשול עונו ישים נכח
פניו
אלכ
̇
14כיא בשרירות לבי
ונספתה רוחו הצמאה ][...
] [...ויבדילהו אל לרעה
16
זה אחר זה לאלפים ומאות
וחמשים ועשרות
22
אנשי אמת שנאי בצע
ושמת עלהם שרי אלפים
שרי מאות שרי חמשים
ושרי עשרת
בסאון רשע מחרשו
כיא ̇
3
וגאולים בשוֿ בתו
כי כל-סאון סאן ברשע
ושמלה מגוללה בדמים
באור החיים
להתהלך לפני אלהים באור
החיים
להשיב נפשו מני-שחת
לאור באור החיים
ובדרכי חושכ יתהלכו
העזבים ארחות ישר ללכת
בדרכי-חשך
ורוח ענוה ואורכ אפים ורוב
רחמים וטוב עולמים ושכל
ובינה וחכמת גבורה
ונחה עליו רוח יהוה רוח
חבמה ובינה רוח עצה
וגבורה רוח דעת ויראת
יהוה
Reprediction
Ezek
;14:4
2:11-12
Ezek 14:7
Reprediction
Deut
29:18-20
)(19-21
2:12-16
Reprediction
Jer 11:2,
3, 6, 8
2:12-13
Reprediction
Ezek
14:7-8
2:16-17
Fulfillment
Exod
18:21,
25; Deut
1:15
2:21-22
Fulfillment
;Isa 9:4
Hos
10:13
3:2-3
Fulfillment
Ps
56(55):14
Fulfillment
Job 33:30
Fulfillment
Prov 2:13
3:21
Fulfillment
Isa 11:2
4:3
par.
4QpapSc
)(4Q257
3:3-4
3:7
par.
4QpapSc
)(4Q257
3:10
Appendix C: Hypertextuality in the Community Cycle
252
ללכת בכול דרכי חושכ
העזבים ארחות ישר ללכת
בדרכי-חשך
בהויֿ ות חושכ עד 14כלותם
לאין שרית ופליטה למו
הלוא תאנף-בנו עד-כלה
לאין שארית ופליטה
4
Isa 26:3
4:5
Fulfillment
Prov 2:13
4:11
Reprediction
Ezra 9:14
4:13-14
Fulfillment
Mic 6:8
5:3-4
Reprediction
Zeph 1:6
5:11
Reprediction
Ezek 24:8
5:12
Reprediction
Ezra 9:14
5:13
Lev 22:16
5:14-15
5:15
לעשות אמת יחד וענוה
צדקה ומשפט ואהבת חסד
והצנע לכת בכול דרכיהם
כי אם-עשות משפט
ואהבת חסד והצנע לכת
עם-אלהים
כיא לוא בקשו ולוא דרשהו
בחוקוהי
ואשר לא-בקשו את-יהוה
ולא דרשהו
ולנקום נקם
לנקם נקם
לאין שרית
הלוא תאנף-בנו עד-כלה
לאין שארית ופליטה
פן ישיאנו 15עוון אשמה
והשיאנו אותם עון אשמה
Fulfillment
מכול דבר שקר תרחק
מדבר-שקר תרחק
Fulfillment
Exod
23:7
חדלו לכם מן האדם אשר
נשמה באפו כיא במה נחשב
הואה
חדלו לכם מן-האדם אשר
נשמה באפו כי-במה נחשב
הוא
Fulfillment
Isa 2:22
5:17
בתורה יומם ולילה
ובתורתו יהגה יומם ולילה
Fulfillment
;Josh 1:8
6:6
לעשות אמת וצדקה ומשפט
ואהבת חסד והצנע לכת איש
אמ רעהו
כי אם-עשות משפט
ואהבת חסד והצנע לכת
עם-אלהים
לשמור אמונה בארצ ביצר
סמוכ
יצר סמוך תצר שלום
היאה חומת הבחן פנת יקר בל
8יזדעזעו ובל יסודותיֿ הוֿ יחישו
הנני יסר אבן אבן בחן פנת
יקרת מוסר מוסר המאמין
par. 4QSb
)(4Q256
9:3-4; par.
4QSd
(4Q258) 1:3
Ps 1:2
Reprediction
Mic 6:8
8:2
Reprediction
Isa 26:3
8:3
Reprediction
Isa 28:16
par. 4QSe
)(4Q259
2:11
8:7-8
par. 4QSe
Appendix C: Hypertextuality in the Community Cycle
253
ממקומם
ֿ
לא יחיש
במדבר פנ̇ ו̇ דרך ....ישרו
בערבה מסלה לאלוהינו
במדבר פנו דרך יהוה ישרו
בערבה מסלה לאלהינו
)(4Q259
2:16
Reprediction
Isa 40:3
8:13-14
par. 4QSe
)(4Q259
3:4-5
Isa 29:15
9:9
par. 4QSd
)(4Q258
8:2; par.
4QSe
)(4Q259
3:14-15
)ה(היאה עת פנות הדרכֿ
֯
למדבר
20
במדבר פנו דרך יהוה ישרו
בערבה מסלה לאלהינו
Reprediction
Isa 40:3
Reprediction
Isa 63:15
Reprediction
Lev 25:8,
10
9:19-20
par. 4QSb
)(4Q256
18:3; par.
4QSd
)(4Q258
8:4; par.
4QSe
)(4Q259
3:19
מזבל קדשך
מאורות מזבול קודש
10:3
par. 4QSb
)(4Q256
19:1; par.
4QSd
)(4Q258
8:12
8
מועדי שנים לשבועיהם
וברוש שבועיהם למועד דרור
שבע שבתת שנים שבע
שנים שבע פעמים והיו לך
ימי שבע שבתת השנים
תשע וארבעים שנה
בר)(שית משלח ידי ורגלי
אברכ שמו בראשית צאת ובוא
ועם משכב יצועי
14לשבת וקום ֿ
ארננה לו
ושננתם לבניך ודברת בם
בשבתך בביתך ובלכתך
בדרך ובשכבך ובקומך
Ps
65(64):9
Other
;Deut 6:7
Deut
11:19
10:7-8
par. 4QSd
(4Q258) 9:6
10:10
par. 4QSf
)(4Q260
3:2-3
10:13-14
Appendix C: Hypertextuality in the Community Cycle
254
ועם משכב יצועי
לשבת וקום ֿ
ארננה לו
אתמ ידעת שבתי וקומי
בנתה לרעי מרחוק
ובישועתו ארננה יחד
נרננה בשועתך ובשם-
אלהינו נדגל ימלא יהוה
כל-משאלותיך
וכחש עוון ומרמות וכזבים לוא
ימצאו
לא-יעשו עולה ולא-ידברו
כזב ולא-ימצא בפיהם לשון
תרמית
אשוכ ֯ב ֯ע ֯דה גבול סמוכ לשמור
אמנים ומשפט עוז
פתחו שערים ויבא גוי-
צדיק שמר אמנים 3יצר
סמוך תצר שלום שלום כי
בך בטוח
לתועי רוח בינה ולהשכיל
רוכנים בלקח
וידעו תעי-רוח בינה
ורוגגים ילמדו-לקח
מטה שולחי אצבע ומדברי און
אם-תסיר מתוכך מוטה
שלח אצבע ודבר-און
לאדם דרכו ואנוש לוא יכין
צעדו כיא לאל המשפט
ידעתי יהוה כי לא לאדם
דרכו לא-לאיש הלך והכין
את-צעדו
חמר קורצ ולעפר תשוקתו מה
ישיב חמר ויוצר יד ולעצת מה
יבין
הן-אני כפיך לאל מחמר
קרצתי גם-אני
סר]ו
ואנושי בריתם אשר ֯
ב[דרך 3העם
מלכת ֯
ויסרני מלכת בדרך העם-
הזה
אנושי עצתו
איש עצתו
בבואוֿ ם יקהילו את כול הבאים
מטפ עד נשים וקראו
בבוא כל-ישראל לראות
את-פני יהוה אלהיך
Other
Ps
139(138):
2
10:14
Reprediction
Ps
20(19):6
10:17
Reprediction
Zeph
;3:13
par. 4QSb
)(4Q256
20:6; par.
4QSf
(4Q260) 4:4
Mal 2:6
10:22
par. 4QSf
(4Q260) 5:3
Reprediction
Isa 26:23
10:25
Reprediction
Isa 29:24
11:1
Reprediction
Isa 58:9
11:2
Reprediction
Jer
;10:23
11:10
Prov 16:9
Other
Job 33:6
Fulfillment
Isa 8:11
1:2-3
Fulfillment
Isa 46:11
1:3 421
Reprediction
Deut
31:11-12
1:4-5
11:22
par. 4QSf
(4Q264) 1:9
The Rule of
the
Congregati
;on (1QSa
)1Q28a
This particular allusion is taken from Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, "Rule of the Congregation (1QSa)," 109.
421
Appendix C: Hypertextuality in the Community Cycle
255
בא]וזניהם [את ] 5כ[ו֯ ל חוקי
הברית ולהבינם בכול
]טיה[מה פן ישגו
̇
משפ
֯
במ]שוגותיהמ[ה
֯
ו]בן[ עשרים שנ]ה יעבור על[
̇הפקודים לבוא בגורל בתוך
בעד]ת[
֯
]ח[תו ליחד
̇
משפ
̇
קודש
במקום אשר יבחר תקרא
את-התורה הזאת נגד כל-
ישראל באזניהם 12הקהל
את-העם האנשים והנשים
והטף וגרך אשר בשעריך
למען ישמעו ולמען ילמדו
ויראו ...
9
כל העבר על-הפקדים מבן
עשרים שנה ומעלה יתן
תרומת יהוה
Reprediction
Exod
30:14
Reprediction
Num
8:24
Reprediction
Num
;1:16
Num
10:4
Reprediction
Deut
;1:15
Exod
18:21, 25
1:8-9
par. 4Qpap
cryptA
Serek
ha-‘Edahe
(4Q249e) 1
i-3 6; cf.
4QOrd 2:6-9
ובן חמש ועש]ר[י̇ ם שנה יבוא
13
להת]י[צב ביסודות עדת
֯
הקודש לעבור את עבודת
העדה
֯
זאת אשר ללוים מבן חמש
ועשרים שנה ומעלה יבוא
לצבא צבא בעבדת אהל
מועד
ברואשי אלפי ישראל
ראשי אלפי ישראל הם
ברואשי אלפי ישראל לשרי
ח]מ[שים ]15ושרי[
̇
מאות שרי
עשרות שופטים ושוטרים
ואקח את-ראשי שבטיכם
אנשים חכמים וידעים ואתן
אתם ראשים עליכם שרי
אלפים ושרי מאות ושרי
חמשים ושרי עשרות
ושטרים לשבטיכם
1:12-13
par. 4Qpap
cryptA
Serek
ha-‘Edahe
(4Q249e) 1
i-3 8
1:14
Par. 4Qpap
cryptA
Serek
ha-‘Edahc
(4Q249c) 2
par. 4Qpap
cryptA
Serek ha‘Edahd
(4Q249d) 6
1:14-15
par. 4Qpap
cryptA
Serek
ha-‘Edahc
(4Q249c) 34 par.
4Qpap
cryptA
Serek ha‘Edahd
(4Q249d) 6
Appendix C: Hypertextuality in the Community Cycle
256
ויקמו לפני משה ואנשים
מבני-ישראל חמשים
ומאתים נשיאי עדה רקאי
מועד אנשי-שם
אנושי השם קוראי מועד
בא ̇ל ֯ה ̇ל ֯ב ̇ל ֯תי֯
וכול איש מנוגע ֯
החזיק מעמד בתוך העדה וכול
6
מנוגע בבשרו נכאה ֯ר ֯ג ֯לי֯ ֯ם או
ידים ֯פ ֯סח או ̇עו̇ ר או חרש או
בנוגע בבשרו
̇
אלם או מום
17דבר אל-אהרון לאמר
איש מזרעך לדרתם אשר
יהי בו מום לא יקרב
להקריב לחם אלהיו 18 :כי
כל-איש אשר-בו מום לא
יקרב איש עור או פסח או
חרם או שרוע 19 :או איש
אשר-יהיה בו שבר רגל או
שבר יד 20 :או-גבן או-דק
או תבלל בעינו או גרב או
21
ילפת או מרוח אשך:
כל-איש אשר-בו מום
מזרע אהרן הכהן לא יגש
להקריב את-אשי יהוה מום
בו את לחם אלהיו לא יגש
להקריב
]ה[ו̇ א ]מו[שב אנשי השם
לעצת היחד
̇
[מועד
]קוראי ̇
ויקמו לפני משה ואנשים
מבני-ישראל חמשים
ומאתים נשיאי עדה רקאי
מועד אנשי-שם
]קוראי[ מועד אנושי השם
ויקמו לפני משה ואנשים
מבני-ישראל חמשים
ומאתים נשיאי עדה רקאי
מועד אנשי-שם
5
Reprediction
Num
16:2
2:2
Reprediction
Lev
21:16-24
2:4-6 422
Reprediction
Num
16:2
2:11
Reprediction
Num
16:2
2:13
par. 4Qpap
cryptA
Serek
ha-‘Edahi
)(4Q249i
1:3
422
This allusion is not given in Lange and Weigold, Biblical Quotations and Allusions in Second Temple Jewish
Literature.
257
Rule of the
Blessings
)(1QSb
אדוני פניו אליכה
י̇ שא ̇
ישא יהוה פניו אליך
Reprediction
Num
)6:26(27
3:1
כהונת] עולם
֯
וברית
ברית כהנת עולם
Reprediction
Num
25:13
3:26
יחדש לו
וברית ֯הי֯ ֯חד ֯
֯
הנה ימים באים נאם-יהוה
וכרתי את-בית ישראל
את-בית יהודה ברית
חדשה
Reprediction
Jer 31
(38):31
5:21
לע[נוי
֯
]ול[הו̇ כיח במי֯ ]שור
]א[רץ
֯
ושפט בצדק דלים והוכיח
במשור לענוי-ארץ ...
Reprediction
Isa 11:4
5:22
לפניו תמים
ולהתהלך ֯
התהלך לפני והיה תמים
Other
Gen 17:1
5:22
בחומה 24נשגבה
מגדל ֯עו֯ ז֯ ֯
֯וכ ֯
מגדל-עז יהוה בו-ירוץ
צקיד ונשגב
Reprediction
Prov
18:10-11
5:23-24
וברוח שפתיכה ̇ 25תמית
רשע]ים
֯
וברוח שפתיו ימית רשע
Reprediction
Isa 11:4,
2, 5
5:24-26
]ו[ישם קרניכה ברזל
רסו̇ תיכה נחושה
ו֯ ֯פ ̇
כי-קרניך אשים ברזל
ופרסותיך אשים נחושה
Reprediction
Mic 4:13
5:26
כטיט חוצות
̇
כטיט-חוצות
Reprediction
2 Sam
22:43
par Ps
;18:43
5:27
28
למושלים
̇
אל הקימכה לשבט
וקם שבט מישראל
Reprediction
;Mic 7:10
Zech 9:3
Num
24:17
5:2728 423
423
Lange does not include the beginning of 28 as part of this allusion. But given the context, one has to assume
forms a part of it.מישראל that
Appendix D: Text of 1QS
258
Appendix D: Text of 1QS
Sigla: 424
֗ = essentially certain reading of a damaged characterא
֯ = uncertain reading of a damaged characterא
ִ֗ = deletion by scribeא
° = illegible character
= uncertain whether yod/waw; mem/mem sofit; kaf/kaf sofitי ֿ ו ֿ ֿ :מ ֿם :כֿ ֿך
) = hypertextuality (fulfillmentא
) = hypertextuality (Repredictionא
) = other hypertextuality (neither specifically of fulfillment nor of Repredictionא
I
1ל] [שים ̇
לחיוֿ ]ספר סר[כ היחד לדרוש
2אל ̇ב]כול לב ובכול נפש [ ̇לעשות הטוב והישר לפניו כאשר
3צוה ביד מושה וביד כול עבדיו הנביאים ולאהוב כול
4אשר בחר ולשנוא את כול אשר מאס לרחוק מכול רע
5ולדבוק בכול מעשי טוב ולעשות אמת וצדקה ומשפט
6בארצ ולוא ללבת עוד בשרירות לב אשמה ועיני זנות
7לעשות כול רע ולהבי את כול הנדבים לעשות חוקי אל
8בברית חסד להיחד בעצת אל ולהתהלכ לפניו תמים כול
9הנגלות ̇למועדי תעודותם ולאהוב כול בני אור איש
10כגורלו בעצת אל ולשנוא כול בני חושכ איש כאשמתו
בנקמת אל וכול הנדבים לאמתו יביאו כול דעתם וכוחם
ֿ
11
12והונם ביחד אל לברר דעתם באמת חוקי אל וכוחם לתכן
13כתם דרכיו וכול הונם כעצת צדקו ולוא לצעוד בכול אחר
14מכול דברי אל בקציהם ולוא לקדם עתיהם ולוא להתאחר
15מכול מועדיהם ולוא לסור מחוקי אמתו ללכת ימין ושמאול
)א(לפני אל לעשות
16וכול הבאים בסרכ היחד יעבורו בברית ̇
17ככול אשר צוה ולוא לשוב מאחרי מכול פחד ואימה ומצרפ
נסוימ בממשלת בליעל ובעוברם בברית יהיו הכוהנים
̇ 18
19והלויים מברכים את אל ישועות ואת כול מעשי אמתו וכול
20העוברים בברית אומרים אחריהם אמן אמן
21והכוהנים ̇מספרים את צדקות אל במעשי גבורתום
22ו̇ משמיעים כול חסדי̇ רחמים על ישראל והלויים ֿמספרים
"The present transcription is taken from Qimron and Charlesworth, "Rule of the Community (1QS).
424
259
23את עוונות בני ישראל וכול פשעי אשמתם וחטאתם בממשלת
]וכו[ל העוברים בברית מודים אחריהם לאמור נעוינו
֯
24בליעל
ב)ה(לכתנו
]וא[בו̇ תינו מלפנינו ֯
֯
]חט[אנו הרשענו אנו
̇
]פ[ש ֯ע ֯נו֯
֯
25
]א[ל] ישראל ו[משפטו בנו ובאבותי֯ ]נו[
֯
וצדיק
֯
[ ] 26אמת
II
1ורחמי חסדו ֯גמל עלינו מעולם ועד עולם והכוהנים מברכים את כול
2אנשי גורל אל ההולכים תמים בכול דרכיו ואומרים יבככה בכול
3טוב וישמורכה מכול רע ויאר לבכה בשכל חיים ויחונכה בדעת עולמים
4וישא פני חסדיו לכה לשלום עולמים והלויים מקללים את כול אנשי
5גורל בליעל וענו ואמרו ארור אתה בכול מעשי̇ רשע אשמתכה יתנכה
6אל זעוה ביד כול נוקמי נקם ויפקוד אחריכה כלה ביד כול משלמי
וזעום אתה
ֿ
רחמימ כחושך מעשיכה
ֿ
7גמולים ארור אתה לאין
8באפלת אש עולמים לוא יחונכה אל בקוראכה ולוא יסלח לכפר עווניך
9ישא פני אפו לנקמתכה ולוא יהיה לכה שלום בפי כול אוחזי אבות
10וכול העוברים בברית אומרים אחר המברכים והקללים אמן אמן
11והוסיפו הכוהנים והלויים ואמרו ארור בגלולי לבו לעבור
12הבא בברית הזות ומכשול עוונו ישים לפניו להסוג בו והיה
13בשמועו את דברי הברית הזות יתברכֿ בלבבו לאמור שלום יהי̇ לי
אלכ ונספתה רוחו הצמאה עם הרווֿ ה לאין
̇
14כיא בשרירות לבי
15סליחה אפ אל וקנאת משפטיו יבערו בו לכלת עולמים וֿ דבקו בו כול
16אלות הברית הזות ויבדילהו אל לרעה ונכרת מתוכ כול בני אור בהסוגו
בתוך ארורי עולמים
ֿ
17מאחרי אל בגלוליו ומכשול עוונו יתן גורלו
18וכול באי הברית יענו ואמרו אחריהם אמן אמן
19ככה יעשו שנה בשנה כול יומי ממשלת בליעל הכוהנים יעבורו
20ברשונה בסרכ לפי רוחותם זה אחר זה והלויים יעבורו אחריהם
21וכול העם )(יעבורו בשלישית בסרכ זה אחר זה לאלפים ומאות
22וחמשים ועשרות לדעת כול איש ישראל איש בית מעמדו ביחד אל
23לעצת עולמים ולוא ישפל איש מבית מעמדו ולוא ירום ממקום גורלו
24כיא הכול יהיו ביחד אמת וענות טוב ו֯ אהבת חסד ומחשבת צדק
֯ 25אי֯ ש לרעהו בעצת קודש ובני סוד עולמים וכול המואס לבוא
] 26בברית א[ל ללכת בשרירות לבו לוא ]י י[חד אמתו כיא געלה
III
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
נפשו ביסורי דעת משפטי צדק לוא חזק למשוב חיו ועם ישרים לוא יתחשב
בסאון רשע מחרשו וגאולים
ודעתו וכוחו והונו לוא יבוֿ או בעצת יחד כיא ̇
בשוֿ בתו ולוא יצדק במתור שרירות לבו וחושכ יביט לדרכי אור בעין תמימים
לוא יתחשב לוא יזכה בכפורים ולוא יטהר במי נדה ולוא יתקדש בימים
ונהרות ולוא יטהר בכול מי רחצ טמא טמא יהיה כול יומי מואסו במשפטי
אל לבלתי התיסר ביחד עצתו כיא ברוח עצת אמת אל דרכי איש יכופרו כול
עוונותו להביט באור החיים וברוח קדושה ליחד באמתו יטהר מכול
עוונותו וברוח יושר וענוה תכופר חטתו ובענות נפשו לכול חוקי אל יטהר
בשרו להזות במי נדה ולהתקדש במי דוכיֿ ויהכין פעמיו להלכת תמים
Appendix D: Text of 1QS
260
Appendix D: Text of 1QS
10בכול דרכי אל כאשר צוה למועדי תעודתיו ולוא לסור ימין ושמאול ואין
11לצעוד על אחד מכול דרכיו אז ירצה בכפורי ניחוח לפני אל והיתה לו לברית
12יחד עולמים
13למשכיל להבין וללמד את כול בני אור בתולדות כול בני איש
14לכול מיני רוחותם באותותם למעשיהם בדורותם ולפקודת נגוֿ עיהם עם
15קצי שלומם מאל הדעות כול הויֿ ה ונהייה ולפני היותם הכין כול מחשבתם
16ובהיותם לתעודותם כמחשבת כבודו ימלאו פעולתם ואין להשנות בידו
17משפטי כול והואה יכלכלם בכול חפציהם והואה ברא אנוש לממשלת
18תבל וישם לו שתי רוחות להתהלכ בם עד מועד פקודתו הנה רוחות
19האמת והעול במעוֿ ן אור תולדות האמת וממקור חושכ תולדות העול
20ביד שר אורים ממשלת כול בני צדק בדרכי אור יתהלכו וביד מלאך
21חושכ כול ממשלת בני עול ובדרכי חושכ יתהלכו ובמלאך חושך תעות
22כול בני צדק וכול חטאתם ועוונותם ואשמתם ופשעי מעשיהם בממשלתו
23לפי רזי אל עד קצו וכול נגוֿ עיהם ומועדי צרותם בממשלת משטמתו
24וכול רוחי גורלו להכשיל בני אור ואל ישראל ומלאכ אמתו עזר לכול
25בני̇ אור והואה ברא רוחות אור וחושכ ועליהון יסד כול מעשה
]כו[ל ] [ו̇ ̇דה אחת אהב אל וכול
̇
֯ 26ל] [הן כול עבודה ועל דרכיהן
IV
] 1מו[עדי עולמים ובכול עלילותיה ירצה לעד אחת תעב סודה וכול דרכיה שנא לנצח
2ואלה דרכיהן בתבל להאיר בלבב איש ולישר לפניו כול דרכי צדק אמת ולפחד לבבו במשפטי
3אל ורוח ענוה ואורכ אפים ורוב רחמים וטוב עולמים ושכל ובינה וחכמת גבורה מאמנת בכֿול
4מעשי אל ונשענת ברוב חסדו ורוח דעת בכול מחשבת מעשה וקנאת משפטי צדק ומחשבת
5קודש ביצר סמוכ ורוב חסדים על כול בני אמת וטהרת כבוד מתעב כול גלולי נדה והצנע לכת
אמת תבל ופקודת כול הולכי בה למרפא
6בערמת כול וחבא לאמת רזי דעת אלה סודי רוח לבני ֯
7ורוב שלום באורכ ימים ופרות זרע עם כול ברכות עד ושמחת עולמים בחיי נצח וכליל כבוד
8עם מדת הדר באור עולמים
9ולרוח עולם רחוב נפש ושפול ידים בעבודת צדק רשע ושקר גוה ורום לבב כחש ורמיה אכזרי
10ורוב חנפ קצור אפים ורוב אולת וקנאת זדון מעשי תועבה ברוח זנות ודרכי נדה בעבודת טמאה
11ולשון גדופים עורון עינים וכבוד אוזן קושי עורפ כובוד לב ללכת בכול דרכי חושכ וערמת רוע ופקודת
12כול הולכי בה לרוב נגוֿ עים ביד כול מלאכי חבל לשחת עולמים באפ עברת אל נקמה לזעות נצח וחרפת
13עד עמ כלמת כלה באש מחשכים וכול קציהם לדורותם באבל יגון ורעת מרורים בהויֿ ות חושכ עד
14כלותם לאין שרית ופליטה למו
15באלה תולדות כול בני איש ובמפלגיהם ינחלו כול צבאותם לדורותם ובדרכיהם יתהלכו וכול פעולת
16מעשיהם במפלגיהן לפי נחלת איש בין רוב למועט לכול קצי עולמים כיא אל שמן בד בבד עד קצ
17אחרון ויתן איבת עולם בין מפלגות תועבת אמת עלילות עולה ותועבת עולה כול דרכי אמת וקנאת
18ריב על כול משפטיהן כיא לוא יחד יתהלכו ואל ברזי שכלו ובחכמת כבודו נתן קצ להיֿ וֿ ת עולה ובמועד
19פקודה ישמידנה לעד ואז תצא לנצח אמת תכל כיא התגוללה בדרכי רשע בממשלת עולה עד
20מועד משפט נחרצה ואז יברר אל באמתו כול מעשי גבר יֿ זקק לו מבני איש להתם כול רוח עולה מתכמי
21בשרו ולטהרו ברוח קודש מכול עלילות רשעה ויז עליו רוח אמת כמי נדה מכול תועבות שקר והתגולל
22ברוח נדה להבין ישרים בדעת עליון וחכמת בני שמים להשכיל תמימי דרכ כיא בם בחר אל לברית עולמים
23ולהם כול כבוד אדם ואין עולה והיה לבושת כול מעשי רמיה עד הנה יריבו רוחי אמת ועול בלבב גבר
24יתהלכו בחכמה ואולת וכפי נחלת איש באמת יֿ צדק וכן ישנא עולה וכירשתו בגורל עול ירשע בו וכן
261
Appendix D: Text of 1QS
25יתעב אמת כיא בד בבד שמן אל עד קצ נחרצה ועשות חדשה והואה ידע פעולת מעשיהן לכול קצי
[הפקודה
ו[ל]ה[פיל גורלות לכול חי לפי רוחו ב ֯◌] ֯
] 26מועד[ן וינחילן לבני איש לדעת טוב ] ̇
V
1וזה הסרכ לאנשי היחד המתנדבים לשוב מכול רע ולהחזיק בכול אשר צוה לרצונו להבדל מעדת
2אנשי העול להיות ליחד בתורה ובהון ומשוֿ בים על פי בני צדוק הכוהנים שומרי הברית ו על פי רוב אנשי
3היחד המחזקים בברית על פיהם יצא תכון הגורן לכול דבר לתורה ולהון ולמשפט לעשות אמת יחד וענוה
4צדקה ומשפט ואהבת חסד והצנע לכת בכול דרכיהם אשר לוא ילכ איש בשרירות לבו לתעות אחר לבבו
5ועינוהי ומחשבת יצרו י֯ אאם למול ביחד עורלת יצר ועורפ קשה ליסד מוסד אמת לישראל ליחד ברית
6עולם לכפר לכול המתנדבים לקודש באהרון ולבית האמת בישראל והנלוים עליהם ליחד ולריֿ ב ולמשפט
7להרשיע כול עוברי חוק ואלה תכון דרכיהם על כול החוקים האלה בהאספם ליחד כול הבא לעצת היחד
8יבוא בברית אל לעיני כול המתנדבים ויקם על נפשו בשבועת אסר לשוב לשוב אל תורת מושה ככול אשר
צוה בכול
9לב ובכול נפש לכול הנגלה ממנה לבני צדוק הכוהנים שומרי הברית ודורשי רצונו ולרוב אנשי בריתם
יקים בברית על נפשו להבדל מכול אנשי ִהעול ההולכים
ֿ
10המתנדבים יחד לאמתו ולהתלכ ברצונו ואשר
11בדרכ הרשעה כיא לוא החשבו בבריתו כיא לוא בקשו ולוא דרשהו בחוקוהי לדעת הנסתרות אשר תעו
)מ(שפטים
12בם לאששמה והנגלות עשו ביד רמה לעלות אפ למשפט ולנקום נקם באלות ברית לעשות בם ̇
אל יבוא במים לגעת בטהרת אנשי הקודש כיא לוא יטהרו
עולם לאין שרית
ֿ
13גדולים לכלת
נ
14כי ֿ
אמ שבו מרעתם כיא טמא בכול עוברי דברו ואשר לוא ייחד עמו בעבודתו ובהו) (ו פן ישיאנו
15עוון אשמה כיא ירחק ממנו בכול דבר כיא כן כתוב מכול דבר שקר תרחק ואשר לוא ישוב איש מאנשי
16היחד על פיהם לכול תורה ומשפט ואשר לוא יוכל מהונם כול ולוא ישתה ולוא יקח מידם כול מאומה
17אשר לוא במחיר כאשר כתוב חדלו לכם מן האדם אשר נשמה באפו כיא במה נחשב הואה כיא
18כול אשר לוא נחשבו בבריתו להבדיל אותם ואת כול אשר להם ולוא ישען איש הקודש על כול מעשי
191הבל כיא הבל כול אשר לוא ידעו את בריתו וכול מנאצי דברו ישמיד מתבל וכול מעשיהם לנדה
20לפניו וטמא בכול הונ)ו(ם וכיא יבוא בברית לעשות ככול החוקים האלה להיחד לעדת קודש ודרשו
21את רוחום ביחד בין איש לרעהו לפי שכלו ומעשיו בתורה על פי בני אהרון המתנדבים ביחד להקים
22את בריתו ולפקוד את כול חוקיו אשר צוה לעשות ועל פי ר)י̇ (ב ישראל המתנדבים לשוב ביחד לבריתו
23וכתבם בסרכ איש לפני רעהו לפי שכלו ומעשיו להשמע הכול איש לרעהו הקטן לגדול ולהיות
לפי שכלו ותום דרכו ולאחרו כנעוותו להוכיח
24פוקדם את רוחם ומעשיהם שנה בשנה להעלות איש ̇
אל ידבר אלוהיהי באפ או בתלונה
בא]מ[ת וענוה ואהבת חסד לאיש
̇
25איש את רעהו
]בעור[ל]ת[ לבבו כיא ביומ) ( יוכיחנו ולוא
̇
26או בעורפ ]קשה או בקנאת[ רוח רשע ואל ישנאהו
VI
1ישא עליו עוון וגמ אל יביא איש על רעהו דבר לפני הרבים אשר לוא תוכחת לפני עדים ב)א(לה
2יתהלכו בכול מגוריהם כול הנמצא איש את רעהו וישמעו הקטן לגדול למלאכה ולממון ויחד יואכלו
ימש מאתם איש
3ויחד יברכו ויחד יועצו ובכול מקום אשר יהיה שם עשרה אנשים מעצת היחד אל ֿ
4כוהן ואיש כתכונו ישבו לפניו וכן ישאלו לעצתם לכול דבר והיה כיא יערוכו השולחן לאכול או התירוש
להברך בראשית הלחם או התירוש לשתות הכוהן ישלח ידו לרשונה
ֿ
5לשתות הכוהן ישלח ידו לרשונה
6להברכ בראשית הלחם והתירוש ואל ימש במקום אשר יהיו שם העשרה איש דורש בתורה יומם ולילה
7תמיד על יפות איש לרעהו והרבים ישקודו ביחד את שלישית כול לילות השנה לקרוא בספר ולדרוש
משפט
הסרך למושב הרבים איש בתכונו הכוהנים ישבו לרשונה והזקנים בשנית ושאר
ֿ
8ולברכ ביחד ו֯ זה
9כול העם ישבו איש בתכונו וכן ישאלו למשפט ולכול עצה ודבר אשר יהיה לרבים להשיב איש את מדעו
Appendix D: Text of 1QS
262
וגם אל ידבר לפני תכונו הכתוב
10לעצת היחד אל ידבר איש בתוכ דברי רעהו טרם יכלה אחיהו לדבר ֿ
11לפניו האיש הנשאל ידבר בתרו ובמושב הרבים אל ידבר איש כול דבר אשר לוא להפצ הרבים וכיא האיש
12המבקר על הרבים וכול איש אשר יש אתו דבר לדבר לרבים אשר לוא במעמד האיש השואל את עצת
מתנדב מישראל
13היחד ועמד האיש על רגלוהי ואמר יש אתי דבר לדבר לרבים אם יומרו לו ידבר וכולה ֯
14להוסיפ על עצת היחד ידורשהו האיש הפקוֿ ד ברואש הרבים לשכלו ולמעשיו ואם ישיג מוסר יביאהו
15בברית לשוב לאמת ולסור מכול עול יבהינהו בכול משפטי היחד ואחר בבואו לעמוד לפני הרבים ונשאלו
16הכול על דבריו וכאשר יצא הגורל על עצת הרבים יקרב או ירחק ובקורבו לעצת היחד לוא יגע בטהרת
17הרבים עד אשר ידרושהו לרוחו ומעשו עד מולאת לו שנה תמימה וגם הואה אל יתערב בהון הרבים
ואם יצא לו הגורל
18ובמולאת לו שנה בתוכ היחד ישאלו הרבים על דבריו לפי שכלו ומעשיו בתורה ֿ
19לקרוב לסוד היחד על פי הכוהנים ורוב אנשי בריתם יקר)י̇ (בו גמ את הונו ואת מלאכתו אל יד האיש
20המבקר על מלאכת הרבים וכתבו בחשבון בידו ועל הרבים לוא יוציאנו אל יגע במשקה הרבים עד
בתוך אנשי היחד ובמולאת לו השנה השנית יפקודהו על פי הרבים ואם יצא לו
ֿ
21מולאת לו שנה שנית
22הגורל לקרבו ליחד יכתובהו בסרך תכונו בתוכ אחיו לתורה ולמשפט ולטהורה ולערב את הונו ויהי עצתו
23ליחד ומשפטו
אם ימצא בם איש אשר ישקר
24ואלה המשפטים אשר ישפטו בם במדרש יחד על פי הדברים ֿ
25בהון והואה יודע ויבדילהו מתוכ טהרת רבים שנה אחת ונענשו את רביעית למחו ואשר ישוֿ ב את
לפ ̇רוע את יסוד עמיתו באמרות את פי רעהו הכתוב לפנוהי
26רעהו בקשי עורפ וֿ דבר בקוצר אפים ̇
וא[שר יזכיר דבר בשם הנכבד על כול ה ]
̇
אח]ת ומובדל
ונ)א(נעש שנה ̇
] 27והו[שיעה ידו לוא ֯
VII
1
2
3
4
5
ואם קלל או להבעת מצרה או לכול דבר אשר לו ) ( הואה קורה בספר או מברכ והבדילהו
ולוא ישוב עוד על עצת היחד ואם באחר ̇מן הכוהנים הכתובים בספר דבר בחמה ונענש שנה
אחת ומובדל על נפשו מן טהרת רבים ואם בשגגה דבר ונענש ששה חודשים ואשר יכחס במדעו
ונענש ששה חודשים והאיש אשר יצחה בלוֿ משפט את רעהו בדעהא ונענש שנה אחת
ומובדל ואשר ידבר את רעהו במרום או יעשה רמיה במדעו ונענש ששה חודשים ואם
יתרמה
6ברעהו ונענש שלושה חודשים ואם בהון היחד יתרמה לאבדו ושלמו )ב
7ברושו
ששים יום
(
שנה אחת
8ואם לוא תשיג ידו לשלמו ונענש ואשר יטו)(ר לרעהו אשר לוא )ב( משפט ונענש )ששה חודשים(
דברי רעהו
̇
ולמדבר בתוכֿ
9וכן לנוקם לנפשו כול דבר ואשר ידבר בפיהו דבר נבל שלושה חודשים ֿ
10עשרת ימים ואשר ישכוב וישן במושב הרבים שלושים ימים וכן לאיש הנפ)(טר במושב הרבים
וחנם עד שלוש פעמים על מושב אחד ונענש עשרת ימים ואם יז)(ק ̇פו̇
11אשר לוא בעצה ֯
12ונפטר ונענש שלושים יום ואשר יהלכֿ לפני רעהו ערום ולוא היה אנוש ונענש ששה חודשים
13ואיש אשר ירוק אל תוכ מושב הרבים ונענש שלושים יום ואשר יוציא ידו מתוחת בגדו והואה
14פוח ונראתה ערותו ונענש שלושים יום ואשר ישחק בסכלות להשמיע קולו ונענש שלושים
15יום והמוציא את יד שמאולו לשוֿ ח בה ונענש עשרת ימים והאיש אשר ילכ רכיל ברעהו
16והבדילהו שנה אחת מטהרת הרבים ונענש ואיש ברבים ילכ רכיל לשלח הואה מאתם
17ולוא ישוב עוד והאיש אשר ילון על יסוד היחד ישלחהו ולוא ישוב ואמ על רעהו ילון
18אשר לוא במשפט ונענש ששה חודשים והאיש אשר תזוע רוחו מיסוד היחד לבגוד באמת
19וללכת בשרירות לבו אמ ישוב ונענש שתי שנים ברשונה ) (לוא יגע בטהרת הרבים
משקה
)בט ִה ִר ִת( הרבים ואחר כול אנשי היחד ישב ובמלואת
)ר ̇ב י̇ ̇ם( ובשנית לוא יגע ִ
̇
20
21לו שנתים ימים ישאלו הרבים על דבריו ואם יקרבהו ונכתב בתכונו ואחר ישאל אל המשפט
Appendix D: Text of 1QS
263
( על מלואת עשר שנים
) 22ו (כול איש אשר יהיה בעצת היחד )
ושבה רוחו לבגוד ביחד ויצא ֿמלפני
(
) 23
א[ש ̇ר ̇◌י̇ ̇תערב
̇
יח]ד
24הרבים ללכת בשרירות לבו לוא ישוב אל עצת היחד עוד ואיש מאנשי ה ̇
לשל]חו
̇
[הרבים והיה משפטו כמוהו
25עמו בטהרתו או בהונו אש]ר
VIII
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
תמימים בכול הנגדלה מכול
ֿ
בעצת היחד שנים עשר איש וכוהים שלושה
התורה לעשות אמת וצדקה ומשפט ואהבת חסד והצנע לכת איש אמ רעהו
לשמור אמונה בארצ ביצר סמוכ ורוח נשברה ולרצת עוון בעושי משפט
עם כול ב) (מדת האמת ובתכון העם בהיות אלה בישראל
וצרת מצרפ ולהתהלכ ֿ
ט
נכונה )ה(עצת היחד האמת )ל( למעת עולם בית קודש לישראל וסוד קודש
לכפר בעד הארצ ולהשב
קודשים לאהרון עדי אמת למשפט וב)י֯ (חירי רצון ̇
לרשעים גמולם
היאה חומת הבחן פנת יקר בל
יסודותיֿ הוֿ
8יזדעזעו ובל
ריח
ממקומם
יחישו ֿ
מעון קודש קודשים
9לאהרון בדעת כולם לברית משפט ולקריב ניחוח ובית תמים ואמת בישראל
)
(
קו
)ב ֯ת ֯מי֯ ֯ם ֯ד ֯ר ֯ך( ואין עולה
והיו לרצון לכפר בעת הארצ ולחרוצ משפט רשעה֯ :
10להקם ברית לחו) (ת עולם בהכון אלה ביסוד היחד שנתים ימים בתמים דרך
יבדלו
ה
11קודש בתוכ עצת אנש היחד וכול דבר נסתר מישראל ונמצאו לאיש
ליחד
12הדורש אל יסתרהו מאלה מיראת רוח נסוגה ובהיות אלה בישראל
בתכונים האלה
13יבדלו מתוך מושב הנשי העול ללכת למדבר לפנות שם את דרכ הואהא
14כאשר כתוב במדבר פנ̇ ו̇ דרך ....ישרו בערבה מסלה לאלוהינו
]ש[ר צוה ביד מושה לעשות ככול הנגלה עת בעת
֯
15היאה מדרש התורה ̇א
וכאשר גלו הנביאים ברוח קודשו וכול איש מאנשי היחד ברית
֯ 16
17היחד אשר יסור מכול המצוה דבר ביד רמה אל יגע בטהרת אנשי הקודש
18ואל ידע בכול עצתם עד אשר יזכו מעשיו מכול עול להלכ בתמים דרכ וקרבהו
19בעצה על פי הרבים ואחר יכת)(.ב בתכונו ובמשפט הזה לכול הנוספ ליחד
20ואלה המשפטים אשר ילכו בם אנשי התמים קודש איש את רעהו
21כול הבא בעצת הקודש ההולכים בתמים דרכ כאשר צוה כול איש מהמה
22אשר יעבר דבר מתורת מושה ביד רמה או ברמיה ישלחהו מעצת היחד
23ולוא ישוב עוד ולוא יתערב איש מאנשי הקודש בהונו ועם עצתו לכול
24דבר ואם בשגגה יעשה והובדל מן הטפרה ומן העצה ודרשו המשפט
25אשר לוא ישפוט איש ולוא ישאל על כול עצה שנתים ימים אמ תתם דרכו
]ה[ר ̇בי̇ ם אמ לוא שגג עוד עד מולאת לו שנתים
̇
]ע[ל ]פ[י֯
̇
26במושב במדרש ובעצה
27ימים
IX
1
2
3
4
כיא על ) ( שגגה אחת יענש שנתים ולעושה ביד ֯רמה לוא ישוב עוד אכ השוגג
יבחן שנתים ימים לתמים דרכו ועצתו על פי הרבים ואחר יכתוב בתכונו ליחד קודש
בהיות אלה בישראל ככול התכונים האלה ליסוד רוח קודש לאמת
עולם לכפר על אשמת פשע ומעל חטאת ולרצון לארצ מבשר עולות ומחלבי זבח וֿ תרומת
264
Appendix D: Text of 1QS
ההיאה יבדילו אנשי
5שפתים למשפט כניחוח צדק ותמים דרכ בנדבת מנחת רצון בעת ̇
6היחד בית קודש לאהרון להיֿ חד קושד קודשים ובית יחד לישראל ההולכים בתמים
7רק בני אהרון ימשלו במשפט ובהון ועל פיהם יצא והגורל לכול תכון אנשי היחד
עם הון אנשי הרמיה אשר
8והון אנשי הקודש ההולכים בתמים אל יתערב ̇הונם ֿ
ומכול עצת התורה לוא יצאו ללכת
9לוא הזכו דרכם להבדל מעול וללכת בתמים דרכ ̇
10בכול שרירות לבם ונשפטו במשפטים הרשונים אשר החלו אנשי היחד לתיסר בם
11עד בוא נביא ומשיחי אהרון וישראל
עם כול חי לתכון עת ועת ולמשקל איש ואיש
12אלה החוקים למשכיל להתהלכ בם ֿ
13לעשות את רצון אל ככול הנגלה לעת בעת ולמוד את כול השכל הנמצא לפי העתים ואת
14חוק העת להבדיל ולשקול בני הצדוֿ ק לפי רוחום ובבחירי העת להחזיק על פי
15רצונו כאשר צוה ואיש כרוחו כן לעשות משפטו ואיש כבוד כפיו לקרבו ולפי שכלו
עם שנאתו ואשר לוא להוכיח ולהתרובב עמ אנשי השחת
16להגישו וכן אהבתו ֿ
17לסתר את עצת התורה בתוכ אנשי העול ולהוכיח דעת אמת ומשפט צדק ליֿ חרי
בתוך
ֿ
ולהנחותם בדעה וכן להשכילם ברזי פלא ואמת
̇
18דרכ איש כרוחו כתכון העת
)ה(היאה עת פנות הדרכֿ
19אנשי היחד לה) (לכ תמים איש את רעהו בכול הנגלה להם ֯
20למדבר ולהשכילם כול הנמצא לעשות בעת הזואת והבדל מכול איש ולוא הסר דרכו
עם שנאתו שנאת עולם
21מכול עול ואלה תכוני הדרכ למשכיל בעתים האלה לאהבתו ֿ
עמ אנשי שחת ברוח הסתר לעזוב למו הון ועמל כפים כעבד למושל בו וענוה לפני
ֿ 22
23הרודה בו ולהיות איש מקנא לחוק ועתיֿ ליום נקם לעשות רצון בכול משלח כפים
24ובכול ממשלו כאשר צוה וכול הנעשה בו ירצה בנדבה וזולת רצון אל לו יחפצ
צוה ̇ל ̇משפט אל יצפה תמיד
]ו[ב ֯כו֯ ל אמרי פיהו ירצה ולוא יתאוה בכול אשר לוא ֯
֯ 25
יספ]ר חסדיו [ שפתים יברכנו
ובצו[קה יברכ עושיו ובכול אשר יהיה ֯
̇
] 26
X
עמ תקופתו ובהאספו על מעון חוקו ברשית
1עם קצים אשר חקקא ברית ממשלת אור ֿ
2אשמורי חושכ כיא יפתח אוצרו וישתהו עלת ובתקופתו עם האספו מפני אור באופיע
3מאורות מזבול קודש עם האספם למעון כבוד במבוא מועדים לימי חודש יחד תקופתם עם
4מסרותם זה לזה בהתחדשם י̇ ו̇ ם גדול לקודש קודשים ואות נ למפתח חסדיו עולם לראשי
5מועדים בכול קצ נהיה ברשית ירחים למועדיהם וימי קודש בתכונם לזכרון במועדיהם
( ) 6תרומת שפתים הברכנו כחוק חרות לעד בראשי ) ( שנים ובתקופת מועדיהם בהשלם חוק
7תכונם יום משפטו זה לזה מועד קציר לקיצ ומועד זרע למועד דשא מועדי שנים לשבועיהם
8וברוש שבועיהם למועד דרור ובכול היותי חוק חרות בלשוני לפרי תהלה ומנת שפתי )אשא(
( ) 9אזמרה בדעת וכול נגינתי לכבוד אל וכנור נבלי ותכון קודשו וחליל שפתי אשא בקו משפטו
ועם מוצא ערב ובוקר אמר חוקיו וביותם אשים
10עם מבוא יום וליל אבואה בברית אל ֿ
11גבולי לבלתי שוב ומשפטו אוכיח כנעוותי ופשעי לנגד עיני כחוק חרות ולאל אומר צדקי
12ולעליון מכיֿ ן טובי מקור דעת ומעוֿ ן קודש רום כבוד וגבורת כול לתפארת עולם הבחרה באשר
13יורני וארצה כאשר ישופטני בר)(שית משלח ידי ורגלי אברכ שמו בראשית צאת ובוא
ועם משכב יצועי ארננה לו ואברכנו תרוםת מוצא שפתי במערכת אנשים
14לשבת וקום ֿ
15ובטרם ארים ידי להדשן בעדני תנובת תבל ברשית פחד ואימה ובמכון צרה עם בוקה
16אברכנו בהפלא מודה ובגבורתו אשוחח ועל חסדיו אשען כול היום וארעה כיא בידו משפט
17כול חי ואמת כול מעשיו ובהפתח צרה אהללנו ובישועתו ארננה יחד לוא אשיב לאיש גמול
18רע בטוב ארדפ גבר כיא את אל משפט כול חי והואה ישלם לאיש גמולו לוא אקנא ברוח
ש
תפוש עד יום
א)טו֯ ֯ר ֯ב ֯א ֯פ ֯ל ֯ש ֯בי֯ ( נקם ואפיא לוא
19רשעה ולהו̇ ן חמס לוא תאוה נפשי וריֿ ב אנש חת לוא ֯
265
Appendix D: Text of 1QS
20אשיב מאנשי עולה ולוא ארצה עד הכון משפט לוא אטור באפ לשבי פשע ולוא ארחם
21על כול סוררי דרכ לוא אנחם בנכאים עד תום דרכם ובליעל לוא אשמור בלבבי ולוא ישמע בפי
22נבלות וכחש עוון ומרמות וכזבים לוא ימצאו בשפתי ופרי קודש בלשוני ושקוצים
23לוא ימצא בה בהודות אפתח פי וצדקות אל תספר לשוני תמיד ומעל אנשים עד תום
אסתפר דעת
ִ
24פשעם רקים אשבית משפתי נדות ונפתלות מדעת לבי בעצת תושיה
לקה
25ובערמת דעת אשוכ ֯ב ֯ע ֯דה גבול סמוכ לשמור אמנים ומשפט עוז לצדקת אל ̇א ֯ח ̇
לנמהר]ים להודיע[
֯
26חוק בקו עתים ו֯ ] [ צדק אהבת חסד לנוֿ כנעים וחזוק ידים
XI
1לתועי רוח בינה ולהשכיל רוכנים בלקח ולהשיב ענוה לנגד רמי רוח ובריח נשברה לאנשי
עמ ישור לבבי
תום דרכי ֿ
2מטה שולחי אצבע ומדברי און ומקני הון כיא אני לאל משפטי ובידו ֿ
3ובצדקותו ימח פשעי כיא ממקור דעתו פתח אורי ובנפלאותיו הביטה עיני ואורת לבבי ברז
4נהיה והויֿ א עולם משען ימיני בסלע עוז דרכ פעמי מפני כול לוא יזד עזרע כיא אמת אל היאה
5סלע פעמי וגבורתו משענת ימיני וממקור צדקתו משפטי אור בלבבי מרזי פלאו בהויֿ א עולם
6הביטה עיני תושיה אשר נסתרה מאנוש דעה ומזמת ערמה מבני אדם מקור צדקה ומקוה
נתנם לאוחז̇ ת עולם וינחי) (לם בגורל
ֿ
7גבורה עמ מעיֿ ן כבוד מסוד בשר לאש )(ר בחר אל
8קדושים ועם בני שמים חבר סודם לעצת יחד וסוד מבנית קודש למטעת עולם עם כול
9קצ נהיה ואני לאדם רשעה ולסוד בשר עול עוונותי פשעי חטאתי )(...עם נעוות לבבי
ֿ
10לסוד רמה
והולךי חושכ כיא לאדם דרכו ואנוש לוא יכין צעדו כיא לאל המשפט ומידו
וךכול הויֿ ה במחשבתו יכיֿ נו ומבלעדיו לוא יעשה ואני אם
תום הדרכ ובדעתו נהיה כול ֿ
ֿ 11
12אמוט חסדי אל ישועתי לעד ואמ אכשול בעוון בשר משפטי בצדקת אל תעמוד לנצחים
13ואמ יפתח צרתי ומשחת יחלצ נפשי ויכן לדרכ פעמי ברחמיו הגישני ובחסדיו יביא
̇ 14משפטי בצדקת אמתו שפטני וברוב טובו יכפר בעד כול עוונותי ובצדקתו יטהרני מנדת
15אנוש וחטאת בני אדם להודות ֯לאל צדקו ולעליון תפארתו ברוכ אתה אלי הפותח לדעה
̇ 16לב עבדכה הכן בצדק כול מעשיו והקם לבן אמתכה כאשר רציתה לבחירי אדם להתיצב
17לפניכה לעד כיא מבלעדיכה לוא תתם דרכ ובלוֿ רצונכה לוא יעשה כול אתה הוריתה
הנהי̇ ה ברצונכה היה ואין אחר זולתכה להשיב על עצתכה ולהשכיל
18כול דעה וכול ̇
19בכול מחשבת קודשכה ולהביט בעומק רזיכה ולהתבונן בכול נפלאותיכה עם כוח
20גבורתכה ומי יכול להכיל את כבודכה ומה אפ הואה בן האדם במעשי פלאכה
21וילוד אשה מה ישב לפניכה והואה מעפר מגבלו ולחם רמה ̇מדורו והואה מציֿ רוק
22חמר קורצ ולעפר תשוקתו מה ישיב חמר ויוצר יד ולעצת מה יבין
Appendix E: Text of 1QSa
266
Appendix E: Text of 1QSa
Sigla: 425
֗ = essentially certain reading of a damaged characterא
֯ = uncertain reading of a damaged characterא
ִ֗ = deletion by scribeא
° = illegible character
= uncertain whether yod/waw; mem/mem sofit; kaf/kaf sofitי ֿ ו ֿ ֿ :מ ֿם :כֿ ֿך
) = hypertextuality (fulfillmentא
) = hypertextuality (Repredictionא
) = other hypertextuality (neither specifically of fulfillment nor of Repredictionא
I
להתה[לך
̇
בהספם] ליחד
֯
1וזה הסרך לכול עדת ישראל באחרית הימים
ב[דרך
סר]ו מלכת ֯
2על פי משפט בני צדוק הכוהנים ואנושי בריתם אשר ֯
האר[ץ
֯
לכפ]ר בעד
3העם המה אנושי עצתו אשר שמרו בריתם בתוך רשעה ֯
4בבואוֿ ם יקהילו את כול הבאים מטפ עד נשים וקראו בא]וזניהם [את
במ]שוגותיהמ[ה
֯
]טיה[מה פן ישגו
̇
משפ
֯
] 5כ[ו֯ ל חוקי הברית ולהבינם בכול
6וזה הסרך לכול צבאות העדה לכול האזרח בישראל ומן נעו֯ ]ריו[
]יל[מדהו בספר ההגי וכפי יומיו ישכיליהו בחוק]י[ הברית ֯ול]פי שכלו[
֯
7
] 8יי[סרו במשפטיהמה עשר שנים ̇
]י[בוא בטפ ו]בן[ עשרים שנ]ה יעבור על[
בעד]ת[ קודש ולוא י֯ ]קרב[
֯
]ח[תו ליחד
̇
משפ
̇
̇ 9הפקודים לבוא בגורל בתוך
עש]רי[ם שנה בדעתו ]טוב[
֯
מולואת לו
אל אשה לדעתה למשכבי זכר כי֯ אם לפי ֯
֯ 10
]י[צב במשמע משפטים
ולהת ̇
֯
11ורע ובכן תקבל חהעיד עליו משפטות התורא
להת]י[צב ביסודות עדת
֯
12ובמלוא בו ובן חמש ועש]ר[י̇ ם שנה יבוא
העדה ובן שלושים שנה יגש לריב ריב
֯
13הקודש לעבור את עבודת
14ו֯ ֯מ]ש ֯
ח]מ[שים
̇
[פט ולהתיצב ברואשי אלפי ישראל לשרי מאות שרי
ושוטרים לשבטיהם בכול משפחותם ]על פ[י בני
̇
] 15ושרי[ עשרות שופטים
[ב ֯עבודות
] 16אהר[ון הכוהנים וכול ִש ̇◌ריש אבות העדה אשר יצא הגורל להתי]צב ֯
] 17לצאת[ ולבוא לפני העדה ולפי שכלו עם תום דרכו יחזק מתנו למעמ]ד לצב[ואת
[רוב למועט ]זה [ יכבדו ̇אי̇ ש מרעהו
18עבודתו̇ מעשו בתוך אחיו ]בין ̇
בע]בוד[ת העדה וכול איש פיתי
19וברובות שני איש לפי כוחו ]ית[נו משאו ֯
20אל יבוא בגורל להתיצב על עדת ישראל לרי]ב מ[שפט ולשאת משא עדה
21ולהתיצב במלחמה להכניע גוים ֯ר ֯ק בסרך ֯ה ֯צבא יכתוב משפחתו
22ובעבודת המס יעשה עבודתו כפי מעשו ובני לוי יעמודו איש במעמדו
"The present transcription is taken from Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, "Rule of the Congregation (1QSa).
425
267
Appendix E: Text of 1QSa
23על פי בני אהרון להביא ולהוציא את כול העדה איש בסרכו על יד ראשי
למספר כול צבאותם על פי בני צדוק הכוהנים
]א[בו֯ ֯ת העדה לשרים ולשופטים ולשוטרים ̇
֯
24
ואמ תעודה תהיה לכול הקהל למשפט או
֯
[ראשי אבות העדה
] 25וכול ֯
מלחמה וקדשום שלושת ימים להיות כול הבא
̇
לעצת י֯ חד או לתעודת
̇
26
̇
עת]יד
̇ 27
הנשים הנקראים לעצת היחד מבן עש כול
לע[צה אלה ֯
עמ
[העדה והנבונים והידעים תמימי הדרך ואנושי̇ החיל ̇
̇ 28ח]כמי ̇
] 29שרי השב[טים וכול שופטיהם ושוטריהם ושרי האלפים ושרי̇ ]ם למאות[
II
מחל[ק ̇ת ֯ע ̇בו֯ דתו אלה
֯
1ולחמשים ולעשרות והלויים בתו[ך
לעצ ֯ת ֯הי֯ ̇חד ̇בישראל
2אנושי השם קוראי מועד הנועדים ̇
ת
מכו֯ ל טמאו̇
מנוג ֯ע ֯ב ֯א ֯חת ̇
̇
3לפני בני צדוק הכוהנים וכול איש
בא ̇ל ֯ה ̇ל ֯ב ̇ל ֯תי֯
4האדם אל יבוא בקהל אלה וכול איש מנוגע ֯
5החזיק מעמד בתוך העדה וכול מנוגע בבשרו נכאה ֯ר ֯ג ֯לי֯ ֯ם או
בנוגע בבשרו
̇
6ידים ֯פ ֯סח או ̇עו̇ ר או חרש או אלם או מום
לבלתי֯ התחזק בתוך העדה
֯
זקן̇ כושל
7לראות עינים או איש ̇
כיא מלאכי̇
]ב[תו֯ ֯ך עדת ֯א]נ[ו֯ שי השם ̇
֯
ותהיצב
̇
[אלה
8אל יבו֯ ]או ̇
9קודש ]בעצ[תם ואם יש ̇ד ֯ב]ר לאחד מ[אלה לדבר אל עצת הקודש
לו[א יבוא האיש כיא מנ֯ ו֯ ̇ג ̇ע
̇
]ו[דורש]יהו[ מפיהו ואל תוך ]העדה
̇
10
לעצת היחד אם י̇ ו֯ ̇לי֯
̇
[מועד
] 11ה[ו̇ א ]מו[שב אנשי השם ]קוראי ̇
] 12אלה את[ ̇המשיח אתם יבוא] הכוהן ב[רואש כול עדת ישראל וכול
֯ 13א]חיו בני[ אהרון הכוהנים ]קוראי[ מועד אנושי השם וישבו̇
י
14ל]פניו איש ̇[לפי כבודו ואחר ]יבוא מש[י֯ ח ישראל וישבו לפניו ראש
במחניהם וכמסעיהם וכול
̇
כמ]עמדו[
אי[ש לפי כבודו ֯
̇
֯ 15א]לפי ישראל
חכמ]יהם וידעיהם [י̇ שבו לפניהם איש לפי̇
̇
הע[דה עמ
֯
16ראשי ̇א]בות
יועד]ו לשים לחם ות[י֯ רוש וערוך השולחן
̇
לשול[חן יחד
̇
17כבודו ו֯ ]אם
וה[תירוש לשתו̇ ]ת אל ישלח[ איש את ידו ברשת
̇
18היחד ]לאכול
ו]התירו[ש לפני הכוהן כי]א הואה י[ברך את רשית הלחם
֯
19הלחם
ישל[ח משיח ישראל ידיו
̇
ואח]ר
20והתירו]ש וישלח [ידו בלחם לפנים ̇
יעש]ו[
יבר[כו כול עדת היחד א]יש לפי[ כבודו וכחוק הזה ̇
̇
21בלחם ]ואחר
אנש]ים[
מע]רכת כי יו[עדו עד עשרא ̇
22לכול ̇
Appendix F: Text of 1QSb
268
Appendix F: Text of 1QSb
Sigla: 426
= ֗אessentially certain reading of a damaged character
= ֯אuncertain reading of a damaged character
= ִ֗אdeletion by scribe
° = illegible character
כֿ ֿך: ֿמ ֿם: ֿ = י ֿ וuncertain whether yod/waw; mem/mem sofit; kaf/kaf sofit
= אhypertextuality (fulfillment)
= אhypertextuality (Reprediction)
= אother hypertextuality (neither specifically of fulfillment nor of Reprediction)
I
[ר ̇צו֯ ֯נו֯ ו̇ ֯שו֯ ֯מ ̇ריֿ מצוותיו
֯ ברכ]ה[ למשכיל לברך את ירא]י אל עושי
֯
ֿ דברי1
לברית
̇ בר]וח[ קודשו והולכים תמים ] [ וי֯ ֯ב ֯חר ֯בם
֯ ֿומחז֯ קי
֯
2
]ו[ל ֯ם
̇ [ ֯מ ̇קור ֯ע
יברכ ̇מה יככה א]דןני
̇
֯עולם ֯א]שר ת[עמוד לעד3
] [
השמ]ים
֯
יכז[ב יֿ פתח לכה מן
֯
אשר ל]וא4
[ קדוש]ים
֯
העדת
̇ [ה
[עכה בכול ברכ]ות
̇
] בידכ ֯ה
̇
5
] [באים ואתה
] ֿ[ר עולם ולוא י
̇
] 6
][ ֯שנאתה אין ֯ש
] ] יפ[לטכה מכול7
]ק[ו̇ דש ֯יד
][ל ̇שטן
̇
] 8
[קודש]ו
֯
[מיד
][לח
̇
] 9
]
[
] 10
יביא ֯כ]ה
̇
[עולם
֯
עבדב]יו
֯
כו[ל קצי
̇
] [עולם
̇
א[בותיכה
֯
[י֯ כה ישא
[יש]א
֯ יחו[נ֯ נ̇ כה
[[עלכ]ה
֯
426
The present transcription is taken from Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, "Blessings (1QSb)."
Frg. 5
] 26
] 27
] 28
]
]
]אדוני פניו
]אדוני פניו
II
1
2
3
4
Appendix F: Text of 1QSb
269
אליֿ ]ם [
[ ו֯ ̇
] 5
6-21
בר]וח קודש
[ ] 22יחונכה אדוני ̇
[֯ ] 23לים ישעשעכה ויחוננ̇ ]כה
וחס]ד
24י֯ ֯חו̇ נכה ברו̇ ח קודש ̇
וירנ֯ ]ינכה
25וברית עולם יחונכה ̇
ויחוננכה במשפט צדק] לוא[ ֯תכש]ל
̇
26
מעשי֯ ̇כ ֯ה] [כה ובכול ]
֯
27ו֯ י֯ חוננכה בכול
צאצ]איכה
֯
עולם] [על כול
֯
]ב[אמת
֯
28
[ה
̇
[י֯ ם
III
לכה] [ ̇ר
כו[ל יושבי ֯
̇
אליכה ורי̇ ח ני̇ ]חוח אל
̇
אדוני פניו
1י̇ שא ̇
יש[א
֯
זרעכ ֯ה]
̇
[ כול
2יבחר ויפקוד כול קודש]י[כה ובמו̇ ]עדי
[בו֯
[ ֯כ ] ̇
3פניו֯ אל כול עדתכה ישא ברושכה]
יש]א
זרעכה בכבוד ע]ו[לם ֯
֯
וי[ק ̇דש
בכ ̇בו̇ ]ד ֯
̇ 4
[שו֯
֯
ומ ̇לכות ]
חני ] עו[לם יתן לכה ֯
̇ 5
ועמ מלאכ]י[ ק]ודש
[מ ̇מבשר ֯
]
6
עול]ם
[דו̇ ר ̇
֯
]
לח ֯ם ] [
7י֯ ֯
[ ] 8מ ]
9-16
[ ]
מל ]
[ה ֯
] 17
[י֯ ע ̇לכה ] [ ] [ ולוא]
] 18
להכ]י[רכה ממקור
֯
תבל
[ ̇כול הון ̇
] 19
[דו̇ ̇רשהו כיא אל הכין כול אוש]י [
֯
] 20
יסד שלומכה לעולמי עד
[ ֯
[ק ]
֯
] 21
דברי ברכה למ]שכיל לברך[ את בני צדוק הכוהנים אשר
֯
22
ולהו֯ רותם
[חון כול משפטיו בתוך עמו ̇
בחר במ אל לחזק ברתו ] ֯
֯
23
אש]ר[
באמת] [ובצדק פקדו כול חוקיו ויתהלכו ̇כ ֯
֯
24כאשר צוה ויקימו
מכלוֿ ל הדר בתו]ך
25בחר יברככה אדוני מ]מעון קו[דשו וישימכה ֯
ומ ֯כ ֯ה ]
מק ֯
כהונת] עולם יח[דש לכה ויתנכה ] [ ̇
֯
26קדושים וברית
יש]פוט כול[ נדי֯ ]ב[ים וממזל שפתי֯ כה כול ]
27קודש ובמעשייכה ֯
יברך ]
֯
ועצת כול בשר לי֯ דכה
ינחילכה רשי֯ ֯ת] [ ים ֯
28עמים ֯
IV
וקדוש]י
̇
[ ֯אנו֯ ש
ירצה ו֯ ]
1ופע]מי רגל[יכה ֯
[אנוש ובתענו֯ ֯ג]ות
֯
ו[התערב לוֿ ו̇ כלי̇ ]ל
מנה ]אתו ֯
2יֿ ֯
עול[ם עטרת ̇רואשכה קו֯ ֯ד]ש [י֯ ̇דיכה וֿ ֯מ ]
֯
כות]
̇ 3ב ̇ר ֯
[חלח ]
֯
[שתיֿ ]
֯
לע ]
֯ 4
] 5
6-19
[ וֿ ֯ל ̇בחו֯ ן ]
] 20
לפ]
[ ֯ב לו ֯ע ֯
] 21
בכה]
֯
[בחר
֯
[כה ויצדיקכה מכול ̇ר ]
̇ ] 22
[
[ ו̇
270
Appendix F: Text of 1QSb
֯ב ֯ר ̇ת ֯בי֯ ֯דכה
[כה
23ו֯ ֯לשאת ברוש קדושים ועמכה ̇ל ֯ב]רך
לרעהו ואתה
[ ֯באיש ֯
שר ֯יד]
24אנשי עצת אל ולוא ביד ̇
ת[היה סביב משרת בהיכל
֯
קודש ֯ל ֯כבוד אלהי ֯צ ֯ב ֯א]ות
25כמלאך פנים במעון ̇
עול ֯ם ולכול קצי נצח כיא
ל[עת ֯
֯
יחד]
26מלכות ומפיל גורל עם מלאכי פנים ועצת ̇
למאור] [לתבל בדעת ולהאי֯ ר פני רבים
] 27אמת כול מ[שפטיו וישימכה קוד]ש[ ֯בעמו ו֯ ̇
תק[דש לו ותכבד שמוֿ וקודשיו
֯
יא]
ת[נזר ֯לקודש ̇קודשי֯ ̇ם ̇כ ̇
] 28
V
[...] 1
בדל ̇תה מ]ן
̇ 2ה ̇
הש]
יש ̇לו֯ א ̇
֯ 3
4רו̇ איכה מ]
5ו̇ חדש לכה]
6רוחוֿ עליכ]ה
[֯ ] 7לביו במ ]
[ ] 8ואדון]
[א ]
֯ ] 9
א[שר ֯מ ֯ל ̇א י֯ ]
֯
] 17
[עם כול קצי עד וכבודכה לוא יֿ ]
]
[ ] 18
פח ̇ד ̇כה ֯ע]ל [ כול שומעי שמעכה והדריכה]
]א[ל ̇
֯
19
הע ֯דה אשר]
למשכיל לברך את נשיא ֯
20
]גבור[תו
̇
21
יחדש לו להקים מלכות ֯ע ֯מו לעול]ם
וברית ֯הי֯ ֯חד ֯
֯
לפניו תמים בכול דר]כי אל
]א[רץ ולהתהלך ֯
֯
לע[נוי
֯
] 22ול[הו̇ כיח במי֯ ]שור
ב[צר ̇
֯ 23ולהקים ברי]ת
בחומה
מגדל ֯עו֯ ז֯ ֯
לדו֯ ֯ר ֯שי]הו [ ] [ אדוני לרום עולים ֯וכ ֯
א
תחריב ארץ וברוח שפתיכה
שבטכה ̇
֯
פי[כה ב
֯
[ בעז֯ ]
24נשגבה וה]
עצ[ה וגבורת עולם ̇רוח דעת ויראת אל והיה
רשע]ים
֯
̇ 25תמית
[ אז֯ ו֯ ר ח] [
26צדק אזו̇ ר]
רסו̇ תיכה נחושה
]ו[ישם קרניכה ברזל ו֯ ֯פ ̇
לשבט
̇
כטיט חוצות כיא אל הקימכה
̇
עמ[ים
כפ]ר
27תנכח ֯
28
יגברכה
יעובדוכה ובשם קודשו ̇
֯
וכול לא[ומים
לפ]ניכה
למושלים ̇
̇
]ק[ליכה עלי
֯
משי]ב[ ו֯ פרשו
[כה טרפ ואין ̇
אר]יה
29והייתה ̇כ ֯
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
271
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
Fulfillment Hypertextuality
Reprediction Hypertextuality
Other Hypertextuality (neither specifically of fulfillment nor of Reprediction)
The
Damascus
Document
Source
Hypertextual
Relationship
Scriptural Hypotext
Hypertext in D 427
שמעו אלי ידעי צדק
ועתה שמעו כל יודעי צדק
(CD)
1:1
Isa 51:7
Fulfillment
1:5-6 par.
Ezek 4:5
Fulfillment
Ezra 5:12
Fulfillment
1:7-8
Isa 60:21
Fulfillment
1:9 par.
Isa 59:10
Fulfillment
1:13-14
Hos 4:16
Fulfillment
1:14
Isa 28:14;
Reprediction
4QDa (4Q266)
2 i 10-11 par.
מאות-ימים שלש
ותשעים
6
שנים שלוש מאו֯ ת
ותשעים
4QDc (4Q268)
1 12-13
1:6 par.
4QDa (4Q266)
2 i 10-11 par.
-המו ביד נבוכדנצר מלך
בבל
אותם ביד נבוכדנאצר מלך
בבל
יירשו ארץ נצר מטעו
שורש מטעת לירוש
נגששה כעורים קיר
וכאין עינים נגששה
הם ויהיו כעורים
ימ�ששים
ְ וְ ִכֿ
כי כפרה סררה \ סרר
ישראל
̇כן סרר14 כפרה סורי̈ רה
ישרﭏ
אנשי לצון
איש הלצון
-וכמוצא מים אשר לא
יכזבו מימיו
מימי כזב
4QDc (4Q268)
1 13-14
4QDc (4Q268)
1 16
Prov 29:8 428
1:15
Isa 58:11;
Reprediction
427
The allusions and quotations are adapted from Lange and Weigold, Biblical Quotations and Allusions in Second
Temple Jewish Literature.
428
This allusion is not mentioned in ibid.
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
272
ויתעם בתוהו לא דרך
ויתעם בתהו לא-דרך
Fulfillment
להשח גבהות עולם
ושח גבהות האדם
Fulfillment
Isa 2:17
להשח גבהות עולם
שחו גבהות עולם
Fulfillment
Hab 3:6
ולסיע גבול אשר ראשנים
בנחלתם
לא תסחג גבול רעך
Fulfillment
Deut 19:14
אלות בריתו
ככל אלות הברית
Fulfillment
Deut
)29:19(20
לחרב נקמת נקם 18ברית
חרב נקמת נקם-ברית
Fulfillment
Lev 26:25
אשר דרשו בחלקות
במ ַה ַתלו֔ ת
ויבחרו ַ
דברו-לנו חלקות חזו
מהתלות
Fulfillment
Isa 30:10
בטוב וצואר
ואני עברתי על-טוב
צוארה
Fulfillment
Hos 10:11
ויצדיקו רשע וירשיעו צדיק
מצדיק רשע ומרשיע
צדיק
Fulfillment
Prov 17:15
ויעבירו ברית ויפי̈ רוּ חוק
כי-עברו תורת חלפו חק
הפרו ברית עולם
Fulfillment
Isa 24:5
1:20
אהב דעת
אהב מוסר אהב דעת
Reprediction
Prov 12:1
2:3
לאין שאירית 7ופליטה
לאין שארית ופליטה
Reprediction
Ezra 9:14
2:6-7 par.
ולמלא 12פני תבל מזרעם
ומלאו פני-תבל תנובה
Reprediction
Isa 27:6
2:11-12
Gen 6:1-7:24
2:17-21
;Job 12:24
1:15 par.
Ps 107(106):40
)4QDa (4Q266
2 i 18-19
1:15 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
2 i 19
1:15 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
2 i 19
1:16 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
2 i 19-20
1:17 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
2 i 20
1:17-18
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 2 i
21
1:18 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
2 i 21-22
1:19 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
2 i 22
1:19 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
2 i 22
)4QDa (4Q266
2 ii 6
18
בלכ ̇תם בשרירות
הנה ̇
לבם נפלו עידי השמים בה
נאחזו אשר לא שמרו
מצות אל 19ובניהם אשר
בהם וכהרים
כרום ארזים גָ ָ
גויותיהם כי נפלו
ויהי כי-החל האדם לרב
על-פני האדמה ובנות
ילדו להם וכ"ו
Other
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 2 ii
16-21 par.
)4QDe (4Q270
1 i 1-3
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
273
בהם וכהרים
כרום ארזים גָ ָ
גויותיהם כי נפלו
כגבה ארזים גבהו וחסן
Fulfillment
Amos 2:9
2:19
ויהיו כלא הי̇ ו̇
והיו כלוא היו
Fulfillment
Obad 16
2:20
עלו ורשו את
עלו ורשו את-הארץ
Other
Deut 9:23
3:7-8 par.
וירגנו באהליהם
ותרגנו באהליהם
Other
;Deut 1:27
אשר יעשה 16האדם וחיה
בהם
אשר יעשה אתם האדם
וחי בהם
)4QDd (4Q269
2 1-2
3:8
Ps 106 (105):25
Other
;Lev 18:5
Ezek 20:11,
13, 21; Neh
9:29
3:15-16
לנו היא
לנו היא
Fulfillment
Ezek 11:15
3:18
בית נאמן
בית נאמן
Reprediction
1 Sam 2:35
3:19
ובני 4:1
והלוים ̇
הכהנים ̇
צדוק אשר שמרו את
משמרת מקדשי בתעו֯ ת
̇
בני ישראל 2מעליהמ
יגישו לי חלב ו̇ דם
והכהנים הלוים בני צדוק
אשר שמרו את-משמרת
מקדשי בתעות בני-
ישראל מעלי המה יקרבו
אלי לשרתני ועמדו לפני
להקריב לי חלב ודם נאם
אדני יהוה:
Fulfillment
Ezek 44:15
3:20-4:2
ויצדיקו צדיק וירשיעו רשע
והצדיקו את-הצדיק
והרשיעו את-הרשע
אין עוד להשתפח לבית
יהודה
ונלוה הגר עליהם ונספחו
על-בית יעקב
נבנתה הגדר רחק החוק
יום לבנות גדריך יום
ההוא ירחק-חק
פחד ופחת ופח עליך יושב
הארץ
פחד ופחת ופח עליך
יושב הארץ
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 2 iii
19
and
Reprediction
Fulfillment
Deut 25:1
Fulfillment
Isa 14:1
4:11
Reprediction
Mic 7:11
4:12
Fulfillment
Isa 24:17
4:13-14
בוני החיץ
והוא בנה חיץ
Fulfillment
Ezek 13:10
4:19
הלכו אחרי צו
הלכי אחרי צו
Fulfillment
Hos 5:11
4:19
4:7 par.
)4QDe (4Q270
1 ii b 2
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
274
הלכו אחרי צו
כי צו לצו צו לצו...
הטף יטיפון
אל-תטפו יטיפון לא-
יטיפו
זכר ונקבה ברא אותם
זכר ונקבה ברא אתם
שנים שנים באו אל התבה
שנים שנים באו אל-נח
אל-התבה
לא ירבה לו נשים
ולא ירבה-לו נשים
מיום מות ﭏעזר 4ויהושע
ו
ויושע
ויהי אחרי הדברים
האלה וכ"ו
ויעלו מעשי דויד מלבד דם
אוריה
ויהי לתשובת השנה וכ"ו
ויעזבם לו אל
נתן אל-דוד גם-יהוה
העביר את-חטאתך
ושוכבים עם הרואה את
דם זובה
ואשה כי-תהיה זבה
ומשה אמר אל 9אחות
אמך לא תקרב שאר אמך
איש איש אל-כל-שאר
בשרו לא תקרבו וכ"ו
ואם תגלה בת האח את
ערות אחי 11אביה והיא
שאר
ערות אחי-אביך לא
תגלה אל-אשתו לא
תקרב דדתך הוא
כלם קדחי אש ומבערי
זיקות
הן כלכם קדחי אש
ומאזרי זינות
קורי 14עכביש קוריהם
וביצי צפעונים ביציהם
ביצי צפעוני בקעו וקורי
עכביש יארגו האכל
מביציהם ימות והזורה
תבקע אפעה וכ"ו
כי לא ַﬠם בינות הוא
כי לא עם-בינות הוא
Fulfillment
Isa 28:10, 13
4:19
Fulfillment
Mic 2:6
4:20
Other
Gen 1:27
4:21 par.
Other
Gen 7:9
5:1
Other
Deut 17:17
5:1-2
Other
Josh 24:2933
5:3-4
Other
2 Sam 11:127
5:5
Other
2 Sam 12:13
5:6
Fulfillment
Lev 15:19
5:7
Fulfillment
Lev 18:6, 13
5:8-9
Fulfillment
Lev 18:14
5:10-11
Fulfillment
Isa 50:11
5:13 par.
Fulfillment
Isa 59:5-6
Fulfillment
Isa 27:11
6QD (6Q15) 1
3
)4QDa (4Q266
3 ii 1 par. 6QD
(6Q15) 2 1
5:13-14
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 ii
1-2 par.
6QD (6Q15) 2
1-2
5:16 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
3 ii 4
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
275
הם גוי אבד עצות מאשר
אין בהם בינה
כי-גוי אבד עצות המה
ואין בהם תבונה
ותי̈ ַשׁם הארץ
ותשם ארץ
Fulfillment
דברו סרה
כי-דברו סרה
Fulfillment
)Deut 13:6(5
ויחפורו את הבאר באר
חופרוה שרים כרוה 4נדיבי
העם במחוקק
באר חפרוה שרים כרוה
נדיבי העם במחקק
Fulfillment
Num 21:18
מוציא כלי למעשיהו
ומוציא כלי למעשהו
Fulfillment
Isa 54:16
6:7-8
יורה הצדק
וירה צדק
Reprediction
Hos 10:12
6:11
ויהיו מסגירי 13הדלת אשר
אמר אל מי בכם יסגור
14
דלתו ולא תאירו מזבחי
חנם
מי גם-בכם ויסגר גלתים
ולא-תאירו מזבחי חנם
Fulfillment
Mal 1:10
6:12-14
ולגזול את עניי עמו להיות
אלמ]נו[ת שללם 17ואת
̇
יתומים ירצחו
להטות מדין דלים ולגזל
משפט עניי עמי להיות
אלמנות שללם ואת-
יתומים יבזו
Fulfillment
Isa 10:2
ולגזול את עניי עמו להיות
אלמ]נו[ת שללם 17ואת
̇
יתומים ירצחו
אלמנה וגר יהרגו
ויתומים ירצחו
Fulfillment
Ps 94(93):6
ולהבדיל בין הטמא וטהור
ולהודיע בין 18הקודש
לחול
ולהבדיל בין הקדש ובין
החל ובין הטמא ובין
הטהור
ולהבדיל בין הטמא וטהור
ולהודיע בין 18הקודש
את יום
לחול ולשמור ֯
השבת
כהניה חמסו תורתי
ויחללו קדשי בין-קדש
לחל לא הבדילו ובין-
הטמא לטהור לא הודיעו
ומשבתותי העלימו
עיניהם ואחל בתוכם
Fulfillment
Deut 32:28
Ezek 19:7
5:17 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
3 ii 4-5
5:21 par.
)4QDb (4Q267
2 5 par. 4QDd
(4Q269) 4 i 1
par. 6QD
(6Q15) 3 3
5:21 par.
)4QDb (4Q267
25
6:3-11
4QDa
par.
(4Q266) 3 ii
10-11 par.
)4QDb (4Q267
2 9-14
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 ii
18-19
6:16-17
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 ii
22-23
6:16-17
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 ii
22-23
Other
Lev 10:10
Fulfillment
Ezek 22:26
6:17-18
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 ii
23
6:17-18
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 ii
23
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
276
בין הטמא וטהור ולהודיע
בין 18הקודש לחול
ואת-עמי יורו בין קדש
לחל ובין-טמא לטהור
ידעם
את יום השבת
ולשמור ֯
שמור את-יום השבת
לקדשו כאשר צוך יהוה
אלהיך
הברית החדשה
הנה ימים באים נאם-
יהוה וכרתי את-בית
ישראל ואת-בית יהודה
ברית חדשה
לאהוב איש את אחיהו
ואהבת לרעך
ולהחזיק ביד עני ואביון וגר
ויד-עני ואביון לא
החזיקה
איש בשאר בשרו להזיר מן
הזונות
איש איש אל-כל-שאר
בשרו לא תקרבו לגלות
ערוה אני יהוה
איש את אחיהו כמצוה
ולא לנטור 3מיום ליום
ולהבדל מכל הטמאות
כמשפטם ולא ישקץ
לא-תשנא את-אחיך וכ"ו
ולהבדל מכל הטמאות
וכל הנבדל מטמאת גוי-
הארץ
Fulfillment
Ezek 44:23
Other
Deut 5:12
6:17-18
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 ii
23
6:18 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
3 ii 24
Jer 31(38):31
6:19
Reprediction
Lev 19:18
6:20-21
Other
Ezek 16:49
Fulfillment
par. 4QDd
(4Q269) 4 ii 2
6:21 par.
)4QDd (4Q269
4 ii 3 par. 6QD
(6Q15) 4 2
בין איש לאשתו ובין אב
לבנו
9
ליך ועל עמך ועל בית אביך
שר
שני בתי ישראל
Fulfillment
Lev 19:17-18
7:2-3 par.
)4QDd (4Q269
4 ii 5-6
בין איש לאשתו ובין ֯אב
לבנו
12באו מיום סור אפרים
מעל יהודה
Fulfillment
Lev 18:6
7:1
אלה החקים אשר צוה
יהוה את-משה בין איש
לאשתו בין-אב לבתו
בנעריה בית אביה
יביא יהוה עליך ועל-עמך
ועל-בית אביך ימים אשר
לא-באו למיום סור-
אפרים מעל יהודה את
מלך אשור
לשני בתי ישראל
Other
Ezra 6:21
Other
Num 30:17
7:3 par.
)4QDd (4Q269
4 ii 7
7:8-9 par.
CD B 19:5
Fulfillment
Fulfillment
Isa 7:17
Isa 8:14
7:10-12
7:12
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
277
והגליתי את סכות מלככם
15ואת כיון צלמיכם מאהלי
דמשק
והגליתי אתכם מהלאה
לדמשק
והימותי את סוכות דוד
הנפלת
ביום ההוא אקים את-
סכת דויד
דרך כוכב מיעקב וקם
שבט 20מישראל
דרך כוכב מיעקב וקם
שבט מישראל
שרי יהודה אשר תשפוך
עליהם העברה
היו שרי יהודה כמסיגי
גבול עליהם אשפוך
כמים עברתי
Fulfillment
Amos 5:27
Fulfillment
Amos 9:11
7:16
Fulfillment
Num 24:17
7:19-21
7:14-15
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 iii
18-19
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 iii
20-22
par. 4QDd
(4Q269) 5 2-4
יהודה ֯כמשגירי1
̇
היו שרי
כמי֯ ֯ם
16גבול עליהם אשפך ̇
עברה:
איש לאחיו ושנוא איש את
רעהו
לא-תשנא את-אחיך
Reprediction
Hos 5:10
8:3 par. CD
B 19:15-16
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 3 iii
25-iv 1
Reprediction
Lev 19:17-18
8:5-6 par.
CD B 19:18
וּשנ֔ א אי̇ ש
איש לאחיהו ֿ
את רעהו
חמת תנינים יינם 10וראש
פתנים אכזר
חמת תנינם יינם וראש
פתנים אכזר
Reprediction
Deut 32:33
8:9-12
par. CD B
19:21-24
חמת ̇ת ̇ני̇ נים י̇ ינם וראש
̇פתנים אכזר:
בוני החיץ
בנה חיץ
שוקל רוח ומטיף כזב הטיף
֯
להם אשר הרה אף אל
בכל עדתו
לו-איש הלך רוח ושקר
כזב אטף לך ליין ולשכר
והיה מטיף העם הזה
Reprediction
Ezek 13:10
Reprediction
Mic 2:11
8:12 par.
CD B 19:2425
8:13 par.
CD B 19:2526 429
ושקל ֜ס ֡פת סו֜ פו֔ ת ומטיף
אדם 26לכזב אשר חרה אף
אל בכל עדתו:
לא בצדקתך ובישר לבבך
אתה בא לרשת 15את
הגוים האלה כי מאהבתו
את אבותיך
בצדקתי הביאני יהוה
לרשת את-הארץ הזאת
וברשעת הגוים האלה
יהוה מורישם מפניך
Reprediction
Deut 9:5
8:14-15
par. CD B
19:27-28
Lange and Weigold only count CD B 19:25; however, the allusion extends to 26.
429
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
278
וביושר לבבך
̇
בצדקתך
לא ̇
אתה בא לרשת את הגוים
מאהבתו את
̇
האלה כי
̇ 28
אבותיך
ומשמרו את השבועה
ומשמרו את-השבעה
Reprediction
Deut 7:8
8:15-16
par. CD B
19:28-29
ומשמרו את השבועה:
סרו מדרך העם
ויסרני מלכת בדרך
העם-הזה
בוני החיץ
בנה חיץ
Reprediction
Isa 8:11
8:16
Reprediction
Ezek 13:10
8:18 par.
CD B 19:31
בוני החיץ
הזה הדבר אשר אמר
לברוך ̇בן נרייה
ירמיהו ֯
הדבר אשר דבר ירמיהו
הנביא אל-ברוך בן-נריה
ואלישע 21לגחז̇ י̇ נערו
אלישע...גחזי...
בברית החדשה
̇ב ֯או֯ ̇ב ̇ב ̇רי̇ ת 34החדשה
הנה ימים באים נאם-
יהוה וכרתי את-בית
ישראל ואת-בית יהודה
ברית חדשה
יחרים אדם
כל אדם אשר ̇
מאדם בחוקי הגוים להמית
הוא
כל-חרם אשר יחרם מן-
האדם לא יפדה מות
יומת
יחרים אדם
כל אדם אשר ̇
מאדם בחוקי הגוים להמית
הוא
ולא תלכו בחקת הגוי
אשר-אני משלח מפניכם
כי את-כל-אלה עשו
ואקץ בם
לא תקום ולא תטור את
בני עמך
לא-תקם ולא-תטר את-
בני עמך ואהבת לרעך
כמוך אני יהוה
נוקם הוא לצריו ונוטר הוא
לאויביו
אל קנוא ונקם יהוה נקם
יהוה ובעל המה נקם
יהוה לצריו ונוטר הוא
לאיביו
Reprediction
Jer 45:1
)(51:31
8:20-21
Reprediction
2 Kgs 5:25-27
8:20-21
Fulfillment
Jer 31(38):31
8:21 par.
CD B 19:3334
Reprediction
Lev 27:28-29
Reprediction
Lev 20:23
Reprediction
Lev 19:18
Reprediction
Nah 1:2
9:1 par.
4QDa
)(4Q266
8 ii 8-9 par.
4QDe
(4Q270) 6 iii
16
9:1 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
8 ii 8-9 par.
4QDe
(4Q270) 6 iii
16
9:2 par.
)4QDa (4Q266
8 ii 10 par.
4QDe
(4Q270) 6 iii
16-17
9:5 par.
)4QDe (4Q270
6 iii 19
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
279
לו הוכח 8תוכיח את רעיך
ולא תשא עליו חטא
לא-תשנא את-אחיך
בלבבך הוכח תוכיח את-
אמיתך ולא-תשא עליו
חטא
והשומע אם יודע הוא ולא
יגיד ואשם
ונפש כי-תחטא ושמעה
קול אלה והוא עד או
ראה או ידע אם-לא יגיד
ונשא עונו
כל אשם מושב אשר אין
בעלים והתורה המישב
לכהן 14והיה לו לבד מאיל
האשם
ואם-אין לאיש גאל
להשיב האשם אליו
האשם המושב ליהוה
לכהן מלבד איל הכפרים
אשר יכפר-בו עליו
יקוב ̇ל 101עוד
̇
ואל
לשופטים להמית ̇על פיהו
על-פי שנים עדים או
שלשה עדים יומת המת
לא יומת על-פי עד אחד
אשר לא מלאו ימיו לעבור
2על הפקודים ירא את אל
כל העבד על-הפקדים
מבן עשרים שנה ומעלה
יתן תרומת יהוה
שמור את 17יום השבת
לקדשו
שמור את-יום השבת
לקדשו כאשר צוך יהוה
אלהיך
אל יתהלך איש בשדה
לעשות את עבודת חפצו
אם-תשיב משבת רגלך
עשות חפציך ביום קדשי
וקראת לשבת ענג
לקדוש יהוה מכבד
וכבדתו מעשות דרכיך
ממצוא חפצך ודבר דבר
אל ירם את ידו להכותה
באגרוף
הן לריב ומצה תצומו
ולהכות באגרף רשע לא-
תצומו כיום להשמיע
במרום קולכם
לעשות את חפצו ביום
השבת
אל יוציא איש מן הבית
להוץ ומן החוץ אל בית
8
ולא-תוציאו משא
מבתיכם ביום השבת
Reprediction
Lev 19:17
Reprediction
Lev 5:1
9:12
Reprediction
Num 5:8
9:13-14
Reprediction
Deut 17:6
9:2310:1 par.
Reprediction
Exod 30:14
Reprediction
Deut 5:12
10:16-17
Reprediction
Isa 58:13
10:20-21
9:7-8 par.
)4QDb (4Q267
9 i 2-3 par.
)4QDe (4Q270
6 iv 1 par.
5QD (5Q12) 1
2
)4QDe (4Q270
6 iv 13
10:1-2
par. 4QDe
(4Q270) 6 iv
14
par. 11:2
Reprediction
Isa 58:4
Reprediction
Jer 17:2111 430
11:6 par.
)4QDf (4Q271
5i3
11:7-8
par. 4QDe
(4Q270) 6 v
13 par.
430
Lange and Weigold list Exod 16:29 as the allusion, although it seems more likely that D alludes to Jeremiah
here.
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
280
וכל-מלאכה לא תעשו
וקדשתם את-יום השבת
כאשר צויתי את-
אבותיכם
מלבד שבתותיכם
מלבד שבתת יהוה וכ"ו
זבח 21רשעים תועבה
ותפלת צדקם כמנחת רצון
זבח רשעים תועבת יהוה
ותפלת ישרים רצונו
כמשפט האוב והידעוני
ישפט
ואיש או-אשה כי-יהוה
בהם אוב או ידעני מות
יומתו באבן ירגמו אתם
דמיהם בם
להבדיל בין 20הטמא
וטהור ולהודיע בין הקודש
לחול
ולהבדיל בין הקדש ובין
החל ובין טמא ובין
הטהור
)4QDf (4Q271
5i4
Reprediction
Lev 23:38
Reprediction
Prov 15:8
Reprediction
Lev 20:27
12:3
Reprediction
Lev 10:10
12:19-20
11:18 par.
)4QDe (4Q270
6 v 20-21 par.
)4QDf (4Q271
5 i 12
למועט
̇
עד עשרה אנשים
לאלפים ומיאיות וחמשים
ועשרות
2
...ושמת עלהם שרי
אלפים שרי מאות שרי
חמשים ושרי עשרת
על 3פיהו ישקו̇ כולם
ועל-פיך ישק כל-עמי
וירחם עליהם כאב לבניו
כרחם אב על-בנים רחם
יהוה על-יראיו
יתר כל חרצובות קשריהם
לב ̇לתי ֯הי̇ ות עשוק ורצוץ
֯
בעדתו
הלוא זה צום אבחרהו
פתח חרצבות רשע התר
אגדות מוטה ושלח
רצוצים חפשים וכל-
מוטה תנתקו
אש ̇ר ̇ל ̇א באו ̇מי̇ ו̇ ̇ם סור
̇
אפרים מעל יהודה
...אשר לא-באו למיום
סור-אפרים מעל
יהודה...
להנצילם מכל מוקשי שחת
ונענשו֯
̇
כי ̇פתאום
ערום ראה רעה ונסתר
ופתיים עברו ונענשו
11:20-21
par. 4QDf
(4Q271) 5 i
14
;Ezek 22:26
Ezek 44:23
Reprediction
& Exod 18:21
25
par. 4QDa
(4Q266) 9 ii
6-7
13:1-2
Deut 1:15
Reprediction
Gen 41:40
13:2-3
Reprediction
Ps
103(102):13
13:9
Reprediction
Isa 58:6
13:10
Reprediction
Isa 7:17
14:1 par.
Reprediction
Prov 22:3
14:2 par.
Prov 27:12
)4QDb (4Q267
9 v 5-6
)4QDa (4Q266
9 iii 17-18
par.
)4QDb (4Q267
9 v 2-4 par.
)4QDd (4Q269
10 ii 6-7
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
281
]יתו[מים
̇
֯מ ֯מנ̇ ו֯ יתנו בעד
וממנו יחזיקו ביד עני
̇
ו̇ אביון
ולבנותיה ויד-עני ואביון
לא החזיקה
ו̇ ̇א ̇ם י̇ ̇ש ̇ב ̇ע ו̇ עבר וחלל את
השם
ולא-תשבעו בשמי לשקר
וחללת את-שם אלהיך
אני יהוה
והב ̇א ̇ב ̇ב ̇רית לכל ישראל
̇
לחוק עולם את בניהם
אשר יגי̇ עו ̇ 6ל ֯ע ̇בו̇ ̇ר על
֯
הפקודים בשבועת הברית
יקימו עליהם
כל העבר על-הפקדים בן
עשרים שנה ומעלה יתן
תרומת יהוה
עמכם ̇ב ̇רי̇ ̇ת ו̇ עם כל
ישראל
כרתי אתך ברית ואת
ישראל
מוצא שפתיך 7תשמור
להקים
מוצא שפתיך תשמר
ועשית
]ע[ל שבועת האשה אשר
֯
אמ]ר לאיש[ה להניא את
שבועתה אל 11יניא איש
]י[דענה
֯
לא
שבועה אשר ֯
̇ה ̇ם להקים היא ואם
להניא 12אם לעבור ברית
יקימנה
̇
היא י̇ ̇ניאה ואל
וכן המשפט לאביה
ואם-היו תהיה לאיש
וכ"ו
Reprediction
Ezek 16:49
14:14
Reprediction
Lev 19:12
15:3
Reprediction
Exod 30:14
15:5-6
Reprediction
Exod 34:27
16:1 par.
Reprediction
Deut
)23:24(23
Reprediction
Num 30:7-9,
14
16:10-12
Reprediction
Num 30:4-6
16:12
Reprediction
Mic 7:2
16:15 par.
Reprediction
Lev 27:16
16:16-17
Reprediction
Deut 7:9
19:1-2
)4QDf (4Q271
4 ii 3
16:6-7
par. 4QDe
(4Q270) 6 ii
19 par.
)4QDf (4Q271
4 ii 7-8
אם לעבור ברית היא י̇ ̇ניאה ואשה כי-תדר נדר ליהוה
וכ"ו
יקימנה וכן המשפט
̇
ואל
לאביה
עיהו֯ י̇ ֯צ]ו[דו
איש ̇א ̇ת ֯ר ̇
חרם
חבד חסיד מן-הארץ
וישר באדם אין כלם
לדמים יארבו איש את-
אחיהו יצודו חרם
מכל ]
̇
יקד ֯ש ֯אי֯ ̇ש
̇
...יקדיש איש וכ"ו
נאמנות להם לחיותם
אלפי̇ ֯דו̇ ̇רו̇ ת :ככ שומר
̇ל ̇
2
הברית והחסד לא�בֿ
מצוֿ תי לﭏף דו̇ ̇ר:
ולשמרי ֿ
הנאמן שמר הברית
והחסד לאהביו ולשמרי
מצותיו לאלף דוד
)4QDf (4Q271
4 ii 14-15
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
282
הרב עורי על 8רועי ועל
גבר עמיתי נ֜ אם ﭏ הך את
֜
9
הרעה ותפוצינה הצאן
הצו̇ ̇ע ̇רים:
ידי ̇על ̇
השי̇ ̇בו̇ תי ̇
ו̇ ̇
חרב עורי על-רעי ועל-
גבר עמיתי נאם יהוה
צבאות הך את-הרעה
ותפוצין הצאן והשבתי
ידי על-הצערים
הם עניי הצאן
עניי הצאן
והתו̇ י להתות התיו על
מצחות נאנחים ונאנקים
והתוית תו על-מצחות
האנשים הנאנחים
והנאנקים
הס�רו֜ לחרב
והנשארים ֜
̇
נוקמת נקם ברית:
והבאתי עליכם חרב
נקמת נקם-ברית
ושונא ומתעב ﭏ
שקר שנאתי ואתעבה
ו֯ יָ סו֜ רו֜ מבאר מים ̇החיים:
כי עזבו מקור מים-חיים
את-יהוה
הוא האיש הנתך בתוך
כור:
ונתכתם בתוכה
Reprediction
למודי אל
וכל-בניך למודי יהוה
Reprediction
Isa 54:13
אנשי הלצון
לכן שמעו דבר-יהוה
אנשי לצון משלי העם
הזה אשר בירושלם
Reprediction
Isa 28:14
20:11
ברית החדשה:
הנה ימים באים נאם-
יהוה וכרתי את-בית
ישראל ואת-בית יהודה
ברית חדשה
Jer 31(38):31
20:12
14
האסף יו֔ ̈רה הי֯ חיד
̇
ומיו̇ ֯ם
לחמה
֯
המ
עד ֔תם כל אנשי ̇
שבו֜ ֯ 15עם איש הכזב
̇א ̇שר ֡
כשני̇ ם ארבעים:
̇
כי ארבעים שנה הלכו
בני-ישראל במדבר עד-
תם כל-גוי אנשי
המלחמה היצאים
ממצרים אשר לא-שמעו
בקול יהוה אשר נשבע
יהוה להם לבלתי
הראותם את-הארץ
אשר נשבע יהוה
לאבותם לתת לנו ארץ
Josh 5:6
20:13-15
Reprediction
Zech 13:7
19:7-9
Reprediction
Zech 11:11
19:9
Fulfillment
Ezek 9:4
19:11-12
Fulfillment
Lev 26:25
19:13
Reprediction
Ps 119(118):163
19:31
Reprediction
Jer 17:13
19:34
Ezek 22:2122
20:3
20:4
Fulfillment
Reprediction
Appendix G: Hypertextuality in D
283
זבת חלב ודבש
אין ̇מ ̇ל ̇ך ו̇ אין שר
אין מלך ואין שר
17
מוכיח
̇
ואי֯ ן֯
ואין שופט ֯
בצדק
ושפט בצדק דלים
והוכיח במישור לענוי-
ארץ
ושבי פשע י֯ ֯ע ֯ק ֯ב
ובא לציון גואל ולשבי
פשע ביעקב נאם יהוה
יה ֯ם
אל ̇אל ֯ד ֯ב ֯ר ֯
ויקשב ֯ 18
̇
וישמ ֯ע וי̇ ̇כ ̇תב ֯ס ֯פ ̇ר ז֯ ֯כרון֯
̇
20
ושבי
יראי֯ ֯א ̇ל ֯ול ֯ח ̇
֯ל ֯פ ֯ני֯ ו֯ ̇ל ֯
̇שמו֯
אז נדברו יראי יהוה איש
את-רעהו ויקשב יהוה
וישמע ויכתב ספר זכרון
לפניו ליראי יהוה
ולחשבי שמו
צדיק ושבתם וראיתם בין צדיק
̇
ו֯ ֯ש ֯ב ֯ת ֯ם ו֯ ֯ר ֯אי֯ ֯ת ֯ם ֯בין
לרשע בין עבד אלהים
עבד ֯אל לאשר
֯
21ורשע בין
לאשר לא עבדו
עב ̇דו̇ :
לא ̇
ו֯ ֯ע ֯ש ֯ה ֯ח ֯ס ֯ד ֯ל ֯א ֯ל ֯פי֯ ֯ם
̇ל ̇א ̇הביו ̇ 22ול ̇שמריו לאלף
דור:
̇
ועשה חסד לאלפים
לאהבי ולשמרי מצותי
֯כ ֯בו֯ ̇ד אל לישראל יכרתו
עמהם כל
נה ו֯ ֯
מק ֯ר ֯ב ̇ה ̇מ ֯ח ֯
̇
מר ֯ש ̇יעי
֯
עד-תם כל-הדור אנשי
המלחמה מקרב המחנה
כאשר נשבע יהוה להם
Fulfillment
Hos 3:4
20:16
Fulfillment
Isa 11:4
20:16-17
Reprediction
Isa 59:20
20:17
Reprediction
Mal 3:16
20:18-20
Reprediction
Mal 3:18
20:20-21
Reprediction
Exod 20:6 par.
20:21-22
Deut 5:10; Deut
7:9
Reprediction
Deut 2:14-15
20:26
Appendix H: Text of CD
284
Appendix H: Text of CD
Sigla: 431
֗ = essentially certain reading of a damaged characterא
֯ = uncertain reading of a damaged characterא
ִ֗ = deletion by scribeא
° = illegible character
= uncertain whether yod/waw; mem/mem sofit; kaf/kaf sofitי ֿ ו ֿ ֿ :מ ֿם :כֿ ֿך
) = hypertextuality (fulfillmentא
) = hypertextuality (Repredictionא
) = other hypertextuality (neither specifically of fulfillment nor of Repredictionא
)I (MS A
1ועתה שמעו כל יודעי צדק ובינו במעשי
2אל כי ריב לו עם כל בשר ומשפט יעשה בכל מנ̇ ̈א ֡ציו
3כי במועלם אשר עזבוהו הסתיר פניו מישראל וממקדשו
4ויתנם לחרב ובזכרו ברית ראשנים השאיר שאירית
5לישראל ולא נתנם לכלה ובקץ חרון שנים שלוש מאו֯ ת
6ותשעים לתיתּו אותם ביד נבוכדנאצר מלך בבל
7פקדם ויצמח מישראל ומאהרון שורש מטעת לירוש
8את ארצו ולדשן בטוב אדמתו ויבינו בעונם יֵ דעו כי
ימ�ששים דרך
אּנּשּיּם אשיֵ מיִ ם הם ויהיו כעורים וְ ִכֿ ְ
ּ
9
̈
ָ 10שנים עשרים ויבן ֵאל ֶאל מעשיהם כי בלב ֡שלם דרשוהו
ויקם להם מורה צדק להדריכם בדרך לבו ויודע
ְ 11
12לדורות אחרונות את אשר עשה בדור אחרון בעדת בוגדים
13הם סרי דרך היא העת אשר היה כתוב עליה כפרה סורי̈ רה
̇ 14כן סרר ישרﭏ בעמוד איש הלצון אשר הטיף לישראל
15מימי כזב ויתעם בתוהו לא דרך להשח גבהות עולם ולסור
16מנתיבות צדק ולסיע גבול אשר ראשנים בנחלתם למען
17הדבק בהם ̇את אלות בריתו להסגירם לחרב נקמת נקם
במ ַה ַתלו֔ ת ויצפו
18ברית בעבור אשר דרשו בחלקות ויבחרו ַ
19לפרצות ויבחרו בטוב וצואר ויצדיקו רשע וירשיעו צדיק
צדיק ובכל הולכי
20ויעבירו ברית ויפי̈ רוּ חוק וַ יָ גודּוּ על נפש ̇
"The present transcription is taken from Baumgarten and Schwartz, "Damascus Document (CD).
431
285
21תמים תעבה נפשם וירדפוּם לחרב ויָ ִסיסוּ לריב ְﬠם ויחד אף
)II (MS A
1אל בעדתם להשם את כל המונם ומעשיהם לנדה לפניו
2ועתה שמעו אלי כל באי ברית ואגלה אזנכם בדרכי
3רשעים אל אהב דעת חכמה ותושייה הציב לפניו
4ערמה ודעת הם ישרתוהו ארך אפים עמו ורוב סליחות
5לכפר בעד שבי פשע וכוח וגבורה וחמה גדולה בלהבי אש
6בי כל מלאכי חבל על סררי דרך ומתעבי חק לאין שאירית
7ופליטה למו כי לא בחר אל בהם מקדם עולם ובטרם נוסדו ידע
8את מעשיהם ויתעב את דורות ]ע[מדם ויסתר את פניו מן הארץ
9מי עד תומם וידע את שני מעמד ומספר ופרוש קציהם לכל
10הוי עולמים ונהיית עד מה יבוא בקציהם לכל שני עולם
11ובכולם הקים לו קריאי שם למען ִהתיִ ר פליטה לארץ ולמלא
12פני תבל מזרעם ויודיעם ביד משיחו רוח קדשו וחוזי̇
13אמת ובפרוש שמו שמותיהם ואת אשר שנא התעה
14ועתה בנים שמעו לי ואגלה עיניכם לראות ולהבין במעשי
15אל ולבחור את אשר רצה ולמאוס כאשר שנא להתהלך תמים
16בכל דרכיו ֔ולא ֡לתו̇ ר במחשבות יצר אשמה ועני זנות כי רבים
בלכ ̇תם בשרירות
17תעו בם וגבורי חיל נכשלו בם מלפנים ועד הנה ̇
18לבם נפלו עידי השמים בה נאחזו אשר לא שמרו מצות אל
בהם וכהרים גויותיהם כי נפלו
19ובניהם אשר כרום ארזים גָ ָ
20כל בשר אשר היה בחרבה כי גוע ויהיו כלא הי̇ ו̇ בעשותם את
21רצונם ולא שמרו את מצות עשיהם עד אשר חרה אפו בם
)III (MS A
כרתיִ ם
1בהּ תעי בני̇ נח ומשפחותי֯ הם בה הם נִ ָ
בש ̇מרו מצות אל ולא בחר
2אברהם לא הלך בה ויע]ל או[הב ̇
וישמרוּ ויכתבו אוהבים
֔
3ברצון רוחו וימסור לישחק ולחעקב
4ללא ובעלי ברית לעולם בני יעקב תעו בם ויענשו לפני
5משגותם ובניהם במצרים הלכו בשרירות לבם להיעץ על
6מצות אל ולעשות איש הישר בעיניו ויאכלו את הדם ויכרת
7זכורם במדבר להם בקדש עלו ורשו את רוחם ולא שמעו
8לקול ֔עש ֺי̈ ְדם מצות יוריהם וירגנו באהליהם ויחר אף אל
9בעדתם ובניהם בו֔ ָאבדו ומלכיהם בו נכרתו וגיבוריהם בו
10אבדו וארצם בו שממה בו חבו באי הברית הראשנים ויסגרו
שרירות
̇
11לחרב בעזבם את ברית אל ויבחרו ברצונם ויתורו אחרי
12לבם לעשות איש את רצונו ובמחזיקים במצות אל
13אשר נותרו מהם הקים אל את בריתו לישראל עד עולם לגלות
14להם נסתרות אשר תעו בם כל חשראל שבתות קדשו ומועדי
15כבודו עידות צדקו ודרכי אמתו וחפצי רצונו אשר יעשה
16האדם וחיה בהם פתח לפניהם ויחפרו באר למים רבים
בפשע אנוש ובדרכי נדה
17ומואסיהם לא יחיה והם התגוללו ֯
Appendix H: Text of CD
286
ויאמרו̇ כי לנו היא ואל ברזי פלאו כפר בעד עונם וישא לפשעם
֯
18
19ויבן להם בית נאמן בישראל אשר לא עמד כמהו למלפנים ועד
20הנה המחזיקים בו לחיי נצח וכל כבוד אדם להם הוא כאשר
ובני̇
והלוים ̇
21הקים אל להם ביד יחזקאל הנביא לאמר הכהנים ̇
)IV (MS A
משמרת מקדשי בתעו֯ ת בני ישראל
̇
1צדוק אשר שמרו את
הכהנים הם שבי ישראל
̇
2מעליהמ יגישו לי חלב ו̇ דם
3היוצאים מארץ יהודה והנלוים עמהם ובני צדוק הם בחירי
4ישראל קריאי השם העמדים באחרים הימים הנה פרוש
5שמותיהם לתולדותם וקץ מעמדם ומספר צרותיהם ושני
6התגוררם ופירוש מעשיהם הקודש שונים אשר כפר
7אל בעדם ויצדיקו צדיק וירשיעו רשע וכל הבאים אחריהם
8לעשות כפרוש התורה אשר אשר התוסרו בו הראשנים עד שלים
9הקץ השנים האלה כברית אשר הקים אל לראשנים לכפר
10על עונותיהם כן יכפר אל בעדם ובשלום הקץ למספר השנים
11האלה אין עוד להשתפח לבית יהודה כי אם לעמוד איש על
12מצודו נבנתה הגדר רחק החוק ובכל השנים האלה יהיה
13בליעל משולח בישראל כאשר דבר אל ביד ישעיה הנביא בן
14אמוץ לאמר פחד ופחת ופח עליך יושב הארץ פשרו
15שלושת מצודות בליעל אשר אמר עליהם לוי בן יעקב
16אשר הוא תפש בהם בישראל ויתנם פניהם לשלושת מיני
17הצדק הראשונה היא הזנות השנית ההין השלישית
18טמא המקדש העולה מזה יתפש בזה והניצל מזה יתפש
̇ 19
בזה בוני החיץ אשר הלכו אחרי צו הצו הוא מטיף
20אשר ̇אמר הטף יטיפון הם ניתפשים בשתים בזנות לקחת
21שתי נשים בחייהם ויסוד הבריאה זכר ונקבה ברא אותם
)V (MS A
1ובאי התבה שנים שנים באו אל התבה ועל הנשיא כתוב
2לא ירבה לו נשים ודויד לא קרא בספר התורה החתום אשר
3היה בארון כי לא ּ
נּפּחתּ נפתח בישראל מיום מות ﭏעזר
4ויהושע ויושעו והזקנים אשר עבדו את העשתרת ויטמון
5נגלה עד עמוד צדוק ויעלו מעשי דויד מלבד דם אוריה
6ויעזבם לו אל וגם מטמאים הם את המקדש אשר אין הם
7מבדיל כתורה ושוכבים עם הרואה את דם זובה ולוקחים
8איש את בת ̇אחי̇ ו ּם ואת בת אחותו ומשה אמר אל
9אחות אמך לא תקרב שאר אמך היא ומשפט העריות לזכרים
10הוא כתוב וכהם הנשים ואם תגלה בת האח את ערות אחי
11אביה והיא שאר וגם את רוח קדשיהם טמאו ובלשון
ותועבה
̇
ִ 12גדופים פתחו פה על חוקי ברית אל לאמר לא נכונו
̇
13הם
מדברים בם כלם קדחי אש ומבערי זיקות קורי
14עכביש קוריהם וביצי צפעונים ביציהם הקרוב אליהם
Appendix H: Text of CD
287
15לא ינקה כהר ביתו יאשם כי אם נלחץ כי אם למילפנים פקד
16אל את מ]ע[שיהם ויחר אפו בעלילותיהם כי לא ַﬠם בינות הוא
17הם גוי אבד עצות מאשר אין בהם בינה כי מלפנים עמד
18משה ואהרן ביד שר האורים ויקם בליעל את יחנה ואת
19אחיהו במזמתו בהושע ישראל את הראשונה
20ובקץ חרבן הארץ עמדו מסיגי הגבול ויתעו את ישרﭏ
21ותי̈ ַשׁם הארץ כי דברו סרה על מצו֔ ת אל ביד משה וגם
)VI (MS A
אחר
1במשיחוֿ ) ( הקודש וינבאו שקר להשיב את ישראל ֵמ ֯
ויקם מאהרן נבונים ומישראל
2אל ויזכר אל ברית ראשנים ֵ
3חכמים וישמי̇ עם ויחפורו את הבאר באר חופרוה שרים כרוה
4נדיבי העם במחוקק הבאר היא התורה וחופריה הם
5שבי ישראל היוצאים מארץ יהודה ויגוּרוּ בארץ דמשק
6אשר קרא אל ֵאת כולם שרים כי דרשוהו ולא הושבה
7פארתם בפי אחד והמחוקק הוא דורש התורה אשר
8אמר ישעיה מוציא כלי למעשיהו ונדיבי העם הם
9הבאים לכרות את הבאר במחוקקות אשר חקק המחוקק
10להתהלך בהם בכל קץ הרשיע וזולתם לא ישיגו עד עמד
11יורה הצדק באחרית הימים וכל אשר הובאו בברית
12לבלתי בוא אל המקדש להאיר מזבחו חנם ויהיו מסגירי
13הדלת אשר אמר אל מי בכם יסגור דלתו ולא תאירו מזבחי
14חנם אם לא ישמרו לעשות כפרוש התורה לקץ הרשע ולהבדל
15מבני השחת ולהנזר מהון הרשעה הטמא בנדר ובחרם
אלמ]נו[ת שללם
̇
16ובהון המקדש ולגזול את עניי עמו להיות
17ואת יתומים ירצחו ולהבדיל בין הטמא וטהור ולהודיע בין
את יום השבת כפרושה ואת המועדות
18הקודש לחול ולשמור ֯
כמצאת באי הברית החדשה בארץ דמשק
֯
19ואת יום התענית
20להרים את הקדשים כפירושיהם לאהוב איש את אחיהו
21כבהו ולהחזיק ביד עני ואביון וגר ולדרוש איש את שלום
)VII (MS A
1אחיהו ולא ימעל איש בשאר בשרו להזיר מן הזונות
2כמשפט להוכיח איש את אחיהו כמצוה ולא לנטור
3מיום ליום ולהבדל מכל הטמאות כמשפטם ולא ישקץ
4איש את רוח קדשיו כאשר הבדיל אל להם כל המתהלכים
5באלה בתמים קדש על פי כל יסורו ברית אל נאמנות להם
6לחיותם אלף דוד ואם מחנות ישבו כסרך הארץ ולקחו
7נשים והולידו בנים והתהלכו על פי התורה וכמשפט
8היסורים כסרך התורה כאשר אמר בין איש לאשתו ובין אב
9לבנו וכל המואסים בפקד אל את הארץ להשיב גמול רשעים
10עליהם בבוא הדבר אשר כתוב בדברי ישעיה בן אמוץ הנביא
11אשר אמר יבוא עליך ועל עמך ועל בית אביך ימים אשר
Appendix H: Text of CD
288
12באו מיום סור אפרים מעל יהודה בהפרד שני בתי ישראל
13שר אפרים מעל יהודה וכל הנסוגים הוסגרו לחרב והחזיקים
14נמלטו לארץ צפון כאשר אמר והגליתי את סכות מלככם
15ואת כיון צלמיכם מאהלי דמשק ספרי התורה הם סכות
16המלך כאשר אמר והימותי את סוכות דוד הנפלת המלך
17הוא הקהל וכינניי הצלמים וכיון הצלמים הם ספרי הנביאים
18אשר בזה ישראל את דבריהם והכוכב הוא דורש התורה
19הבא דמשק כאשר כתוב דרך כוכב מיעקב וקם שבט
20מישראל השבט הוא נשיא כל העדה ובעמדו וקרקר
21את כל בני שת אלה מלטו בקץ הפקודה הראשון
)VIII (MS A
והנסוגים הסגירו לחרב וכן משפט כל באי בריתו אשר
֯ 1
2לא יחזיקו באלה לפוקדם לכלה ביד בליעל הוא היום
3אשר יפקד אל הין שרי יהודה אשר תשפוך עליהם העברה
4כי יחלו למרפא וידקמום כל מורדים מאשר לא סר מדרך
5בוגדים ויתגוללו בדרכי זונות ובהון רשעה ונקום וני̇ טור
6איש לאחיו ושנוא איש את רעהו ויתעלמו איש בשאר בשרו
ויתגברו להין ולבצע ויעשו איש הישר בעיניו
̇
7ויגשו לזמה
8ויבחרו איש בשרירות לבו ולא נזרו מעם ויפרעו ביד רמה
9ללכת בדרך רשעים אשר אמר אל עליהם חמת תנינים יינם
10וראש פתנים אכזר התנינים הם מלכי העמים ו֯ י̇ י̇ נם הוא
̇
11
דרכיהם וראש הפתנים הוא ראש מלכי יון הבא לעשות
12בהם נקמה ובכל אלה לא הבינו בוני החיץ וטחי התפל כי
שוקל רוח ומטיף כזב הטיף להם אשר הרה אף אל בכל עדתו
֯ 13
14ואשר אמר משה לא בצדקתך ובישר לבבך אתה בא לרשת
15את הגוים האלה כי מאהבתו את אבותיך ומשמרו את השבועה
16וכן המשפט לשבי ישראל סרו מדרך העם באהבת אל את
לה ֯ם
17הראשנים אשר הועירו אחריו אהב את הבאים אחריהם כי ̇
18ברית האבות ובשונאו את בוני החיץ חרה אפו וכמשפט
19הזה לכל המואס במצות אל ויעזבם ויפנו בשרירות לבם
לברוך ̇בן נרייה ואלישע
20הזה הדבר אשר אמר ירמיהו ֯
דמשק
֯
21לגחז̇ י̇ נערו כל האנשים אשר באו בברית החדשה בארץ
)XIX (MS B
והחסד
̇
אלפי̇ ֯דו̇ ̇רו̇ ת :ככ שומר הברית
1נאמנות להם לחיותם ̇ל ̇
כֿס ̇רך
מצוֿ תי לﭏף דו̇ ̇ר :ואם מחנות י̈ ֿשבֿו ̇
2לא�בֿ ולשמרי ֿ
והו֯ ̇לידו בנים
3הארץ ̇אשר היה מקדם ולקחו נשים כמנהג התורה ̇
כסר ֯ך התו̇ ֯ר ̇ה
֯
4ו̇ י̇ תהלכו על פי התורה :וכמשפט היסודים
המאסים במצות
̇
5כאשר אמר בין איש לאשתו ובין ֯אב לבנו וכל
גמול רשעים עליהם בפקד אל את הארץ
6ובחקים להשיב ̇
̇
7בבוא
הדב ̇ר אשר כתוב ביד זכרי֯ ה הנביא הרב עורי על
גבר עמיתי נ֜ אם ﭏ הך את הרעה ותפוצינה הצאן
8רועי ועל ֜
Appendix H: Text of CD
289
הצו̇ ̇ע ̇רים :והשומרים אותו הם עניי הצאן
ידי ̇על ̇
השי̇ ̇בו̇ תי ̇
9ו̇ ̇
לה י̇ ֯מ ̇לטו בקץ הפקדה והנשארים ימסרו לחרב בבוא משיח
̇ 10א ̇
)יחזקאל(
֯
11אהרן וישראל :כאשר היה בקץ פקדת הראשון אשר אמר
֯
12ביד
יחזקאל והתו̇ י להתות התיו על מצחות נאנחים ונאנקים
13
באי̇
הס�רו֜ לחרב נוקמת נקם ברית :וכן משפט לכל ̇
והנשארים ֜
̇
בריתו אשר לא יחזיקו באלה החקים לפקדם לכלה ביד בליעל
̇
14
יהודה ֯כמשגירי
̇
�בר היו שרי
כֿא ̇שר ̇
פקד ﭏ ̇
15הוא היום ̇א ̇שר י̇ ֔
תשובה
̇
כמי֯ ֯ם עברה :כי באו ̇ב ֯או̇ בברית
16גבול עליהם אשפך ̇
17ולא סרו מדרך בו֯ ̇גדים והתגללו בדרכי זנות ובהון הרשעה
וּשנ֔ א אי̇ ש את רעהו ויתעלמו איש
18ונקום ונטור איש לאחיהו ֿ
את
19באשר בשרו ויגשו לזמה ויתגברו להון ולבצע ויעשו ֯
ויבחרו֯ ̇אי̇ ש בשרירות לבו ולא נזרו מעם
֯
בעי̇ ֯ני֯ ו֯
20איש הישר ̇
21ומחטאתם ו̇ י̇ ̇פ ֯ר ֯עו֯ ֯בי֯ ֯ד ֯ר ֯מה ללכת בדרכי רשעים :אשר
22אמר ﭏ ̇ע ̇לי̇ הם חמת ̇ת ̇ני̇ נים י̇ ינם וראש ̇פתנים אכזר :התנינים
מלכי̇ ̇ה ̇ע ̇מי̇ ̇ם ויינם הוא דרכיהם וראש פתנים הוא ראש
̇
23
נקמה ובכל אלה לא הבינו בוני
24מלכי יון ̇הבא עליהם לנקם ̇
25החיץ וטחי תפל כי הולך רו֯ ח ושקל ֜ס ֡פת סו֜ פו֔ ת ומטיף אדם
ואשר אמר משה
26לכזב אשר חרה אף אל בכל עדתו:
וביושר לבבך אתה בא לרשת את הגוים
̇
בצדקתך
27לישראל לא ̇
מאהבתו את אבותיך ומשמרו את השבועה :כן
̇
האלה כי
̇ 28
מדרך העם באהבת אל ) (:את הראשנים
יש ̇ראל סרו ̇
מש ֯פ ̇ט לשבי ̇
֯ 29
אשר העידו על העם אחרי ﭏ ואהב את הבאים אחריהם כי להם
̇
30
֯ 31ב ֯רי֯ ֯ת אבות ושונא ומתעב ﭏ את בוני החיץ וחרה אפ אפו בם ובכל
המאס במצות ﭏ ווי וע
וכמש ̇פ ̇ט הז̇ ה לכל ֯
̇
אחריהם
ההלכי̇ ם ̇
̇
32
33ו̇ י̇ ̇עז̇ ̇ב ̇ם ויפנ֯ ו בשרירות לבם ֯כן̇ כל האנשים אשר ̇ב ֯או֯ ̇ב ̇ב ̇רי̇ ̇ת
בֿגדו ו֯ יָ סו֜ רו֜ מבאר מים ̇החיים:
ארץ דמשק וֿ ֡שבו֜ וֿ י̇ ֜
34החדשה ̇ב ̇
הא ֡ס ̈ף יור מורה
ום ̈
כתבו֜ ̇מי̇ ̇
לא י̇ ̇
ובכ ֯ת ֯בם ֔
֯ 35ל ֯א י̇ ֡ח ֿשבו֜ בסוד עם ֯
)XX (MS B
מאה ֯רן ומישראל וכן המשפט
̇
עמו֯ ̇ד משיח
̇ ( ) 1מו̇ ̇ר ̇ה היחיד עד ̇
ישרים
יקו֜ ץ מעשות פקודי ̇
תמים ̇ה ֔קד ֹש וֿ ֡
2לכל באי עדת אנשי ֿ
של ח מעדה
מעשי̇ ו יֿ ̇
̇
3הוא האיש הנתך בתוך כור :ה בהופע
4כמיֿ שלא נפל גורלו בתוך למודי אל כפי מעלו יח יוכיחוהו אנשי
̇ 5דעות עד יום ישוב לעמד במעמד אנשי תמים קדש אשר אין
6גורלו בתוך ֯א ובהופע מעשיו כפי מדרש התורה אשר יתהלכו
7בו ֵאנשי תמים הקדש אל ית יאות איש עמו בהון ובעבודה
8כי ̈א ֿררו֜ הו֜ כל קדושי עליון וכמשפט הז̇ ה לכל המאס בראשונים
וילכו בשרירות
9ובאחרונים אשר שמו גלולים על לבם וישימ ̇
10לבם אין להם חלק בבית התורה :כמשפט רעיהם אשר שבו
11עם אנשי הלצון י̇ ֡שפֿטו֜ כי דברו תועה על חקי הצדק ומאסו
12בברית ֯ה ו̇ אמנה אשר קימו בארץ דמשק והוא ברית החדשה:
ולא י֯ ֯היה להם יולמשפחותי֯ הם חלק בבית התור ומיו̇ ֯ם
֯ 13
14
שבו֜
לחמה ̇א ̇שר ֡
֯
המ
האסף יו֔ ̈רה הי֯ חיד עד ֔תם כל אנשי ̇
̇
Appendix H: Text of CD
290
יחרה
ובקץ ההוא ֯
כשני̇ ם ארבעים:
̇
֯ 15עם איש הכזב
ואי֯ ן֯
̇ 16א ֯ף ֯א ̇ל בישראל כאשר אמר אין ̇מ ̇ל ̇ך ו̇ אין שר ואין שופט ֯
דב ֯רו֯ ̇אי̇ ̇ש
מוכיח בצדק ושבי פשע י֯ ֯ע ֯ק ֯ב שמרו ברית אל ֯אז֯ ֯ני֯ ֯
̇
17
צעד ֯ם ̇
את אחיו ֯ל ̇ת ̇מ ̇ך ֯
̇ 18אל ̈ר ̈עהו֯ ̇ל ֯ה ֯צ ֯די֯ ̇ק ֯אי֯ ֯ש ̇
ויקשב
בד ֯ר ֯ך ֯א ֯ל ̇
ושבי
יראי֯ ֯א ̇ל ֯ול ֯ח ̇
וישמ ֯ע וי̇ ̇כ ̇תב ֯ס ֯פ ̇ר ז֯ ֯כרון֯ ֯ל ֯פ ֯ני֯ ו֯ ̇ל ֯
̇
יה ֯ם
אל ̇אל ֯ד ֯ב ֯ר ֯
֯ 19
צדיק
̇
̇ 20שמו֯ ̇ע ̇ד י̇ ̇ג ̇ל� )צ( ישע ו̇ צדקה לי֯ ֯ר ֯אי֯ ֯א ֯ל ו֯ ֯ש ֯ב ֯ת ֯ם ו֯ ֯ר ֯אי֯ ֯ת ֯ם ֯בין
עב ̇דו̇ :ו֯ ֯ע ֯ש ֯ה ֯ח ֯ס ֯ד ֯ל ֯א ֯ל ֯פי֯ ֯ם ̇ל ̇א ̇הביו
עבד ֯אל לאשר לא ̇
֯
21ורשע בין
בית ֯פלג אשר יצאו ֯מ ֯עי֯ ֯ר ֯ה ̇קדש:
̇
דור:
̇ 22ול ̇שמריו לאלף ̇
ושבו̇ ̇עו֔ ̇ד
יש ֯ר ֯א ̇ל ו֯ י֯ טמאו את המקדש ̇
23וישענו̇ על אל בקץ מעל ̇
בעצת
̇
מע ֯טי֯ ֯ם ֯כו֯ ̇ל ̇ם ̇ל ̇פי אי̇ ש רוחו ִי ָש ְֺפטוּ
בדברים ֯
̇ 24א ̇ל ֯ד ֯ר ̇ך העם ֯
הב ֯רי֯ ֯ת ̇בהופע
מבאי֯ ̇
֯
ורה
פרצו̇ ֯א ֯ת ֯ג ̇בו̇ ל ֯ה ֯ת ֯
̇
֯ 25ה ̇ק ̇דש :וכל אשר
מר ֯ש ̇יעי
עמהם כל ֯
נה ו֯ ֯
מק ֯ר ֯ב ̇ה ̇מ ֯ח ֯
֯ 26כ ֯בו֯ ̇ד אל לישראל יכרתו ̇
27י̇ ̇הו̇ ̇דה בימוי מצרפותיו וכל המחזיקים במשפטים האלה ֯ל ֯צ ̇את
]ח[ט ֯אנ̇ ו
֯
28ו֯ ֯לבו̇ א על פי התורה וישמעו לקול מורה ויתודו̇ לפני אל
הב ֯רי֯ ֯ת
̇ 29ר ̇ש ̇ענ̇ ו̇ ֯ג ֯ם ֯אנ֯ ֯חנ֯ ו֯ ̇ג ̇ם ̇א ֯בו֯ ̇תי̇ נו ̇ב ̇ל ̇כ ̇תנ̇ ו̇ קרי בחקי ֯
שפטי̇
30ו̇ ̇א ̇מת משפטיך בנו :ולא ירימו יד על חקי ̇קדשו ו̇ ̇מ ̇
צדקו ועדוות אמתו :והתיסרו במשפטים הראשונים ̇א ֯ש ֯ר
̇
31
32נשפטו בם אנשי הי̇ חיד והאזינו לקול מורה צדק :ולא י̇ ̇שי̇ ̇בו̇
ויתגב ̇רו
̇
בש ̇מ ̇ע ̇ם ֔א ֡ת ֜ם י̇ שי̇ שו וישמחו ויעז לבם
֯ 33א ֯ת ֯חקי הצדק ̇
קדשו
̇
שועתו כי חסו בשם
̇
וראו֯ ֯בי֯
וכפר אל בעדם ̇
̇
֯ 34ע ̇ל כל בני תבל
)XV (MS A
הבאי֯ ̇ם
֯
שבוע ֯ת
̇
באל ̇ף ולמד וגם באלף ודלת ̇כי אם
̇
1י֯ ֯ש ֯בע וגם
̇ 2ב ̇א ̇לות הברית ואת תורת משה אל יזכור כי
3ו̇ ̇א ̇ם י̇ ̇ש ̇ב ̇ע ו̇ עבר וחלל את השם ואם באלות הברית י֯ ֯ש ֯בי֯ ֯עו֯ ֯הו֯
4השפטי̇ ̇ם ̇א ̇ם עבר אשם הוא והתודה והשיב ולא ישא ֯ח ̇טא
5ו֯ י֯ ̇מו̇ ת
אשר יגי̇ עו
֯
והב ̇א ̇ב ̇ב ̇רית לכל ישראל לחוק עולם את בניהם
̇
̇ 6ל ֯ע ̇בו̇ ̇ר על הפקודים בשבועת הברית יקימו עליהם וכן
המשפט בכל קץ הרשע לכל השב מדרכו הנשחתה ביום דברו
̇
7
הברית אשר ̇כ ̇רת
̇
לרבים יפקדוהו בשבועת
8עם המבקר אשר ̇
א[ל ֯תו֯ ֯ר ֯ת ̇משה בכל לב ]ובכל[
לש]וב ̇
]י[ת ֯
הבר ֯
̇
9משה עם ישראל את
]הרש[ע ואל יודיעהו איש את
֯
10נפש אל הנמצא לעשות בכ]ל ק[ץ
אתו
יתפתה בו בדרשו ̇
̇
11המשפטים ̇ע ̇ד עמדו ̇ל ̇פ ̇ני̇ ̇ה ֯מבקר][ מ
12וכאשר יקים אותו עליו לשו̇ ב אל ̇תו̇ רת משה בכל לב ובכל נפש
נגלה ̇מן ̇התורה לרו̇ ב
ימע ̇ל וכל אשר ̇
̇ 13נ ֯קי֯ ̇אי̇ ם ֯ה ֯ם ̇מ ̇מנו אם ֯
]מ[ד
֯
ויל
קר או̇ תו וצוה עליו ֯
המב ̇
̇
֯ 14ה ֯מ ֯חנ֯ ֯ה ו֯ ֯הו֯ ֯א ֯ש ֯ג ֯ה ̇בו̇ יו̇ ]דיעה[ו֯
ימה ו֯ ̇לפי ̇ד ֯
̇ 15ע ̇ד ̇שנ֯ ֯ה ֯ת ֯מ ̇
שו[גה
̇
עתו̇ ̇הי̇ ו̇ תו אוי̇ ̇ל ומשוגע וכל ̇פ ̇ת]י
]עטו[ט ֯א ̇ל
̇
ונ[ער ז֯
16ו̇ ̇כ ֯ה ֯ה ֯עי֯ ̇ני֯ ֯ם ֯ל ֯ב ֯ל]תי
בם
[ ̇ל ֯ת ֯
17יבוא אי]ש
אמ[ר ]ל[הם
֯
] 18
[
] 19
Appendix H: Text of CD
291
)XVI (MS A
נפש ̇ך ̇לשוב אל
על ̇
1עמכם ̇ב ̇רי̇ ̇ת ו̇ עם כל ישראל על כן יקום האיש ̇
משה ֯כי̇ ̇ב ̇ה הכל מדודק ופרוש קציהם לעורון
̇
̇ 2תורת
3י̇ ̇ש ̇ר ̇א ̇ל מכל אלה הנה הוא מדוקדק על ספר מחלקות העתים
ליוב ̇לים ובשבועותיהם וביום אשר יקום האיש על נפשו לשוב
̇ 4
5אל תורת משה יסור מלאך המשטמה מאחריו אם יקים את דרכיו
6על כן נימול ב אברהם ביום דעתו ואשר אמר מוצא שפתיך
7תשמור להקים כל שבועת אסר אשר יקום איש על נפשו
דב ̇ר ̇מן̇ התורה עד מחיר מות אל יפדהו כל אשר
̇ 8ל ֯ע ֯שות ̇
התו[ר ̇ה ֯ע ̇ד מחיר מות אל יקימהו
̇
נפשו ̇ל]ס[ו֯ ֯ר ]מן
] 9יק[י̇ ֯ם ֯אי̇ ש על ̇
]ע[ל שבועת האשה אשר אמ]ר לאיש[ה להניא את שבועתה אל
֯
10
]י[דענה ̇ה ̇ם להקים היא ואם להניא
֯
לא
11יניא איש שבועה אשר ֯
יקימנה וכן המשפט לאביה
̇
12אם לעבור ברית היא י̇ ̇ניאה ואל
הנ ̇ד ֯בות אל ידור אי֯ ֯ש למזבח מאום אנוס וגם
13על משפט ֯
מאכל
̇
מא ̇ת ישראל ] אל[ יקדש איש את
] 14הכ[הנים אל יקחו ̇
̇ 15פ]יהו ̇
עיהו֯ י̇ ֯צ]ו[דו חרם ואל
[ל ̇כי הוא אשר אמר איש ̇א ̇ת ֯ר ̇
[אחזתו
מכל ]
̇
יקד ֯ש ֯אי֯ ̇ש
̇ 16
[י̇ ̇ע ̇נש
[ב ̇ה]
יקדש ̇ל] ֯
̇
17
̇ 18הנודר ]
פט]
לש ̇
̇ 19
̇ 20א ֯מ]
)IX (MS A
יחרים אדם מאדם בחוקי הגוים להמית הוא
1כל אדם אשר ̇
2ואשר ̇אמר לא תקום ולא תטור את בני עמך וכל איש מביאו
3הברית אשר יביא על רעהו דבר אשר לא בהוכח לפני עדים
4והביאו החרון אפו או ספר לזקניו להבזותו נוקם הוא ונוטר
5ואין כתוב כי אם נוקם הוא לצריו ונוטר הוא לאויביו
6אם החריש לו מיום ליום ובחרון אפו בו דבר בו בדבר מות
7ענה בו יען אשר לא הקים את מצות אל אשר אמר לו הוכח
8תוכיח את רעיך ולא תשא עליו חטא על השבועה אשר
9אמר לא תושיעך ידך לך איש ̇אשר ישביע על פני השדה
10אשר לא לפנים השפטים או מאמרם הושיע ידו לו לו וכל האובד
11ולא נודע מי גנבו ממאד המחנה אשר גנב בו ישביע בעליו
12בשבועת האלה והשומע אם יודע הוא ולא יגיד ואשם
13כל אשם מושב אשר אין בעלים והתורה המישב לכהן
נמ ֯צאת ואין
)הכל( וכן כל אבדה ֯
14והיה לו לבד מאיל האשם ֯
15לה בעלים והיתה לכהנים כי לא ידע ̇מוצאיה את משפטה
16אם לא נמצא לה בעלים הם ישמרו כל דבר אשר ימעל
17איש בתורה וראה רעיהו והוא אחד אם דבר מות הוא וידיעהו
18לעיניו בהוכיח למבקר והמבקר יכתבהו בידו עד עשותו
19עוד לפני אחד ושב והודיע למבקר אם ישוב וניתפש לפני
20אחד שלם משפטו ואם שנים הם והם מעידים על
Appendix H: Text of CD
292
טה ̇רה לבד אם נאמנים
21דבר אחר והובדל האיש מן ̇ה ̇
יקבלו שני
על ההון̇ ̇
̇ 22ה ̇ם וביום ראות האיש יודיעה ̇למבקר ו̇ ̇
יקוב ̇ל
̇
הטהר ̇ה ואל
̇
23עידים נאמנים ועל אחד להבדיל
)X (MS A
1עוד לשופטים להמית ̇על פיהו אשר לא מלאו ימיו לעבור
רעהו
2על הפקודים ירא את אל אל יאמן איש על ̇
3לעד עובר דבר מן המצוה ביד רמה עד זכו לשוב
4וזה סרך לשפטי העדה עד עשרה אנשים ברורים
5מן העדה לפי העת ארבעה למטה לוי ואהרן ומישראל
6ששה מבוננים בספר ההגו וביסודי הברית מבני חמשה
7ועשרים שנה עד בני ששים שנה ואל יתיצב עוד מבן
8ששים שנה ומעלה לשפוט את העדה כי במעל האדם
9מעטו ימו ובחרון אף אל ביושבי הארץ אמר לסור את
10דעתם עד לא ישלימו את ימיהם על הטהר בימים אל
11ירחץ איש במים צואים ומעוטים מדי מרעיל איש
12אל יטהר במה כלי וכל גבא בסלע אשר אין בו די
13מרעיל אשר נגע בו הטמא וטמא מימיו במימי הכלי
כמשפטה אל יעש איש ביום
̇
14על הש]ב[ת לשמרה
ממ השישי מלאכה מן העת אשר יהיה גלגל השמש
֯ 15
16רחוק מן השער מלואו כי הוא אשר אמר שמור את
17יום השבת לקדשו וביום השבת אל ידבר איש דבר
18נבל ורק אל ישה ברעהו כל אל ישפוכו על הון ובצע
19אל ידבר בדברי המלאכה והעבודה לעשות למשכים
20אל יתהלך איש בשדה לעשות את עבודת חפצו
21השבת אל יתהלך חוץ לעירו ֯א על אלף באמה
22אל יאכל איש ביום השבת כי אם המוכן ומן האובד
֯ 23ב ֯ש ֯דה ואל יאכל ואל ישתה כי אם היה במחנה
)XI (MS A
1בדרך וירד לרחוץ ישתה על עומדו ואל ישאב אל
2כל כל אל ישלח את בן הנכר לעשות את חפצו ביום השבת
3אל יקח איש עליו בגדים צואים או מובאים בגז כי אם
4כיבסו במים או שופים בלבונה אל יתערב איש מרצונו
5בשבת אל ילך איש אחר הבהמה לרעותה הוץ מעירו כי
6אם אלפים באמה אל ירם את ידו להכותה באגרוף אם
7סוררת היא אל יוציאה מביתו אל יוציא איש מן הבית
8להוץ ומן החוץ אל בית ואם בסוכה יהיה אל יוצא ממנה
9ואל יבא אליה אל פתח כלי טוח בשבת אל ישא איש
10עליו סמנים לצאת ולביא בשבת אל יטול בבית מושבת
11סלע ועפר אל ישא ואומן את היונק לצאת ולבוא בשבת
12אל ימרא איש את עבדו ואת אמתו ואת שוכרו בשבת
13אל אל יילד איש בהמה ביום השבת ואם תפיל אל בור
Appendix H: Text of CD
293
ישבית ֯אי̇ ש ֯ב ̇מקום קרוב
̇
14ואל פחת אל יקימה בשבת אל
15לגוים בשבת אל יחל איש את השבת על הון ובצע בשבת
16וכל נפש אדם אשר תפול אל מים מקום מים ואל מקום
17אל יעלה איש בסולם וחבל וכלי אל יעל איש למזבח ̇בשבת
18כי אם עולת השבת כי כן כתוב מלבד שבתותיכם אל ישלח
19איש למזבח עולה ומנחה ולבונה ועץ ביד איש טמא באחת
20מן הטמאות להרשותו לטמא את המזבח כי כתוב זבח
21רשעים תועבה ותפלת צדקם כמנחת רצון וכל הבא אל
השתחות אל יבא טמא כבוס ובהרע חצוצרות הקהל
̇
22בית
כול ̇ה ] [ו֯ ̇ת
דה ̇
העבו̇ ̇
̇
23יתקדם או יתאחר ולא ישביתו את
)XII (MS A
1קודשיהוא אל ישכב איש עם אשה בעיר המקדש לטמא
2את עיר המקדש בנדתם כל אשר איש י֔ משלו בו רוחות בליעל
3ודבר סרה כמשפט האוב והידעוני ישפט וכל אשר יתעה
4לחלל את השבת ואת המועדות לא יומת כי על בני האדם
5משמרו ואם ירפא ממנה ושמרוהו עד שכע שנים ואחר
וים
הג ֯
6יבו֯ א אל הקהל אל ישלח את ידו לשפוך דם לאיש מן ̇
וגם אל ישא מהונם כל בעבור אשר לא
7בעבור הון ובצע ̇
8יגדפו כי אם בעצת חבור ישראל אל ימכר איש בהמה
בעבור אשר לא יזבחום ומגורנו
̇
9ועוף טהורים לגוים
10ומגתו אל ימכר להם בכל מאדו ואת עבדו ואת אמתו אל ימכור
11להם אשר באו עמו בברית אברהם אל ישקץ איש את נפשו
עד כל נפש
12בכל החיה והרמש לאכל מהם מעגלי הדבורים ̇
13החיה אשר תרמוש במים והדגים אל יאכלו כי אם נקרעו
ונש]פ[ך ̇ד ֯מ ֯ם וכל החגבים במיניהם יבאו באש או במים
̇
14חיים
15עד הם חיי̇ ֯ם ̇כי̇ ̇הוא משפט בריאתם וכל העצים והאבנים
16והעפר אשר יגואלו בטמאת האדם לגאולי שמן ̇בהם כפי
טמאתם יטמא הנ̇ ]ו[גע בם וכל כלי מסמר מסמר או יתד בכו̇ ̇תל
֯
17
18אשר יהיו עם המת בבית וטמאו בטמאת אחד כלי מעשה
19סרך מושב ערי ישראל על המשפטים ̇האלה להבדיל בין
20הטמא וטהור ולהודיע בין הקודש לחול ואלה החקים
למשפט ̇ע ̇ת ועת וכמשפט
̇
21למשכיל להתהלך בם עם כל חי
22הזה יתהלכו זרע י̇ שראל ולא יוארו וז̇ ה סרך מושב
אה ̇רן̇
]חנו[ת ֯ה ֯מ ֯ת ֯ה ̇ל ̇כי֯ ֯ם ֯ב ֯א ̇ל ֯ה בקץ הרשעה עד עמוד משוח ̇
֯
]ה[מ
̇
23
)XIII (MS A
1
2
3
4
5
6
למועט לאלפים ומיאיות וחמשים
̇
וישראל עד עשרה אנשים
עשרה אל ימש איש כהן מבונן בספר ההגי על
̇
ובמקום
̇
ועשרות
כולם ואם אין הוא בחון בכל אלה ואיש מהלוים בחון
̇
פיהו ישקו̇
הגו֯ רל לצאת ולבוא על פיהו כל באי המחנה ואם
באלה ויצא ̇
משפט לתורת נגע יהיה באיש ובא הכהן ועמד במחנה והבינו
המבקר בפרוש התורה ואם פתי הוא יסגירנו כי להם
Appendix H: Text of CD
294
7המשפט וזה סרך המבקר ̇ל ̇מחנה ישכיל את הרבים במעשי
ניהם נהיות עולם בפרתיה
לפ ̇
8אל ויבינם בגבורות פלאו ויספר ̇
ויש ֯קו֯ ֯ד ̇ל ̇כל מדהובם כרועה עדרו
9וירחם עליהם כאב לבניו ̇
לב ̇לתי ֯הי̇ ות עשוק ורצוץ בעדתו
10יתר כל חרצובות קשריהם ֯
למעשיו ו֯ שוכלו וכוחו וגבורתו והונו
֯
יפקדהו
̇
11וכל הנוסף לעדתו
הא]ור[ אל ימשול איש
12וכתבוהו במקומו כפי נ̇ ̇ח ֯לתו בגורל ֯
למחנה
֯
אשר
̇
יא איש ̇אל העדה ז֯ ו֯ ֯ל ֯ת פי המבקר
להב ̇
̇
13מבני המחנה
השחר ֯כי֯
֯
מכ ̇ל באי ברי̇ ̇ת ̇א ̇ל ̇אל ישא ו֯ אל י̇ ̇ת]ן[ ̇לבני
14ואיש ̇
כר ֯כי֯ אם
למק ֯ח ו̇ ̇ל ̇מ ̇מ ̇
֯
15אם כף לכף ואל יעש אי̇ ש ֯ח ֯ב ֯ר
אש
[ח ̇
ועשה ̇ה ולא י̇ ̇ש] [ ֯ל] ֯
̇
16למ ̇ב ̇קר אשר ֯ב ̇מ ֯חנ֯ ̇ה
[ע ̇צ ̇ה וכן֯ ̇למגרש והוא יי̇ ֯ס]
֯
] 17
יטור ̇להם]
֯
אל
חסד ̇
֯
ובאהבת
̇
[י֯ ̇ענ̇ ו̇ ̇הו֯
] 18
בש]
נקשר ֯
̇
פ[ש ̇עי̇ ֯ה ֯ם ואת אשר אי̇ נ̇ נ̇ ו̇
֯
] 19
המחנות ֯ל ֯כ ̇ל ]
[ וזה מושב ̇
] 20
[לה לא יצליחו לשבת בארץ ]
̇
] 21
למ ֯ש ̇כי̇ ל]
]שפטי[ם ̇
̇
המ
וא[לה ֯
] 22
)XIV (MS A
אש ̇ר ̇ל ̇א באו ̇מי̇ ו̇ ̇ם סור אפרים מעל יהודה וכל המתהלכים באלה
̇ 1
ונענשו֯
̇
2ברית אל נאמנית להם להנצילם מכל מוקשי שחת כי ̇פתאום
כה ֯ני֯ ̇ם ̇ל ֯ר ̇א ֯שו֯ נ̇ ̇ה
בשמותיהם ̇ה ֯
̇
3וסרך מושב כל המחנות יפקדו כלם
ויכתבו֯ ֯ב ֯ש ֯מו֯ ֯תי̇ הם
̇
4ו֯ ̇ה ̇לוים שנים ובני ישראל שלשתם והגר רביע
ישראל
̇
̇ 5איש אחר אחיחו הכהנים לראשונה והלוים שנים ובני
שלושתם והגר רביע וכן ישבו וכן ישאלו וכל וכהן ̇א ̇שר ̇יפ ̇קד
̇
6
7אש ̇הרבים מבן שלושים שנה ̇עד בן ששים מבונן בספר
לדברם כמשפטם והמבקר אשר
ור ̇ה ̇
משפ ̇טי̇ ̇ה ̇ת ̇
̇
֯ 8ה ֯ה ֯גי֯ ו̇ ̇ב ̇כל
]ע[ד בן חמשים שנה בעול בכל
̇
֯ 9ל ֯כ ֯ל ̇ה ̇מ ̇חנות ̇מ ̇בן̇ שלשים שנה
ות ֯ם על פיהו יבאו באי העדה
מ]ש[פח ֯
̇
̇ 10סוד אנשים ולכל לשון ֔ר
אשר י̇ ֯הי̇ ה ̇ל ̇כל האדם לדבר למבקר ידבר
איש בתרו ולכל דבר ֯
̇ 11
12לכל ̇ריב ומשפט ו]זה[ ֯ס ̇רך הרבים ̇ל ̇ה ̇כין כל חפציהם שכר
֯ 13שני י֯ ֯מי֯ ֯ם לכל חדש ̇ל ̇מ ֯מ ̇ע ̇ט ונתנו על י̇ ֯ד ̇המבקר והשופטים
וממנו יחזיקו ביד עני ו̇ אביון ולז̇ קן̇ ̇א ֯ש ̇ר
]יתו[מים ̇
̇
֯ 14מ ֯מנ̇ ו֯ יתנו בעד
אשר
ולאש ̇ר ישבה לגוי נכר ולבתולה ̇
̇
֯ 15ע ולאיש אשר ינו]ג[ע
א[שר ̇אי̇ ן̇ לו ̇דו̇ ̇ר ̇ש כל עבודת ֯ה ֯ח ֯ב ֯ר ולא
̇
֯ 16אי֯ ן֯ ̇ל ̇ה ֯ג]ואל[ ו֯ ̇ל ֯נ ֯ע]ר
פרו̇ ̇ש ̇מו֯ ̇ש ֯ב ֯ה]
[ם וז֯ ה ̇
֯
] 17
פרוש המשפטים ̇א ̇ש ̇ר ]
̇
ק[ה ֯ל וזה
֯
] 18
עונם ]
̇
משי[ח אהרן וישראל ויכפר
̇
] 19
]ש[ר י֯ ֯ש ̇ק ̇ר בממו̇ ן̇ והוא ֯נודע ו̇ ]
̇
֯ [ ] 20א
נש י֯ ֯מי̇ ם ששה ואשר ידב]ר
ונ[ע ̇
̇
] 21
במשפ ֯ט ]ונענ[ש
֯
ל[א
] 22ואשר יטור לרעהו אשר ̇
[ ] ֯[ל] [ ]
23ח]
Appendix H: Text of CD
Appendix I: סר''ךin Four Major Semantic Categories
Appendix I:
295
סר''ךin Four Major Semantic Categories
A. Where the root refers to a spatial disposition:
to lay out, to arrange, to
series, list, layout,
list, to organize
arrangement,
(Qal/SafaÁel?)
disposition
1QM 1:1
For [the (layout?)…of] the war
למ] סרך)?([ המלחמה
1QM 2:6
They shall arrange all these during the
...את כול אלה יסרוכו במועד שנת השמטה...
appointed time of the year of remission…
1QM 3:13
(This is the) layout of the standards of
...סרך אותות כול העדה למסורותם
the whole congregation according to
their enrollment…
1QM 4:6
… and after these the whole arrangement of the
ואחריהם כול סדך פרוש שמותם...
list of their names.
1QM 4:9
(This is the) layout of the standards of
...סרך אותות העדה בצאתם למלחמה
the congregation. When they march out
for battle…
1QM 5:3
(This is the) layout to array the divisions
סרך לסדר דגלי המלחמה בהמלא צבאם
of the war. When their host is large
...להשלים מערכת פנים על אלף איש
enough to form a full frontal line of 1000 men
1QM 9:10
Layout for changing the order of the
סרך לשנות סדר דגלי המלחמה
battle divisions…
1QM 15:5
Book of the Serek of his Time
including all the words of thanksgiving
ס[פר סרך עתו עם כול דברי הודותם
Appendix I: סר''ךin Four Major Semantic Categories
CD 7:6-7
296
… and if they live in camps according to
ואם מחנות ישבו כסרך הארץ ולקחו...
the serek of the land and take 7 wives
נשים והולידו בנים והתהלכו על פי התורה7
היסורים כסרך התורה כאשר8 וכמשפט
and beget children and walk according to the
instruction and the judgment 8 of binding
... לבנו9 אמר בין איש לאשתו ובין אב
vows according to the serek of the instruction,
as it says: “Between a man and his wife and
between a father 9 and his son (Num 30:17)”
CD 10:4
And this is the serek for the judges of
...וזה סרך לשפטי העדה
the congregation…
CD 12:19
Serek for the assembly of the towns of
(4Q266 f5ii:14)
Israel…
CD 12:22
And this is the serek of the assembly of
...סרך מושב ערי ישראל
...וזה סרך מושב המחנות
the camps…
4QAges of
This is the serek of the son[s of Noah…]
[...זה סרך בנ]י נוח
The serek of his eyes is between black
סרך ]ע[יניו בין שחורות וב]ין[ הגריות וזקנו
CreationA
(4Q180) f1:4
4Qhoriscope
(4Q186 f2i 1-3) and light and his beard 2 mm[ ] and it
curls and his voice is weak and his teeth 3
fine and sit in their serek…
ממ] [ והיאה תרגל ובת קולו עניה ושניו2
... דקות ויושבות על סרכמה3
Appendix I: סר''ךin Four Major Semantic Categories
297
B. Where the root refers to a hierarchical disposition:
to arrange hierarchically,
rank, hierarchy,
to rank (to be ranked)
order, ranking
1QS 1:16-17
thus all those who are entering into the
וכוה הבאים לסרך היחד יעבורו בברית
serek (4QSb 2:1 reads )בסרךof the
... ככול אשר צוה17 לפי אל לעשות
community shall cross over into a
covenant before God in order to act
17
according to everything which he had
commanded…
1QS 2:19-20
…the priests shall cross over 20 first in
ברשונה בסרכ לפי20 הכוהנים יעבורו...
serek, according to their spirits, one after
רוחותם זה אחר זה והלויים יעבורו
the other. Then the Levites shall cross
over after them,
21
then all the people
וכול העם21 אחריהם
...יעבורו בשלישית בסרכ זה אחר זה
shall cross over thirdly in serek…
1QS 5:23
They shall register them in serek, each
וכתבם בסרכ איש לפני רעהו לפי
(1QSd 2:2)
before his companion, according to his
שכלו ומעשיו להשמע הכול איש
insight and his works. They shall all obey
לרעהו הקטן לגדול
one another; the lower one (in rank
obeying) the higher one (in rank).
1QS 6:7-8
The Many shall spend the third part of
והרבים ישקודו ביחד את שלישית...
every night of the year in unity, reading
כול לילות השנה לקרוא בספר ולדרוש
the Book, studying judgment, 8 and
ולברכ ביחד וזה הסרך למושב8 משפט
saying benedictions in unity. This is the
הרבים איש בתכונו הכוהנים ישבו לרשונה
serek for the session of the Many: each
...והזקנים בשנית
(member) in his order. The priests shall sit
first, the elders second…
Appendix I: סר''ךin Four Major Semantic Categories
1QS 6:21-22
298
If the lot goes out to him 22 to approach
הגורל לקרבו ליחד22 ואם יצא לו
the community, he shall be registered in
...יכתובהו בסרך תכונו בתוכ אחיו
the serek of his rank amongst his
brothers…
1QSa 1:21
… to stand firm in battle, to subjugate the
להתיצב במלחמה להכניע גוים רק
nations; only he shall write his family
בסרך הצבא יכתוב משפחתו
into the serek of the army…
1QSa 1:23-
…according to the sons of Aaron, to bring
על פי בני אהרון להביא ולהוציא את...
24
in and lead out all the congregation, each acc-
כול העדה איש בסרכו על יד ראשי
ording to his serek, at the hand of the heads
... ]א[בות העדה24
of 24 the magistrates of the congregation…
CD 14:3
Serek of dwelling in all the camps…
...וסרך מושב כול מחנות
1QM 2:1
They shall serek the chiefs of the priests
ואת ראשי הכוהנים יסרוכו אחר
behind the chief priest and his deputy…
כוהן הראש ומשנהו
… and they shall write the list of their
ופרוש שמותם יכתובו עם כול סרכם...
1QM 4:11
names with all of their serek
4QWays of
Righteousnessb
(4Q421 or
4QWaysRightb)
[…]… to serek everyone, each before [his]
Neighbour
[...]... לסרך הכול איש לפני רע]הו
Appendix I: סר''ךin Four Major Semantic Categories
299
C. Where the root refers to a martial disposition:
to array, to muster
(PiÁel?)
forces, battalion,
432
1QM 3:3
army
On the trumpets for summoning the comm-
ועל חצוצרות מקרא ה)ס(שרים יכתובו
anders they shall write ‘Princes of God.’ On
נשיאי אל ועל חצוצרות המסורות יכתובו
the trumpets of enrollment they shall write
סרך אל
‘Serek of God.’
1QM 5:4
…the line and seven frontal 4 formations
פנים4 תאסר המערכה ושבעה סדרי
shall be connected into one line,
למערכה האחת סדו)כ(רים בסרך
arranged in serek, the station of one man
...מעמד איש אחר איש
behind his fellow…
1QM 6:10-
…they shall take position on all sides of
יעמודו לכול ע]ב[רי המחנה הכול שש...
11
the camp. All (of them) 4,600 men and
מאות וארבעת אלפים ואלף וארבע מאות
1,400 cavalry for the men of the serek
חמשים11 רכב לאנשי סרך המערכות
of the line 11 fifty for each line; and the
למערכה ]הא[חת ויהיו הפרשים על רכב
horsemen of the men of the serek will
אנשי הסרך ששת אלפים חמש מאות לשבט
be 6,000; 500 to a tribe
1QM 6:14
1QM 7:1
And the horsemen of the serek will be
ופרשי הסרך יהיו מבן ארבעים שנה ועד...
From forty to fifty years old…
...בן המשים
And the men of the serek will be
ואנשי הסרך יהיו מבן ארבעים שנה ועד
between forty to fifty years old, and
( ) בן חמשים וסורכי המחנות יהיו מבן
those that serek the camp will be
חמ) ש (ים שנה ועד בן ש) ש (ים
between fifty to sixty years old
432
It is labeled as such in The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 6, 200.
Appendix I: סר''ךin Four Major Semantic Categories
1QM 13:1
1QM 15:4-5
300
… and his brothers the priest and Levites and
... ואחיו ה]כו[הנים והלויים וכול זקני
all of the elders of the serek with him
הסרך עמו..
Then the chief priest shall stand, and
ועמד כוהן הראש ואחיו הכ]]הנים[[ והלויים
with him his brothers, the Priests and
את5 וכול אנשי הסרך עמו וקרא באוזניהם
the Levites and all the men of the serek, and
תפלת מועד המלח]]מה
5
he will read out loud the prayer for the
appointed time of battle …
1QM 18:5-6
The Chief-Priest will stand, along with
... יעמוד כוהן הרואש והכוהנים וה]לויי[ם
the Priests and the Levites and the heads
אתו ורא]שי [ הסרך6 אשר...
[…] of the serek…
D. Where the root refers to a procedural disposition:
list of instructions,
teaching, algorithm,
procedure
1QS 1:1
To the […]šym for his life [the Book of
(1QSa,c)
the Sere]k of the Community. In order
...ל ] [שים ליו ]ספר סר[כ היחד לדרוש
to seek…
1QS 5:1
This (is) the serek for the men of the
וזה הסרכ לאנשי היחד המתנדבים לשוב
Community who devote themselves to
...מכול רע ולהחזיק בכול אשר צוה לרצונו
turn away from all evil and hold fast to
all which he has commanded as his will…
1QSa 1:1
1QSa 1:6
And this is the serek for all the
וזה הסרך לכול עדת ישראל באחרית
congregation of Israel in the end of days…
...הימים
And this is the serek for all the armies
וזה ה סרך לכול צבאות העדה לכול האזרח
Appendix I: סר''ךin Four Major Semantic Categories
of the congregation, for all those born in
301
בישראל...
Israel…
And this is the serek for the overseer of
CD 13:7
...וזה סרך המבקר למחנה
a camp…
And this is the serek for the Many to
CD 14:12
...וזה סרך הרבים להכין את כול חפציהם
provide for all their needs…
1QM 7:16-
With each battle-line they shall go out
כול מערכה ומערכה יצאו17 ועם
17
according to all the s[erek…
...ככול הס]רך
1QM 8:14
According to this serek the priests shall
כסרך הזה יתקעו ה]כו[הנים לשלושת
blow for three divisions…
...הדגלים
They will do all of this serek…
...את כול הסרך הזה יעשו
1QM 16:3
(4Q493 f1:9)
4QPurification
Liturgy
(4Q284, olim
4QSndt)
5
[…This is] the serek for the impurities for Israel 6
[…] to sprink[le] lustral water
[ מי נדה...] 6 זה[ סרך הנדות לישראל...] 5
[ להזו]ת
Appendix J: Proposal for a New Lexical Entry
302
Appendix J: Proposal for a New Lexical Entry
סרךvb. (Perh. < √( ערךsafaʿel?); for
semantic range cf. τάσσω) to arrange, to
dispose—Qal Impf. Q ;יסרוכוptc. Q
סורכי
I (spatial) to arrange, to lay out (on
the altar) את כול אלה יסרוכו במועד שנת
השמטהand they will lay out all these
[sacrifices] during the appointed time of
remission 1QM 2:6 (c.f. Lev 1:7-8)
II (hierarchical) to rank, i.e., to
arrange hierarchically ואת ראשי הכהנים
יסרוכו אחר כוהן הראש ומשנהוthey shall
arrange the chiefs of the priests
hierarchically behind the chief priest and
his deputy 1QM 2:1
III (martial) to muster וסורכי המחנות
יהיו מבו ) (חמ)ש(ים שנה ועד בן )ש(שיםand
those who muster the camps shall be from fifty
years to sixty 1QM 7:1b
[�]ס ֶר
ֶ n.m. (cf. � ֵﬠ ֶרand τάξις)
disposition, layout, rank, army,
procedure, nature—cstr. Q ;סרךsf.
Q סרכו, Q ( סרכםQ )סרכמה
I (spatial) arrangement, list, layout,
line ואחריהם כול סרך פרוש שמותםand after
these, the entire list of the details of their
names 1QM 4:6; סרך לסדר דגלי המלחמהthe
layout for the order of fighting battalions
ר
1QM 5:3; סדו)כ (ים בסרך מעמד איש אחר איש
arranged in a line, the station of each man
behind his fellow 1QM 5:4; וזה סרך לשפטי העדה
and this is the arrangement for the judges
of the congregation CD 10:4; זה סרך בנ]י נוח
[ משם לאברהםThis is the list of the son[s of
Noah, from Shem to Abraham…] 4Q180f1:4
II (hierarchical) rank, order,
hierarchy, ranking וכתבם בסרכand they
shall register them by rank 1QS 5:23; וסרך
מושב כול מחנותhierarchy of dwelling in all
the camps CD 14:3
III (martial) army, forces, battalion
ואנשי הסרך יהיו מבן ארבעים שנה ועד בן
חמשיםand the men of the army shall be
between forty and fifty years of age 1QM 7:1a
IV (procedural) teaching,
procedure, list of instructions (to be
done in a particular order) כסרך הזה
יתקעו ה]כו[הנים לשלושת הדגליםaccording to
this teaching the priests shall blow for three
divisions 1QM 8:14; וזה הסרכ לאנשי היחד
המתנדביםThis (is) the teaching for the men of
the Community who have been incited 1QS 5:1
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