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The research has been prepared by an initiative group consisting of Lasha Tughushi, Natia Kuprashvili, Zviad Koridze and Nino Rukhadze within the EU/UNDP supported project “Professional Media for Elections”. The content of this document is the sole responsibility of the authors and may not reflect the views of the European Union, the United Nations or UNDP. The research is based on quantitative and qualitative analysis of 2013 presidential elections, survey of PR specialists of the political subjects and managers of broadcasting organizations, as well as analysis of legal documents. The research has analyzed the practices of political advertisement dissemination and offered recommendations aimed at improving media environment from that persective.
Communication Quarterly
Political Television Advertising in Campaign 20002005 •
Most studies of political advertising focus on presidential television spots. However, far more commercials are broadcast for other races. This study applies the functional theory of political campaign discourse to 584 television spots from presidential, gubernatorial, senatorial, house, and local races in the 2000 election. The most common functions were acclaims (67%) followed by attacks (32%) and defenses (1%). When non-presidential ads are examined, incumbents acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers. Party-sponsored ads employed more attacks than ads sponsored by the candidates. These messages emphasized policy more than character (62% against 38%). Democratic candidates discussed policy more than Republicans. Presidential and gubernatorial ads (executive offices) discussed policy more than ads for other offices.
1996 •
Fuel and Energy Abstracts
Missing ingredients in political advertising: The right formula for political sophistication and candidate credibilityAd Americam. A Journal of American Studies, vol. 5, s. 81-88
Televised Political Advertising Research in the U.S.2004 •
A popular view, supported and magnified by some mass communication scholars that subscribe to the critical rather than empirical perspective, is that political spots stand for everything that is wrong with televised politics. They trivialize life and thought, give priority to fluff over substance, manipulate the audience, and, by using pictures instead of words, escape the rules of logic. 1 The roots of some of these assertions can be traced back to the "magic bullet theory" that blamed all mass media for manipulating the atomized, alienated, and helpless individual. Others go back to the technological determinism of McLuhan, whose ideas 2 seem to have come to prominence once again in the Internet Era. McLuhanesque in nature, Post-man's criticism of television 3 blames the very medium for the quality of the contemporary public discourse. To him, nonlinear, irrational, and image-based television is not capable of conveying complex and abstract ideas. In the area of political campaigning, the peak of criticism concerning the changes wrought by television in elections came after Richard Nixon's two presidential races. Joe McGinniss, who was to obtain an insider's view of Nixon's second media effort, played an instrumental role in that process. The much-publicized account that resulted from this experience contends that: "We have to be very clear on this point: that the response is to the image, not the man... It's not what's there that counts, it's what's projected-and carrying it one step further, it's not what he projects but rather what the voter receives. It's not the man we have to change, but rather the received impression. And this impression often depends more on the medium and its use than it does on the candidate himself." 4 The view of the alleged destructive effect of televised politics in general and political advertising in particular became widespread. Researchers coined the term "image candidates ." 5 Patterson and McClure summarize the literature on this aspect of political advertising as follows: "Critics contend that televised ads fail to provide voters with meaningful information, that they degrade the electoral process by selling candidates as if they were soap, that they emphasize image-making while ignoring political issues." 6
2008 •
Journal of Political Marketing
Candidate-sponsored TV ads for the 2004 U.S. presidential election: A content analysis2012 •
In 2004, roughly 44% of presidential candidate–sponsored political ads were negatively framed, with more than 90% of the attack ads featuring direct attacks against the opponent’s persona and/or policies. Perhaps the presence of attack ads by 527 groups lowered the bar for candidate-sponsored ads, as the electorate was desensitized by the mudslinging barrage. Although candidate evaluations are higher after candidate-sponsored than party-sponsored attack ads, backlash fears mitigated the negativity of many candidate-sponsored ads. Nonetheless, negativity pervaded many of these presidential candidate–sponsored ads. Perhaps backlash fears have decreased to the point that candidates no longer dread the repercussions of negative ads.
All elections use advertising. Over the years, we have seen an increase in aggressive advertisements that seek to attack opponents rather than build their own case as a leader. Is all of this money being wasted? Or is their tactic actually working?
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