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2006
The relatively high marital fertility of the Irish in the United States in the 19th century has long been interpreted as evidence for the persistence of a distinctive Irish culture in the United States. This claim echoes a similar view of Irish-American marriage patterns. Recent work has shown that the marriage patterns of the Irish in the United States were similar to native-born whites with similar occupational and other characteristics. This paper studies the reasons for the high fertility of Irish-Americans in 1910.
Irish Economic and Social History
DID Irish Marriage Patterns Survive the Emigrant Voyage? Irish-American Nuptiality, 1880 19201999 •
The "Irish" Family
Marriage, Fertility and Social Class in 20th Century Ireland2014 •
This chapter examines the progession of class differentials in marriage and fertility patterns in Ireland over the 1926-1991 period. The study of social class patterns is particular important for understanding family change. Social class is and was a powerful predictor of marriage and fertility patterns among the Irish.
1991 •
Recent analyses of Ireland’s marital fertility transition based on the Princeton Ig and the Stanford CPA measures are reassessed. Revised county estimates of Ig are subjected to regression analysis, and added insight into CPA is offered by comparing Ireland with Scotland and applying the measure to three specially constructed local data sets.
This paper explores the characteristics associated with marriages between Catholics and members of other religious denominations (‘mixed marriages’) in 1911 Ireland. Using the recently-digitized returns of the 1911 census of population, we find that such marriages were relatively rare, varying from two to three percent of all marriages in Dublin to less than half a percent in Connacht. However, at the turn of the century in the Dublin area mixed marriages represented 12 per cent or more of marriages where at least one of the partners was a non-Catholic. When mixed marriages did occur the Catholic partner was more likely to be the wife. Using regression analysis we examine the individual characteristics of the partners to these marriages and find a number of characteristics significantly associated with them. However, the strength and even the direction of predictors like socioeconomic status vary substantially across regions, most notably between Ulster and the rest of Ireland. In Ulster mixed marriages tended to occur between partners in lower socioeconomic positions, whereas in the rest of Ireland the partners tended to be from higher social strata. Since the religion of the children born to mixed marriages was a contentious issue, we match our sample of partners of mixed religions to their children and find that the religion of the children was strongly influenced by the mothers religion. Couples of mixed religions had lower fertility than the general population, even when the influence of socioeconomic class and other potentially confounding variables is allowed for. This, as well as the evidence of higher infant-child mortality among families of mixed marriages, potentially indicates a lack of family and social support due to the general public disapproval of couples who married across the religious divide.
2001 •
2021 •
Not enough is understood about gender diversity or gender relations in Irish—America. Distinctively Irish gender relations formed a set of cultural norms which guided Irish-Americans of both genders in their new homeland. Emigrants to the United States used these norms to develop survival strategies in response to the extraordinary pace of nineteenth¬ century social changes. Within the Irish Catholic heritage of trauma and cultural destruction, gender expectations provided a sense of continuity and comfort. In nineteenth-century America, gender and ethnicity were interactive and mutually supportive elements of one’s identity. Although the supply of unskilled opportunities for Irish men in American cities and towns was often unpredictable, work was readily available for the female Irish immigrant. Many Irish women welcomed their economic independence and appreciated supporting their families back home. Irish-American concepts of masculinity and femininity contrasted in some respects with stereotypical Victorian norms—i.e., although Irishmen were hardly “feminine” or Irishwomen “masculine” per se, according to Irish gender norms, emotionalism was an acceptable component of Irish masculinity and self-assertion was an acceptable component of Irish femininity. Irish-American gender concepts operated in ways that fostered the development of gendered outlooks, rooted in the division of labor by sex, that shaped their experiences, attitudes, and aspirations. For example, masculine drinking customs introduced strangers into the group. By drinking, a male newcomer could immediately demonstrate his sense of belonging, his adherence to Irish manhood norms. Rather rigid norms regulating the relationships between men and women developed throughout rural post-famine Ireland. Women were encouraged to spend their time with members of their own sex. Even the changing stereotypes of the Irish were highly gendered as they shifted from depictions of “Paddy”, the drunken, brawling laborer, to Spencer Tracy’s “Frank Skeffington”, the more socially established, smooth-talking, corrupt politician; and from “Bridget”, the backward, stubborn domestic servant, to A Tree Grows in Brooklyn’s “Miss McDonald”, the rigid, but fair old-maid school teacher. American popular culture, stereotyped, “Brigid, the foolish and impetuous housewife”; it nonetheless held Irish women in considerably higher esteem than it did the typical Irish man, “Paddy, the lazy drunkard.” In the eyes of the the American, Irish women carried out their family duties more consistently and more honorably than did Irish men. Irish women worked more often than German or native women, but married Irish women were less likely to work than either of their counterparts. By 1880, Brooklyn’s Irish-born women remained mired in non-skilled positions (78%) while their German-born peers (65%) and Native-born counterparts (43%) fared significantly better. However, among American-born daughters in “The City of Homes,” the fortunes of the Irish (51%) improved markedly faster more than did the Germans’ (59%). In 1880, Brooklyn’s Irish—particularly the Irish-born—remained largely a working-class people. Their survival strategies reflected the options Brooklyn’s economy offered, their limited capital and job skills, and their perceptions of appropriate behavior for women and men. Almost all Irishmen worked. Women’s high involvement in income-generating activities complemented men’s efforts. Brooklyn’s Irish immigrants would have been even poorer, and they would have faced even greater difficulties in sustaining an ethnic community if a significant proportion of immigrant women had not earned money. Until the turn of the century, a high proportion of the work available to Irish-stock men required strength but not much formal education. An unschooled young woman, conversely, would draw much lower wages than an unschooled young man. Irish girls were expected to work for a considerable length of time. If a family could afford to forego her immediate earnings, a girl (and her family) could benefit considerably if extra schooling gave the girl access to better-paying work. Gender and economic realities shaped conscious decision-making among Brooklyn’s Irish community during the period under study. Over 83% of second-generation Irish females, aged 13-14, attended school, whereas just 42.8% of German-American girls of comparable age did. Among older teens, 38.2% of Irish-American girls were still in school, but just 7.4% of German immigrants’ daughters. The statistics were essentially flipped for their brothers. Unpaired comparisons (t-tests) show strong, statistically significant differences in 13-16-year-old secondgeneration German girls' school attendance as measured against second-generation Irish girls and native whites. In all comparisons, p< .001. While 15-16-year-old second-generation Irish girls' school attendance was significantly lower (p<.001) than native whites', there was no significant difference between the two groups in 13-14-year-olds' attendance levels (P<.05). Second-generation 13-14-year-old German girls had a significantly (.01) higher level of labor force participation than their second-generation Irish age-peers (p=.01), but the difference was not significant in comparison with native whites (P>.05). By ages 15-16, second generation German girls were significantly more likely to be employed than second-generation Irish girls or native whites (each comparison is significant at the p<.001 level). In contrast, 13-16 year-old secondgeneration Irish girls were not significantly more likely to be a member of Brooklyn’s labor force than native white girls (P>.05). These patterns shift among women aged 21-22. At that age, second-generation Germans and native white women's labor force participation levels were virtually identical and second-generation Irish women were significantly more likely to work than either group. In both cases, p<.05. Moreover, as the primary socializers of the American-born second and third-generations, Irish-American women were strategically placed to pass on their perspectives and to mold children’s accommodation to U.S. society. Not only did women’s role as the primary influence on their own children expand during the late nineteenth century, the dramatic increase in educated female teachers (in both public and parochial schools) dates to the 1875-1900 period. Second-generation Irish girls were seemingly as common among these new public school teachers as immigrant Irish girls were among domestics a generation earlier. Other than Chicago, nowhere was this trend more evident than in William Maxwell’s Brooklyn Public Schools. Some information on public school teachers is drawn from two Brooklyn Civil Lists, 1886 and 1896, each published the following year. Because is impossible to determine with any precision just how many Smiths or Mitchells are of Irish stock, the 39% (1886) and 45% (1896) figures probably represent minimum Irish-American involvement in the public schools. The influence of “Boss” Hugh McLaughlin in all forms of public hiring must not be underestimated. Superintendent Maxwell, Protestant Irish himself, certainly did not. Brooklyn’s Normal School was sporadically offered to candidates after hiring from 1865-1898. Its classes were taught by Board of Education principals most years, not independent professors.
This study adds to a growing body of research on the contextual determinants of marriage choice and provides new information on ethnic intermarriage in the late 19th century. Census microdata for 66 major cities in 1880 are used to estimate a multilevel model of assortative mating of Irish, German, and British immigrants. Results demonstrate that marital choices made by individuals are significantly affected by the local urban context where they live. In addition, the very large disparity in endogamy between the British and other groups can mainly be attributed to the smaller size of the British population in these cities.
This paper explores the characteristics associated with marriages between Roman Catholics and members of other religious denominations in Ireland before the Great War. Using the entire digitized returns of the 1911 population census, we find that such marriages were relatively rare, occurring in less than 1% of total marriages. Some of this infrequency can be attributed to ethnoreligious hostility—especially in the north of the country. However, we also show that the rarity of intermarriage reflects local marriage markets, as non-Roman Catholics living in communities with fewer coreligionists were more likely to intermarry. We examine the individual characteristics of partners in these marriages, looking at the religious denomination of their children, their decision to marry out, and their fertility behavior. Our findings illustrate how the frequency of intermarriage reflects historical levels of intolerance, but only after local marriage market conditions have been accounted for.
2009 •
PORTFÓLIO INDIVIDUAL PROJETO DE EXTENSÃO – Gestão da Saúde Pública
PORTFÓLIO INDIVIDUAL PROJETO DE EXTENSÃO – Gestão da Saúde Pública2022 •
LinalaukaR: lino e porro
SULLA COESIONE DEI ‘MONOLOGHI POLIFONICI’ DOSTOEVSKIANI. Tipologia, anonimato e antonomasia dei ridicoli sognatori del sottosuolo2021 •
2024 •
Религия и общество – 18 : сборник научных статей
Эсхаталагічныя ўяўленні стараабрадцаў: па матэрыялах рукапісных кніжных помнікаў XVIII–XX стст. з фонду ЦНБ НАН Беларусі2024 •
The Proceedings of the International Plant Nutrition Colloquium Xvi
Evidence for glyphosate damage of winter wheat depending on waiting-times after pre-crop glyphosate application and density of desiccated weed plants under field and experimental conditions2009 •
Mass Customization and Design Democratization
Mass Customization and Design Democratization2018 •
2014 •
Journal of infrared, millimeter, and terahertz waves
Q-Band MIMO Antennas with Circular Polarization for Spatial and Polarization Diversity2024 •
Geospatial Artificial Intelligence
IMAGE PATTERN RECOGNITION IN SPATIAL DATA USING ARTIFICIAL NEURAL NETWORK2022 •