Research into Pre-Roman burial grounds in Italy

Crustumerium’s Monte Del Bufalo cemetery features Early Iron Age and Orientalising fossa and Archaic chamber tombs. While the first usually had a relatively elaborate set of grave gifts, the latter contain only few grave gifts. The funerary architecture and associated ritual customs provide insight in the social transformation of the communities around Rome between the late Orientalising and Archaic period.

"The late 7th and 6th century BC in Central Italy have long been regarded as obscure, because only a small number of graves could be ascribed to this period and because these tombs generally contained very few or no grave gifts. However, recent excavations at the burial grounds surrounding the Latial settlement Crustumerium (near Rome) have yielded a fairly large number of tombs dating to this period, shedding new light on this poorly understood period. The study of the Crustumerian funerary archive has revealed a number of remarkable changes in the funerary rituals after the end of the 7th century BC. Apart from a dwindling number of grave gifts granted to deceased individuals, the period witnessed the introduction of more monumental tombs for the deposition of more than one burial. In addition, it seems that people abided less strongly by former strict rules for the treatment of the bodies and the spacing, orientation and closing of the tombs. Many of the changes in the burial customs seem to be prompted by a shifting locus of investment of the elite; from the sepulchral areas to the now urbanised settlements. The developments can also be viewed as the result of an altered ideological concept of death and afterlife. Overall, the funerary archive of Crustumerium has proven to be of great importance to bring a previously obscure period “into the light”."

From the 3rd century important changes took place in the funerary topography of Roman cities. Firstly, suburban areas previously used for residential or industrial activities outside city walls were used for funerary purposes. Later, beginning in the 4th century, but most commonly in subsequent centuries, dispersed burials start to appear in the intramural space of cities. Both of these two phenomena, widely detected in the Western provinces, are connected to the more general subject of urban transformations in Late Antiquity and therefore have been widely debated since the 1980s. However, no single explanation has been formulated, and the topic is further complicated by the quite vigorous debate on questions such as the 3rd century crisis, the extent of Christianisation and the effects of destructions caused by barbarians and of their settlement in Roman cities. The aim of this paper is to look again at both processes of change, taking into account both old and new archaeological evidence, and new methodologies and interpretations, in order to illuminate their possible causes and interpretations.

research into Pre-roman burial grounds in italy caeculus papers in mediterranean archaeology and greek & roman studies editorial board P.A.J. AttemA m.A. HArder r.r. NAutA O.m. vAN NiJf caeculus 8 research into Pre-roman burial grounds in italy edited by albert J. nijboer sarah l. Willemsen peter a.J. attema Jorn F. seubers peeters leuVen - paris - dudley, ma 2013 a cip record for this book is available from the library of congress. cover illustration: © 2013, peeters - Bondgenotenlaan 153 - 3000 leuven, Belgium d. isBnisBnall rights reserved. no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. contents preface............................................................................................ vii-xi the necropolis of crustumerium. preliminary results from an interdisciplinary analysis of two groups of tombs ........................... barbara belelli marchesini and Walter b. Pantano 1-33 a changing funerary ritual at crustumerium (ca. 625 Bc) ............ sarah l. Willemsen 35-50 “unwanted children” in the road trench area at crustumerium ..... 51-62 eero Jarva Biographies of tombs and the metaphorical representations of the crustumini: remembering the dead project and the funerary excavations at cisterna grande at crustumerium 2004–2008 ....... ulla rajala 63-82 research in Villanovan necropoleis of Verucchio, 9th to 7th century Bc ..................................................................... 83-102 Patrizia von eles the necropolis of Vetulonia during the orientalizing period; a research project ....................................................................... camilla colombi 103-119 the orientalizing necropolis of macchia della comunità - Veii: some observations on its development ...................................... 121-138 sara neri a new burial ground from satricum. preliminary results of the excavations in 2010 ........................................................ 139-152 marijke gnade the macchiabate necropolis in Francavilla marittima (calabria): some preliminary notes on the recent excavations by the university of Basel ..................................................................... 153-167 martin a. guggisberg Vi contents omnia mors aequat and other problems with processing data from a large cemetery ............................................................... claudia m. melisch and Jamie sewell 169-183 Bibliography .............................................................................. 185-220 preFace the present volume is the outcome of a specialist workshop on research into pre-roman burial grounds in italy organised by the groningen institute of archaeology (gia) on February 10-11, 2011. mediterranean archaeologists of the groningen institute of archaeology uphold a tradition of almost 20 years of specialist workshops organized around phdstudents at an advanced stage of their studies. it offers phd students the opportunity to discuss their research topic in depth with international experts, both senior colleagues and peers. the workshop on pre-roman burial grounds held two years ago, addressed the phd research of sarah Willemsen on the burial grounds of crustumerium (rome). her research is embedded in the gia project “the people and the state, material culture, social structure and political centralization in central italy (800-450 Bc) funded by the Netherlands Organisation of Scientiic Research (NWO) and the groningen institute of archaeology (gia). this project investigates urbanisation and societal change in crustumerium between the 9th and early 5th centuries Bc through the study of burial customs and settlement development at the site itself and patterns of habitation and land use in the surrounding landscape. thanks to a fruitful collaboration between the gia and the ssBar (soprintendenza speciale per i Beni archeologici di roma) sarah Willemsen was able to study on the basis of archived and new excavations the gradual appearance of chamber tombs among the traditional iron age and orientalizing fossa and loculus tombs in the burial ground of monte del Bufalo and the simultaneous decrease in numbers of grave gifts in them. the burial grounds of crustumerium feature a substantial number of chamber tombs, which singles it out as a most suitable case study for the examination of the changing funerary rituals in latium vetus from the end of the 7th century onward and compare this development with contexts in etruria and the Faliscan and sabine regions. All papers in the present Caecvlvs volume in one way or another relect on aspects of Sarah Willemsen’s PhD research. Several deal speciically with crustumerium’s burial grounds, while others examine burial grounds elsewhere in italy; ranging from Verucchio in emilia-romagna to Francavilla marittima in calabria. most papers concentrate on the period between 800 and 500 Bc, except for marijke gnade’s contribution on the Volscan necropolis at satricum (mainly 5th and 4th century Bc) and the paper by Viii preFace claudia melisch and Jamie sewell on the excavation of more than 3000 medieval and post-medieval graves around st. peter’s church in the centre of Berlin. although their contribution is chronologically and geographically ‘outlandish’, it offers great insight in how to record and assess large funerary datasets. also in pre-roman italy we are often dealing with extensive burial grounds with large numbers of tombs. their excavation history is however as a rule less homogeneous than the example of the Berlin excavations that were carried out with modern techniques and completed by a single team within a restricted time period. as illustrated in the papers by Von eles, colombi, neri and guggisberg, excavations of pre-roman burial grounds in italy often took place over multiple decades and were conducted by many different teams. the consequently complex research history of these burial grounds creates several obstacles in terms of synthesis and interpretation, problems noted by several authors. the papers on crustumerium discuss various topics. Barbara Belelli marchesini, employed in the “the people and the state” project as postdoctoral researcher, and physical anthropologist Walter pantano of the ssBar, present an interdisciplinary paper on the many tombs that were excavated at the site since the 1980’s. they give a preliminary analysis of the main tomb clusters of the monte del Bufalo burial ground, focusing primarily on the period 725-650 Bc singling out one tomb cluster in particular that was in use during the entire life of the settle-ment, from about 800 Bc until around 500 Bc. they confront issues as: Who were the deceased from a biological/social point of view and what were their health conditions? how were their bodies treated and placed in the tomb? What is the meaning of their corredo in relation with their social position? how did the funerary ritual change during the existence of the burial plot? subsequently sarah Willemsen introduces her research on the changes in funerary ritual that occurred around the end of the 7th century Bc. she notes that while the funerary wealth did decrease quite dramatically, the architecture of the tombs proper was innovated. the more spacious chamber tombs now enabled multiple depositions within one grave structure, probably stressing family ties. the burial ritual itself became increasingly secluded, leading to a more private ceremony during actual burial in the chamber. Willemsen also stresses the increasing level of negligence in the execution of previously well respected funerary customs; no longer is there a clearly deined location for the deceased and the funerary gifts, nor a ixed orientation for the body while secondary depositions become preFace iX common practice. the implications of this transition at crustumerium around 600 Bc is evaluated in the context of ‘sumptuary legislation’, ‘investing in the public arena’ and ‘religious change’. The paper by Eero Jarva examines the artiicial road trench that runs through ancient crustumerium. some intriguing child burials were found next to this monumental infrastructural work, just near the boundary of the settlement. Jarva discusses these contexts, relects on the date of the road trench and the tombs and offers a new hypothesis for the changing extent of crustumerium’s settlement area. the last paper on crustumerium is by ulla rajala, who excavated a number of 6th century chamber tombs at the cisterna grande burial ground to the east of the settlement. she discusses the research strategy, aims and theoretical and methodological framework of her “remembering the dead” project. rajala reconstructs singular narratives of the deceased and their tombs based on ‘unusual’ inds. apart from the above-mentioned studies on crustumerium, this volume also presents current research on cemeteries in other parts of ancient italy. patrizia von eles discusses the burial grounds of Verucchio and the recent results of her continued involvement in the excavation and research of this important Villanovan site that functioned as a trading and craft centre from the 9th to 7th century Bc. she proposes a relative seriation of Villanovan tomb contexts from Verucchio within a general chronological framework. particular attention is paid to topographical aspects. the lippi and lavatoio cemeteries at Verucchio allow the use of spatial analysis to study social organization through graves of individuals and groups to which different status and roles can be attributed. it is reasonable to assume that the cemeteries were predominantly used by an upper class. Von eles illustrates that it is possible to identify several groups of burials that pertained to the social organization of the community of ancient Verucchio. the paper by camilla colombi deals with her phd research on the necropolis of Vetulonia during the orientalizing period. the cemetery of Vetulonia was excavated in the late 19th and early 20th century and has never been the subject of an overall review. her research analyses the original documentation and will eventually result in a reconstruction of sets of grave goods of individual burials in combination with a topographical map of the necropolis. Furthermore, the research examines the typology of ibulae and pottery in order to place the grave complexes in chronological X preFace order. special attention is paid to the formation of tomb groups and the distribution of objects referring to status and gender. the article introduces the project and presents some preliminary results. sara neri’s paper deals with one of the burial grounds at Veii, 12 km west of crustumerium on the opposite side of the tiber. the necropolis of macchia della comunità (82 tombs) is located along the south-western slopes of the settlement plateau of Veii and was already excavated between 1916 and 1927. The burial ground was irst used around 750 BC, it became increasingly employed during the orientalizing period and its use decreased during the archaic and hellenistic period. the spatial analysis and the study of the inds reveal that a prosperous though not speciically high ranking group of people was buried here. the increasing frequency of small chamber tombs and the changing composition of the burials hint towards changing social conditions of the corresponding settlement, especially during the late orientalizing period. it is suggested that the necropolis pertains to a “middle class” group, possibly of artisans of the pottery workshops of Veii. the region latium Vetus is represented by the research of marijke gnade and her team at satricum. her paper presents the discovery of an important new burial plot. in the summer of 2010, the university of amsterdam continued their on-going excavation in the lower settlement area. amidst archaic building remains a small burial ground of circa 40 inhumation graves dating to the 5th and 4th centuries Bc was uncovered,. the tombs were unexpectedly well endowed, containing elaborate personal ornaments and different kinds of pottery, indigenous as well as imported. the burial ground is materially similar to two other, more or less contemporaneous, sepulchral areas that were already discovered in the 1980’s. all three cemeteries are attributed to the Volscans who used parts of the former Latin settlement as burial grounds. The recent inds appear to be more elaborate and of later date, which may be of consequence for the occupation history of post-archaic satricum. The inal paper on pre-Roman burial grounds in Italy is by the hand of martin guggisberg who discusses the excavation of 8th century Bc tombs in the macchiabate necropolis of the settlement of timpone della motta at Francavilla marittima. his paper provides us with new insights into the burial customs of the oinotrians, a native people of south italy. contacts with seafarers like euboeans and phoenicians during the early iron age resulted in the appearance of foreign imports and local imitations as funerary gifts in the tombs. preFace Xi although not published, we do want to mention in this preface the presentations held at the second day of the workshop that dealt with computer based research, databases, isotope analysis, gis and spatial analysis of burial grounds. all of these techniques contribute greatly to the discipline of funerary archaeology, revealing new insights on spatial organization of burial grounds, social organization of society and diet and health conditions of individuals. hans van der plicht (university of groningen, centre for isotope research) introduced carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis and Soia Voutsaki (GIA) spoke on the potential and limitations of stable isotopes analysis as part of the examination of mortuary data, an aspect also incorporated in gia’s research at crustumerium. We would like to acknowledge patricia von eles, marijke gnade, Francesco di gennaro, claudia melisch, Walter pantano, hans van der plicht, Jamie sewell and Soia Voutsaki for their valuable input in the discussions. Finally we like to thank the contributors to this volume for their efforts to prepare their presentations for publication. considering the articles exemplary for the current state of research into pre-roman burial grounds in italy, we really felt that the workshop deserved a wider audience. We hope that the readers will appreciate the papers as much as we did. the editors thank siebe Boersma for typesetting and image editing, kayt armstrong for proof reading the english text and remco Bronkhorst for formatting the bibliography. the gia is grateful to the ssBar for the fruitful and continued collaboration and support of its research at crustumerium. July 2013 albert nijboer, sarah Willemsen, peter attema and Jorn seubers the necropolis oF crustumerium. preliminary results From an interdisciplinary analysis oF tWo groups oF tomBs. Barbara Belelli marchesini and Walter B. pantano1 abstract the available information on the tombs of crustumerium that have so far been excavated, is currently being processed in order to outline some distinctive features of the funerary contexts, as well as some of the cultural traits of the community represented and their way of life. the paper gives the results of a collaboration between archaeologists and anthropologists of the servizio di antropologia of the soprintendenza speciale per i Beni archeologici di roma (ssBar). We will give a preliminary presentation of two burial areas within the cemetery of monte del Bufalo, focusing mainly on latial period iVa while tracing the topographical development of the cemetery, the evolution of ritual practices and the identity and habits of the individuals and social groups that exploited the different burial areas. introduction remarkably, the extent of the necropolis of crustumerium was largely established by the activities of tombaroli during the past few decades and has partially been conirmed by formal archaeological investigations.2 the 1. groningen institute of archaeology; b.belellimarchesini@virgilio.it soprintendenza speciale per i Beni archeologici di roma (ssBar), servizio di antropologia; walterbpantano@libero.it the paper is the result of collaboration between the authors. Barbara Belelli marchesini is working on a inal publication of the burial grounds at Crustumerium based on the excavations of the ssBar. she wrote the paragraphs: introduction; aims, methods and lines of research on monte del Bufalo cemetery at crustumerium. Walter Benedetto pantano was responsible for the paragraph “the population of crustumerium”. the section on “the exploitation of the monte del Bufalo cemetery: evidence from the clusters” was written by both authors. the illustrations are based on the documentation deposited in the ssBar. 2. strategies to prevent and to tackle the activity of tombaroli, with special reference to the site of crustumerium, are discussed in di gennaro 2001; 2009. 2 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano Fig. 1 the settlement of crustumerium and its main burial grounds (map by Pragma srl, elaborated by b. belelli marchesini). more intensively robbed areas extend both along the slopes of the urban plateau and on the opposite geological units, which suggests that the burial grounds developed as a wide belt around the settlement. according to our hypothesis, the surroundings of crustumerium were more intensively used as burial area than noticeable at present. the available information refers to several burial areas, which expanded to the north and to the south-east of the settlement and which were strictly connected to the roads leading to the etruscan, latin and sabine regions (Fig. 1).3 the burial ground of sasso Bianco, overlooking the track of the via salaria and the tiber valley, has been partially explored in 19874 and seems 3. the gravitation of the burial areas along the main roads has also been observed for the necropolis of Veii, and suggests the importance of such roads from the very beginning of the settlement: Bartoloni 2003, 88. 4. the excavations conducted in 1987 were addressed at exploring a small area and at tracing a general map of the site, through the distribution of the tombaroli pits. preliminary information about tombs 25 (di gennaro 1988, 122-23) and 34 (Belelli marchesini 2006) was published. in the campaign of 1987 a fossa tomb of the 2nd century ad was also brought to light, pertaining to a roman villa, which extended along the slopes of the hill; amoroso 2002, 278. the necropolis oF crustumerium 3 to have been densely exploited from latial period iii onwards, thanks to the good quality of the local bedrock. unfortunately the area was extensively robbed in modern times.5 it has yielded evidence of a cluster of late tombs stretching from north to south, which includes chamber tombs and several tombs “a loculo tipo monte michele”;6 the latter type is well documented in Veii and consists of a dromos with a small loculus carved along its lateral wall and closed off with tufa chunks and stones, or even with tiles. several fragments of red tufa columns belonging to funerary capstones have been reused in this cluster of tombs, suggesting that by the end of the 7th century, the landscape of sasso Bianco underwent some radical changes7 and that previous tombs had been carefully marked at the ground level. the burial area stretching along the south-eastern limit of the settlement appears to have been so intensively exploited that we can consider this a large, single cemetery that is distinguished at the moment in two plots; cisterna grande and the monte del Bufalo burial grounds. this distinction is mainly based on modern toponomy and on morphologic features, although it is important to stress that the few excavations so far conducted have revealed that the northern district of cisterna grande was mainly exploited in the later period of the necropolis and does not preserve meaningful traces of the orientalizing period.8 the area of monte del Bufalo is approximately 9 hectares large and stretches southwards along the Fosso della Formicola and along the 5. tombs have been robbed since the 1970s. the tombaroli took advantage of the presence of dense vegetation; Quilici, Quilici gigli 1980, 153. 6. this type of tomb is discussed in di gennaro 2007, 165-67, notes 5 and 7; Belelli Marchesini 2008, note 43, ig 10-2c; 2013, 109. 7. di gennaro 1988, 122-23. 8. the northern area of cisterna grande was explored by the university of cambridge and the university of oulu during the period 2004 and 2008, within the project remembering the dead (rajala et al. 2005) and has brought to light one “tomba a loculo” of the orientalizing period and seven chambers tombs of the archaic period, which show meaningful differences in architecture and ritual: rajala 2011; this volume. another much more consistent group of chamber tombs seems to have been dug around the hill summit, which is occupied by the modern Casale: ive chamber tombs have been brought to light along the northern lank of the hill in 2004, thanks to the collaboration of the volunteers of the dopolavoro Ferrovie dello stato. two more chamber tombs, one including a cremation, have been registered in 2006 on the opposite side of the hill. the lack of orientalizing tombs cannot be simply explained as an effect of the erosion, and possibly represents a “meaningful absence”. the concentration of chamber tombs may be explained as the effect of a progressive development of the burial ground towards the north-east, but also the exploitation of that speciic area by emerging family groups. Orientalizing tombs are documented along the southern slopes of the cisterna grande morphological unit, as is well documented by the unpublished excavation conducted by Barbara Barbaro and tommaso magliaro in 2004. 4 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano Fig. 2 the south-eastern limit of the settlement, the track of the trincea Viaria and the necropolis of monte del bufalo (map by Pragma srl, 2010; elaborated by b. belelli marchesini). track of the ancient road leading to Fidenae and rome. the numerous excavations conducted since 1987 have brought to light more than 300 tombs (Fig. 2). The irst campaign took place next to the trincea the necropolis oF crustumerium 5 Viaria9- the huge artiicial trench connected with the main road crossing the settlement area - and brought to light a cluster of 10 tombs belonging to the late iiird and iVth latial period, probably connected to a family group of some importance.10 the following campaigns conducted in the years 1996 and 1998 with the contribution of a large number of volunteers- mainly students- aimed to prove the existence and the extension of the burial ground and acquire monte del Bufalo as state property.11 the western district of the burial ground was explored by means of four main trial trenches, running in different directions and intended to map the uneven distribution of the tombs.12 in addition, a large trial trench was cut in the opposite district of the burial ground and on the left side of the road leading to the modern casale dell’ovile, along the slopes of the settlement plateau. in 1998, a trench revealed the presence of a defensive fossato, running outside the line of the fortiication walls and marking the boundary of the burial ground itself.13 new information about the eastern district of monte del Bufalo was acquired thanks to the excavation by richard daniel de puma in the years 2001 and 2002, and conducted both on the left and on the right side of the modern road.14 From 2005 onward, the SSBAR invested inancial resources to hinder the activity of tombaroli, mainly for the burial ground of monte del Bufalo, and to encourage scientiic research on this speciic cemetery. The ieldwork and research on Monte Del Bufalo were more intense from 2006 onward, thanks to the collaboration and increasing participation of 9. the trincea Viaria is supposed to date to the period of formation of the early iron age settlement (di gennaro 1988, 113-14), even though, according to the results of recent excavations conducted by the University of Oulu on the urban plateau, the irst pebbled level of the road cannot be dated earlier than the orientalizing period (kuusisto and tuppi 2009; see Jarva this volume). 10. it was not possible to verify the information collected by the archaeologists of the British school, about the accidental discovery of some kind of cinerary urns in the same area: Quilici and Quilici gigli 1980, 113, note 256: sito m; di gennaro 1988. 11. the area of monte del Bufalo was acquired by the state in 1998: di gennaro 1999. 12. the area, which has been explored in 1996 and 1998, is crossed by a proper itinerary, which allows visiting a few meaningful, restored tombs; di gennaro and Vergantini 2001. the uneven distribution of the tombs is referred to in Bartoloni 2003, 93-94. 13. The part of the fossato, extending from the Trincea Viaria to the fortiication wall, has been outlined by trial trenches in 2007; Barbaro, Barbina and Borzetti 2008, ig. 5-6, with reference to the results of electrical tomography, commissioned by the gia to the company metis-3d in 2009. the winding track of the fossato, as reconstructed by the test trenches, is shown in Figure 9. 14. a selection of the corredi from the ten tombs is exhibited in the museo territoriale di monterotondo; togninelli 2006, 33-40. 6 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano the GIA. It was possible to adopt a different ieldwork strategy and to perform an extensive exploration of the necropolis.15 At irst, the excavation focused on the western side of the burial ground, next to the Via della marcigliana, covering an area which had never been explored before. soon afterwards, the burial area along the defensive fossato was explored, on the opposite side of the modern track leading to the casale. in 2008, a new burial area came to light along the track of the trincea Viaria;16 the topographical position indicates a highly speciic function as a reserved burial place. Whatever its meaning may be in relation to the limits of the settlement area, the small group of tombs so far excavated seems to demonstrate the appliance of an etruscan, rather than a latin, custom for infant burials in crustumerium.17 thus the south-eastern section of the necropolis was investigated extensively and even though much still remains to be done,18 so far we have a good general idea of the character of the different burial areas, the general features of the material culture and the main ceremonies, which were being performed.19 the collaboration of ssBar and gia, recently formalized in a convenzione, has made it possible to promote a proper plan of research and publication focusing on monte del Bufalo, according to the aims of the nWo funded crustumerium project.20 15. it important to explain that in the years 2005-2006 the presence of clandestini did not allow any kind of planning of the campaigns. it was necessary to bring to light one tomb at a time and complete the excavation within the same day when possible (or otherwise cover it up with a huge mound of earth for keeping it safe during the night); the area of the excavation was progressively widened in order to include all the tombs belonging to the clusters that were coming to light. 16. the tombs were not expected by the team of the university of oulu working on the settlement area under the supervision of e. Jarva and need further investigation; see Jarva this volume. the corredo from tomb 2 (kuusisto and tuppi 2009, 2-5) is now exhibited in the museo di monterotondo. 17. Bartoloni 2003, 102-3 hints at the possible anomalous behaviour of crustumerium and notes that in Etruria infant burials are clustered in speciic areas inside the necropoleis. on the other hand, in pontecagnano (via sicilia) burial of infants is stressed by the presence of altars for chthonic offerings (cerchiai et al. 1994, 426), which has been compared to the infant burials of the urban sacred complex of tarquinia-la civita. 18. i refer to the restoration of the corredi, which have been excavated by the ssBar in the last campaigns, and to the lack of both proper inancial resources from the Ministero and the lack of available storerooms to deposit unconserved inds. 19. a synthesis is given in Belelli marchesini 2008; di gennaro and Belelli marchesini 2010. 20. Barbara Belelli marchesini is grateful to prof. p.a.J. attema and dr. a.J. nijboer for the opportunity to work in the nWo project ‘the people and the state’ as a post-doctoral researcher. this allows her to carry on the work, wich she has been doing for crustumerium since 2005 as a collaborator of the soprintendenza. the necropolis oF crustumerium 7 aims, methods and lines of research on monte del bufalo cemetery at crustumerium the exploitation of the cemetery of monte del Bufalo during the time span of its use will be reconstructed the coming years according to current methods of research on necropoleis.21 the peculiar features of the cemetery suggest the following three main lines of research: - an investigation into the changing landscape of the necropolis. - a study of the evolution and social meaning of the funerary practices. - An examination of speciic features of material culture. on a large scale, the landscape of the necropolis can be reconstructed through the identiication of the different burial grounds, which seem to be separated by large strips of free land,22 and the main artiicial or natural limits that mark the boundaries of the cemetery itself. even if monte del Bufalo has only been partially excavated, for a general evaluation the map of the tombaroli pits is useful. These pits are clustered and relect the presence/absence of tombs fairly well.23 on a different scale, the landscape can be described taking into account the horizontal stratigraphy of each burial ground and the criteria of distribution and orientation of the tombs in the different periods, in order to collect information for the reconstruction of the arrangement of the necropolis at ground level. From the roman period onward, the area of monte del Bufalo has eroded substantially as a result of ploughing and no traces of structures enclosing or dividing the tombs seem to have been preserved, as is the case in some other sites.24 in spite of this, the kind of monuments and capstones that marked the landscape of the necropolis in different periods can be reconstructed based on the architectural fragments, which are included in the illings of some tombs, and which hint to its progressive change. among them is a fragment of a red tufa block, which has a well-polished, 21. On the one hand, they are stimulated by the theoretical inluence of post-processual archaeology (cuozzo 2003), on the other hand they are increasingly based on statistic and mathematical methods of data processing; moscati 1996; Bernabei 2003. 22. this feature is not uncommon: in castel di decima, for instance, there are indications for at least 6 different burial grounds, which are separated by empty strips of land; Bartoloni 2003, 91. 23. the map of the tombaroli pits has been updated by massimo sabatini (pragma srl) from the 1990s onward, after a request of Francesco di gennaro. 24. Bartoloni 2003, 91-92. on the other hand, the presence of circles of stones that circumscribe small groups of tombs and the presence of rectilinear structures fencing off single tombs, has been observed on the eastern necropolis of the nearby site of Fidenae; di gennaro 2006a, 231. 8 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano slightly convex exterior.25 this block resembles a circular monument, possibly a tumulus,26 marking a speciic cluster of tombs. Additionally, nearby tombs of the same period often have varying depths. if we exclude the explanation - that the deeper tomb is the more expensive and relects the social condition of the buried individual- we could imagine that the burial grounds were terraced in ancient times.27 on a smaller scale, the aspect of the different burial grounds can be analysed through the identiication of clusters of tombs and plots belonging to family groups and the reconstruction of the horizontal stratigraphy. on the whole the absence of proper tombe principesche,28 the few examples of (female) outstanding tombs29 and the great incidence of robbed ones, obscure our understanding of the articulation of the tombs. comparative analysis of the density of the tombs and the distribution of the different architectural types, which may also relect speciic choices in relation to the social condition (gentes and clientes) and gender of the individuals, may help to reconstruct the use of the necropolis in different periods and can point out the absence or presence of rules (e.g. the use of standardised modules and measures). the evolution of the ceremonies that were performed or represented during the funerary event - whatever their meaning in real life was - will be preliminarily discussed here, taking into account the composition and the placement of the funerary goods. special attention will be paid to the selection of the objects and their position in the tomb; to the relation between the goods and their place of deposition which may relect a speciic ceremony or meaning. For example, the attingitoio a botticella is often 25. this block was found during the 2005 campaign: it was used to close off the loculus of tomb 181, together with a large amount of chunks and other reused stones of red and grey tufa. 26. a funerary tumulus (25 m in diameter), which was completely destroyed by agricultural activities, has been identiied at the site of Colle del Bufalo, along the road leading to Ficulea; Quilici and Quilici gigli 1980, 248-50, 278. 27. this hypothesis has been proposed by Francesco di gennaro and needs to be carefully veriied through spatial analysis and a 3D-reconstruction of the cemetery. 28. the progressive development of the burial areas around (a couple of) eminent tombs, such as described for the necropolis of acqua acetosa laurentina (Bedini 1984) does not seem to have taken place at crustumerium, even though a radial disposition of the tombs has been observed in some burial areas. the lack of tombe principesche may be due to the incidence of robbed tombs, to the limits of archaeological excavation, but may also be due to the social proile of the community: symbols of power, such as the sgabello poggiapiede, do occur in some of the richest tombs, but such tombs are not of the same quality as the contemporary latin ones. 29. the three tombs excavated by the gia (nijboer and Willemsen 2012) in the burial area next to the marcigliana group exhibit peculiar ornamental parures. the necropolis oF crustumerium 9 placed next to the body. the study of the capacity of pottery30 belongs to this line of research and is not only addressed at the reconstruction of ancient measurement units, but also at studying the ceremonial practices that were represented in the tombs from a technical point of view. practices such as the communal consumption of wine, as evidence from settlement areas point outs, can be linked to the celebration of meaningful events by close and eminent social groups.31 on the other hand, the composition of the corredo and the way the funerary space has been used and arranged are probably strictly linked to the social persona and to the reconstruction of peculiar habits, helping to characterize family or clan groups. the collaboration with the servizio di antropologia of the ssBar32 made it possible to pay attention to the taphonomy of the burials during the excavation, in spite of the poor preservation of the skeletal remains, and to promote specialist analysis designed to reconstruct the conditions of life and health of the individuals. this type of research into the population will assist topographical analysis, matching the categories deposition/tomb/ corredo and the general outline of the community living in crustumerium. the anthropological work is also focussed on verifying if the sample of tombs we are dealing with is representative of the population itself, from a social and anthropological point of view, and to point out features of the individuals who were given a formal burial. the particular aspects of the material culture at crustumerium derive from the interregional role it played thanks to its geographic position, and relect the presence of local workshops, which elaborated upon the external inluences in an original style. In order to outline the development of local workshops during the orientalizing period, the study of pottery production will be supported by archaeometric analysis in future work. encouraging results have so far been obtained dealing with samples of impasto bruno, 30. togninelli (2009) has demonstrated that kyathoi and anforette relect standardized measurement units and that it is possible to reconstruct some kind of an oficial measuring system. Further research has been done by the author in relation to the selection of objects belonging to the different corredi; preliminary results have been presented during the seminar regler l’usage ii- la mesure: théorie et applications (rome, march 13th, 2010). 31. Belelli marchesini 2008, notes 32-40; 2013, 107-9; Bartoloni 2011. 32. We are grateful to paola catalano, responsible for the servizio di antropologia, who has constantly encouraged participation of the anthropologists in the ieldwork and subsequent analysis of the skeletal remains, since the campaign of 1987. 10 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano focussing on the anforette di tipo laziale.33 special attention will be paid to the decoration of the pottery, mainly to the printed stamps, which deserve a speciic catalogue and proper methods of documentation.34 as regards the spatial analysis, the agreement between gia and sBBar has made it possible to include all data from crustumerium in a gis platform managed by the sitar (sistema informativo territoriale archeologico di roma), in which all data belonging to ancient rome and its surroundings are being collected.35 along with the collection and digitalization of available data and the elaboration of terminological lists, a proper database has been designed.36 the relational database is based on the three main categories of information (tombs, objects and depositions),37 but has been designed to support the special needs of research.38 the use of the database called for proper terms to describe the different partitions of the tombs, stressing the various ritual choices, which are expressed by each architectural type and allowing detailed analysis of the funerary space. The revision is aimed at matching the different terms with a speciic function: a distinction is made between: - the fossa, which is a trench housing the deposition and in some cases the funerary goods as well, which is sometimes equipped with horizontal covering and is then intentionally illed to ground level; 33. interdonato 2008. 34. alessandro Jaia (la sapienza, roma) has experimented with the use of a laserscanning technique for the documentation of black-glaze pottery stamps and a catalogue of the pre-roman stamps will hopefully soon be available and will possibly be shared on-line. the laser-scanner and other experimental 3d modelling techniques are being tested on the pottery, the tombs and the ieldwork in Crustumerium, thanks to the collaboration between the ssBar and the Facoltà Quaroni, sapienza di roma (headed by alfonso ippolito). 35. the promoter and director of the project sitar is mirella serlorenzi. the project follows the guidelines of inspire (infrastructure for spatial information in the european community), set by the european parliament and the european council (dir. 2007/2/ cee of 14 march 2007), and the national standards issued by the italian ministero for the codiication of public GIS projects: Serlorenzi 2011. 36. Belelli marchesini is grateful to andrea de tommasi (sitar) who has designed the database according to the requirements of sitar and according to her own wishes and to her colleague sarah Willemsen for her stimulating contribution. 37. the partition of the database into these three main logical areas of a tomb is well established in current research on necropoleis: the general structure relects, for instance, the database of pontecagnano (d’andrea 1999). 38. the database includes several forms which allow for the registration and speciication of spatial and semantic relations between the tomb, the burial and every single object. Furthermore, we have entered very detailed information aiming at extensive analysis on the correlation between typological sequences: e.g. the architectural features of the tombs and the combination of decorative patterns of the pottery. the necropolis oF crustumerium 11 Fig. 3 crustumerium, schematic typology of the orientalizing tombs: a. tomba a fossa, provided with an apsidal niche; b. tomba a fossa, provided with a lateral niche; c. tomba a loculo, tipo narce; d. tomba a loculo, tipo montarano; e. tomba a loculo, tipo monte michele; F. tomba a cameretta, accessible through a vertical shaft; g. proper tomba a camera, accessible through a dromos and provided with loculi along the lateral and rear walls (from di gennaro 1999a; elaborated by b. belelli marchesini). 12 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano - the loculus, which is an empty space provided with a vertical closing system, which houses a deposition and is carved along the wall of a rectangular shaft (caditoia) or the wall of a chamber; - and inally the empty space which is exclusively meant to house the funerary goods (nicchia/niche) (Fig. 3).39 at the same time, we are planning to use statistical methods for the elaboration of digitized data,40 taking into account both the archaeological and the anthropological information. during the preliminary collection and elaboration of the available data, we have used excel sheets and printed topographical maps for a irst general and “traditional” evaluation of the burial grounds. in this preliminary phase, the collaboration with Walter pantano, who is at present studying all skeletal remains from crustumerium in detail and is also examining the anthropological information which has been collected in the ield, was very useful. despite the preliminary stage of research and the lack of a detailed chronological sequence,41 the main trends of development of the cemetery can be outlined. the following presentation of results is based on a selection of the available data, statistical evaluation of the main features of the tombs and the irst application of multiple correspondence analyses.42 the exploitation of the monte del bufalo cemetery: evidence from the clusters in order to outline the topographical development and the main features of the cemetery, we will discuss two comparable groups of tombs, which are situated at some distance from each other and show some substantial 39. the terms loculo and fossa have so far been used for a wide range of meanings. it is important to stress that they correspond to different post-depositional “stories”, since they are respectively full and empty spaces. 40. statistics are increasingly used in the analysis of data from burial grounds. a recent, ine example is provided by the analysis of the necropolis of Capua (Melandri 2009). The statistical elaboration of data will be performed in collaboration with the università roma 2, tor Vergata (Facoltà scienze matematiche, Fisiche e naturali); the statistical investigation, which is presented in this paper, represents the irst step of the overall analysis of the necropolis. 41. an open typology of pottery and metal artefacts is being prepared based on the available drawings and restored objects. 42. our approach to the reconstruction of the topography is affected by the preliminary stage of research and is mainly based on information collected in the ield. A similar approach was used in the study of the necropolis of cuma; Valenza mele and rescigno 2011, 237-289. the necropolis oF crustumerium 13 Fig. 4 monte del bufalo, “Via della marcigliana” group. schematic plan, with tombaroli pits indicated by grey dots (map by Pragma srl, elaborated by b. belelli marchesini). differences. they have both been explored in recent years and show some kind of delimitation, that is to say, they may be considered as independent burial areas.43 43. the articulation of the cemeteries into separate large groups of tombs seems to be a common feature, as is demonstrated well in the examples of Veii (Bartoloni et al. 1997, 89) and osteria dell’osa (Bietti sestieri 1992, 49-52). 14 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano Fig. 5 monte del bufalo, “Via della marcigliana” group. distribution of the early iron age tombs. the “Via della marcigliana” group The irst group of tombs stretches from North to South, next to the modern via della marcigliana, and covers about 2000 square meters and includes 88 tombs (Fig. 4). half of the tombs are well preserved and allow for full analysis. a substantial percentage of the tombs (17.6%) were severely damaged by erosion and are thus supericial, whereas almost a third of the deep tombs (31.8%) were looted though still preserving ornaments and personal objects. the area has been excavated in 2005 and 2006 by the ssBar, in order to prevent further looting.44 44. most of these corredi are not yet restored. the necropolis oF crustumerium 15 the burial area seems to have developed along a wide strip of land that runs from ne to sW, and continues towards the settlement plateau. this probably coincides with a track of the ancient road leading to Fidenae.45 on the other side of this track, there is evidence of tombs belonging to another large burial group. the southern limit probably corresponds to the edge of a small valley, which has been partially illed with alluvial deposits. moving to the east, the limit of this valley seems to be stressed by an alignment of the tombaroli pits.46 the marcigliana group is very suitable for the study of the evolution of the burial area from the early iron age down to the archaic period.47 the general map reveals an empty central area, which has been occasionally exploited during the orientalizing period as a quarry. however, this did not strongly affect the development of this burial ground. moreover, the distribution of the earliest tombs seems to point out that this area, possibly a public square, corresponds to a meaningful boundary line. the early iron age tombs can be attributed to latial period iiB2-iii. they are distributed in the southern part of this burial ground, arranged in rows at regular intervals and possibly belonging to three separate small groups, as underlined by the slightly different orientation, varying between nne and ene (Fig. 5). the dimensions of the grave-cuts are not fully standardized and the average length is about 240-250 cm. the smallest tombs possibly correspond to infant burials. one of them held the remains of a girl aged 2-4 years. unfortunately, most of the tombs are disturbed and few skeletal remains are preserved: the gender of 40% of the individuals cannot be determined. the remaining 60% is subdivided in Females (40% of the sample) and Males (20%). The funerary goods include on average ive objects, which are distributed alongside the body. the few preserved female ornamental parures include a couple of ibulas, a small suspension ring, fermatrecce and a necklace.48 a spindle whorl generally marks a female burial while a spear head points towards a male deposition. 45. amoroso 2004, Fig. 11.26. 46. such an arrangement recalls the burial ground of piazza sabbato in pontecagnano: Cuozzo, d’Andrea and Pellegrino 2005, 183-84, ig. 3. 47. A irst interpretation of this burial area, based on the 2005 excavation, is given in Belelli Marchesini 2008, ig 18. 48. preliminary information about the female gender, as represented in the necropolis of crustumerium, is given in Belelli marchesini and di gennaro 2011. three female corredi from the campaign of 2005 have been promptly restored in the laboratory for conservation and material studies of the gia by gert van oortmerssen (www.lcm.rug.nl); nijboer and Willemsen 2012; the funerary goods of t156 are shown in di gennaro and Belelli Marchesini 2010, 155, ig. 15. 16 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano Fig. 6 monte del bufalo, “Via della marcigliana” group. distribution of the main individual tombs of the orientalizing period: fossa tombs with apsidal niche (in light grey), tombe a loculo (in dark grey). map by Pragma srl, elaborated by b. belelli marchesini. this small early iron age ii cemetery is so far exceptional for crustumerium. it could be that other burial grounds of the same period have been destroyed as a result of erosion.49 a strong increase in the number of burials at crustumerium takes place from the late latial iii onwards till the end of the 6th century Bc. this increase is also marked by the introduction of new architectural types of 49. in monte del Bufalo there are three more early iron age tombs. two of them belong to the cluster of tomb next to the trincea Viaria. the third one is tomb 18, which was preliminarily presented (di Gennaro, Amoroso and Schiappelli 1998, 151, ig. 2-3) to stress the striking afinity between the Early Iron Age material culture of Crustumerium and Veii. the necropolis oF crustumerium 17 tombs, which are possibly adopted at irst by members of an elite while relecting a completely new approach to the burial and the representation of the individual. the oldest fossa tombs with an apsidal niche are substantial in dimensions and are carefully executed: the bottom of the fossa is deepened to house the cofin and the deposition is protected with a row of horizontal slabs (Fig. 3 a). the individual is buried with personal ornaments and symbols of his social status and wealth, such as sgabelli poggiapiede, anelli da sospensione and elaborated parures. other funerary goods are placed in the niche and include bronze vases. these niches are closed off with stones. individual tombs with a niche appear in Veii around 730 Bc and possibly provided a model. however, the architecture of our tombs inds an exact parallel in contemporary tombs of Fidenae.50 this type of tomb undergoes a progressive simpliication and dimensional reduction and is certainly used by people of medium social standing throughout latial period iVa. despite their poor preservation, it is possible to argue that the oldest type of fossa tombs with niche of the “Via della marcigliana” group are the big ones inserted between the previous iron age tombs, following the same orientation. one such example contains the remains of a marital couple. tombs of the same type, but of smaller dimensions, are distributed in the northern half of the burial area and they appear to be placed in clusters. it is possible to point out groups of two to three tombs, which are close to each other and belong either to marital couples or to groups of women. on the other hand, the three male tombs that seem to mark the northern limit of the burial ground are arranged in a row. the orientation of the depositions varies mainly between nne and ene (Fig. 6). as regards gender, the percentage of tombs which cannot be determined is rather low (17.4%) and men are relatively well represented: 47.8% of the depositions are female and 34.8% male. the most representative architectural type is the so called tomba a loculo, which is a tomb that is accessible through a deep vertical shaft. Francesco di gennaro has suggested calling the tombs with a single loculus, opening either on the left or on the right side of the shaft tipo narce, and the tombs with two different loculi, that could be used either for a marital couple or for couples of women, tipo montarano51. the loculus 50. iaia 2006. 51. di Gennaro 2007; Belelli Marchesini 2008, notes 25-26, ig. 13-14; 2013, 105-7; di Gennaro and Belelli Marchesini 2010, 16-17, igs. 6-8. 18 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano contains the burial and is elaborated with some kind of apsidal niche, where the funerary goods are placed (Fig. 3.c-e). this type of tomb is found in Veii during the last quarter of the 8th century, as the tomba principesca 871 of casale del Fosso and was widely spread through the Faliscan area up to poggio Buco. the chronology of the associated pottery suggests that the tombe a loculo have been used in crustumerium until the last quarter of the seventh century, but they possibly survived as individual tombs after the introduction of anti-sumptuary laws (as stated below).52 it is evident that during the time span of their use, they have undergone a progressive simpliication. In the early tombs, the loculus is extensive in order to house the funerary gifts, whereas the apsidal niche completely disappears in the late examples since the corredo progressively becomes reduced and inally disappears. The closing system is accurately executed in the early tombs, where it is built with inely cut tufa slabs in an upright position. the tombs belonging to the second half of the 7th century commonly exhibit rough closing systems, which were made with tufa chunks and reused stones. the reused stones are parts of red tufa capstones and cippi and are meaningful because they show that the funerary landscape had altered. Furthermore, the late tombs a loculo are usually supericial and have reduced dimensions, whereas the oldest ones are extremely deep and exhibit standardized large dimensions.53 Just a few tombe a loculo dating at the beginning of the 7th century do belong to people of a relatively high social level, who have been buried in a small family group next to the trincea Viaria. half of these tombs can be attributed to women and only 28% to men. in the “Via della marcigliana” burial area, the tombe a loculo are arranged into small groups and their distribution is not even: there is a great concentration in the central area, stretching from north to south (Fig. 6). it is meaningful that the smallest tombe a loculo, lacking funerary goods, are placed at the eastern periphery of the burial area: the depositions include an adult man accompanied by a short sword only, a young lady and a small girl aged 10-14 years, possibly forming a small family group. such tombs might be interpreted as late tombs, which are affected by the introduction 52. For anti-sumptuary laws in latium, see Bartoloni, nizzo and taloni 2009 with references. 53. the average length of the shafts of the largest tombs is 280-290 cm; the maximum length is 320 cm. the average width is 100-110 cm, but it is necessary to stress that the proile of the transverse section of the shaft is usually tapering towards the top; because of this we wonder if the shafts were kept empty and were possibly temporarily covered with wooden boards. the necropolis oF crustumerium 19 of anti-sumptuary laws, suggesting a progressive expansion of the necropolis in time, or they may be considered as tombs belonging to individuals of a lower social status. the varying orientation of the tombs, from nnW to E, is possibly connected to the necessity of exploiting speciic plots of the burial grounds, but further chronological study may prove it to be the effect of another variable. since two different types of tombs were in use simultaneously during the orientalizing period for the time span of three generations, it is important to establish if there is any relationship with the social condition, role and gender of the individuals. a preliminary look at the composition of the corredi does not suggest any meaningful distinction. They relect, on the whole, rather homogeneous depositions. as regards women, only 40% of the depositions are associated with a spindle whorl and belong to individuals over 20 years old; only one of them is represented as a weaver with four spools as well. none of the depositions exhibit elaborate parures, weaving implements or symbols of fertility (anello di sospensione)54, which point to a role of matrona. the “three ladies” which were excavated by the gia55 in the nearby burial ground, have a quite different social proile, demonstrating the presence of social differentiation in the clusters of tombs. as it happens in latin culture, male tombs rarely exhibit wealth and seem generally to be under-represented:56 we can point out that only 38% of the male burials are associated with a spearhead and that there is only one tomb with spearhead and dagger. regarding the funerary goods, it is well known that some tombs of crustumerium hint to the ceremonial practice of circumpotatio: the olla is placed upright and is surrounded often by a large number of cups with raised handle, from 15 up to 54, which were possibly tied together with a rope.57 this type of association seems not to be restricted to the early Orientalizing period, and possibly refers to people of a speciic social stratum. the number of robbed tombs does not allow for a full understanding of the distribution of this kind of corredi in the burial ground, but it is nevertheless possible to argue that they relect a peculiar feature of funerary representation. on the other hand, it is possible to demonstrate 54. Bartoloni 2003, 133. 55. nijboer and Willemsen 2012. 56. Bartoloni 2003, 101-2. 57. a preliminary analysis of the origins of and the connections between the crustumerium burial ritual and the ceremonies performed in daily life and connected to the funerary sphere is given in Belelli marchesini 2008, notes 32-40; 2013, 107-9. For a detailed analysis of such ceremonies: Bartoloni 2011a. 20 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano that family habits were well underlined and affect the composition of the corredi: for example, the presence of the ribbed olla a coppette and of the rare pisside di tipo laziale respectively, are associated with couples and otherwise outstanding tombs. the olla a coppette is a highly symbolic object, which was produced in local workshops.58 during the second half of the 7th century the olla a coppette is used, both in the ribbed and in the white on red version,59 to represent social ceremonies, even if not associated with the large group of cups. the “Via della marcigliana” group includes other types of individual tombs dating to the 7th century, such as four female fossa tombs with a lateral niche (Fig. 3 B), which have a peripheral position. this tomb type is not common in crustumerium, whereas it is widely documented in Veii and the Faliscan area: it appears at the beginning of latial period iVa with a deep specimen in the “Via della marcigliana” group and is in this burial area connected with female individuals without ornaments. the associated pottery sometimes includes non- local shapes, a fact that underlines the possible special position of the individuals involved. the niche is cut into the long side of the fossa and next to the head, to the left or to the right, but there are exceptions to this rule. the orientation of this type of tomb in crustumerium is mainly between nnW and e while the dimensions vary. there are also a few fossa tombs, which have the same peripheral position inside the burial area and possibly refer to individuals of lower social standing. they include two inhumations lacking ornaments and corredo and two female depositions with a few funerary goods, which are placed next to the head or next to the feet. on the other hand, the shallowest and smallest trenches lacking traces of a deposition may belong to infant burials. relating to infant burials, the enchytrismos tomb in the sW corner of the burial area deserves special attention. it belongs to a child of 6 to 12 months, placed inside a dolium which is closed with a large river stone. the funerary goods are placed outside the dolium and consist of a small anforetta and a cup (Fig. 7). more depositions of this kind are suggested by scattered fragments of dolia, which have been found in the middle of the burial area. this type of tomb proves that the general latin customary ban on formal burial of young individuals was not always followed at crustumerium.60 58. di gennaro 2006; ten kortenaar 2011, 98-9, 300. 59. many white on red olle a coppette from private collections and illegal trade can be attributed to Crustumerium, thanks to the ine example which was recovered in the marcigliana group in 2005 (t169). 60. Bartoloni 2003, 102-3; modica 2007. the necropolis oF crustumerium 21 Fig. 7 monte del bufalo, “Via della marcigliana” group. enchytrismos tomb (mdb 140). drawing by b. belelli marchesini, elaborated by Pragma srl. the introduction of the early chamber tombs for families can be dated around the last quarter of the 7th century. these tombs possibly evolved from the tombe a loculo61 and originally have roughly carved, low and rectangular chambers, where depositions are placed directly on the loor; they are accessible through a vertical and axial shaft (Fig. 3 F), which later develops into a proper dromos. in Veii- macchia della comunità, a similar type of tomb is adopted in the second half of the 7th century: the entrance here is by a transversal shaft and the chamber appears to be an expansion of the lateral loculus.62 the link between the architectural types is possibly provided by individual tombs, which have extremely wide lateral loculi, such as the examples from narce (pizzo piede) and Fidenae.63 in the “Via della marcigliana” group there are two examples of early, small chambers (camerette), which have an identical orientation (Fig. 8). the personal corredo is restricted to ibulae, weaving implements and weapons, but the pottery is well selected and possibly suggests that the depositions are people of relatively high social standing. 61. this is suggested by t217, which had a loculus and an extremely wide niche that housed the funerary goods and another inhumation. unfortunately this tomb was partially robbed. 62. see the contribution of sara neri in this caecvlvs volume. 63. this variant of the tombe a loculo is named “pizzo piede”, as suggested in di gennaro 2006, 213. 22 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano Fig. 8 monte del bufalo, “Via della marcigliana” group. distribution of the family tombs and tentative reconstruction of the necropolis at ground level. the tombe a cameretta are represented in light grey. We have little information on the features and chronology of the proper chamber tombs, which have hardly been excavated.64 their distribution strongly hints at different family clusters of tombs and possibly relects the presence of a row of plots in the middle of the burial ground. the features of the cemetery at ground level, including the different orientation 64. chamber tombs are usually not looted by tombaroli, who ind it easier and more worthwhile to dig tombe a loculo. that is the reason why the ssBar has postponed extensive exploration of such tombs at crustumerium. the necropolis oF crustumerium 23 of the dromoi and the alignment of some tombs hint at the presence of a path running down the slope (Fig. 8) and provide further evidence for the contemporary presence of the central open square with quarry. in general, we can say that the burial area has not been intensively exploited during the orientalizing period; there is only one family plot where successive tombs were located according to available space and at different levels, while care was taken not to damage previous tombs substantially. the reuse of individual tombs for further depositions is not attested here. From the general features of the burial area, we can conclude that the orientation of most of the graves varies between the n and e and that a ritual rule was respected. two main trends affect the topographical arrangement of the burial ground and seem to overlap. tombs arranged into parallel rows at regular intervals mark the exploitation of the burial ground in the early stages; the evidence of the small early iron age ii group of tombs and the apparent progressive expansion of the cemetery towards the settlement area suggests a spatial shifting of the funerary area.65 on the other hand, the clustering of the orientalizing tombs and the increasing evidence for crowded funerary plots as opposed to empty areas, refer to the emerging of close family/clan groups. in demographic terms, the marcigliana group includes a large number of female depositions (half of the sample). this is also noticed in other necropoleis and may be explained either as the result of the better visibility of women in the funerary record, or as the effect of the mors peregrina for men, for example during periods of war.66 according to our research plan, we have also tried to estimate the relationship between the gender of the individuals and the types of tombs and possible correlations in age. The igures show preliminary results and indicate some meaningful differences.67 nevertheless, a complete statistical analysis of the data is necessary before we can discuss the results as representative and not affected by the quality of available information.68 65. in the eastern necropolis of Fidenae, the spatial distribution of tombs of different type and chronology seem to point to a progressive development of the burial ground from the summit hill to the slopes (di gennaro 2006, 230). 66. Bartoloni 2003, 101-02. in crustumerium determination of gender is hindered by the poor preservation of bones. On the other hand, anthropological analysis is helping to conirm the exclusive use of particular pottery shapes such as the tazza-cratere, in female tombs. 67. We will present these graphics elsewhere in detail. it is nevertheless meaningful to stress that there is a prevailing amount of adult men who have been buried in tombe a loculo and that all the fossa tombs provided with a lateral niche belong to adult women. 68. it is important to stress that the poor preservation of the skeletal remains from the “Via della marcigliana” group has affected the determination of age, which was done by Stefania di Giannantonio in the ield. There is a large generic group of “adults”, which includes all individuals older than 20 years. 24 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano Fig. 9 Monte Del Bufalo, line of the fortiication walls, section of the fossato, the Fossato group and nearby clusters of tombs. the dots indicate the tombaroli pits (autocad map by Pragma srl, elaborated by b. belelli marchesini). the Fossato group the second group of tombs discussed in this paper is situated in the northeastern district of monte del Bufalo next to the defensive fossato (Fig. 9). it has been extensively explored since 2009 thanks to the collaboration between the gia and the ssBar. the area covers 1850 square meters the necropolis oF crustumerium 25 Fig. 10 monte del bufalo, Fossato group. distribution of the main individual tombs of the orientalizing period: fossa tombs with apsidal niche (in light grey), tombe a loculo (in dark grey). autocad map by Pragma srl, elaborated by b. belelli marchesini. and includes 70 tombs, seven of which have not so far been investigated.69 the distribution of the tombs is uneven and on the north-western side it is possible to outline a high concentration of tombs with 33 depositions within 300 square meters. as regards preservation, 57% of the tombs are rather well preserved. the percentage of robbed tombs is slightly lower than elsewhere (22%) and includes an example which can be dated to the roman period. a further 22% of the tombs were damaged by erosion or by the collapse of nearby tombs. the Fossato group is well delimited on the north-western side by a free strip of land which runs along the defensive fossato and which is 69. in this paper, we take into account data that were retrieved up until 2010. 26 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano about 5 meters wide, the urban meaning of which might be assumed, to be a pomerial road. on the opposite side, the limit of the burial area is marked by an indented cut, which we attribute to the presence of an extensive quarry (Fig. 10).70 it is not uncommon that quarries are temporarily opened in burial areas.71 the stratigraphical relationship with the surrounding tombs suggests a late orientalizing date. on the eastern side, the area is crossed transversally by a wide trench, which possibly functioned as a drainage channel and was illed in the Late imperial period.72 it evidently runs along a strip of land which was not used for burial purposes and, in spite of the apparent late chronology, may relect the topographical situation during the pre-Roman period. the development of the burial ground can be reconstructed based on the distribution of the different types of tombs. early iron age tombs are lacking, possibly as the result of erosion. however, the area seems to have been fully exploited from the middle of the 7th century onwards, by family groups without any traces of high social standing. the fossa tombs with an apsidal niche show a loose distribution and seem to be arranged in two parallel rows, at a wide interval (Fig. 10). they mainly point to the ne and have various dimensions. they are smaller than the specimens of the marcigliana group, but they are demographically comparable: 50% of the depositions are female and 31% male. most of them belong to individuals who are aged between 20 and 40 years old. the distribution of the tombe a loculo illustrates the successive development of the burial area and assists the reconstruction of two large family clusters (Fig. 10). In the eastern part of the burial ground, the irst cluster is represented by a group of tombs which are mainly oriented to the ne and which are regularly arranged in two parallel rows. most of them belong to men buried with a spear and a dagger. the group also includes a marital couple of relatively high social level. in the north-western part of the burial ground tombe a loculo of smaller dimensions are tightly clustered and are oriented differently, mainly to the nW, in order to exploit an almost square plot of land. some of them house more than one 70. The interpretation as a quarry is based on its stepped proile and the evidence for extraction. information was collected in 2010 during the excavation of the nearby tombs. 71. a useful example is provided by the laghetto cemetery in caere; linington 1980. 72. We refer to the results of trial trenches in 2010 by Francesca dell’era. the necropolis oF crustumerium 27 Fig. 11 monte del bufalo, Fossato group. distribution of the fossa tombs with lateral niche (in black) and the simple fossa tombs (in grey). autocad map by Pragma srl, elaborated by b. belelli marchesini. adult deposition, which is exceptional in crustumerium73 and is elsewhere documented in cerveteri (poggio dell’asino),74 showing the passage from individual to family tombs. Beside the two main clusters so far described, it is possible to observe that scattered small groups of tombe a loculo belonging to nuclear families are widely distributed in the burial ground, separated by large strips of free land. a tomba a loculo tipo montarano, provided with two loculi for a marital couple, is cut along the southern limit of the cemetery. Family ties 73. there are a few examples of women buried with infants. 74. di Gennaro 2007, 171-172, ig. 6-7. 28 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano Fig. 12 monte del bufalo, Fossato group. distribution of the family tombs. the tomba a cameretta mdb302 is represented in light grey (autocad map by Pragma srl, elaborated by b. belelli marchesini). are also stressed by the few scattered fossa tombs provided with a lateral niche, which mainly reuse the shafts of previous ones as a depositional space (Fig. 11). regarding individual burials, there are also some simple fossa tombs, the chronology of which is hard to establish. among them, there are two peripheral, crouched male depositions lacking funerary goods, which may belong to individuals of low or peculiar social standing. moreover, a few depositions belonging to adult women ill in the available space of the western cluster of tombs (Fig. 11). in addition there is the peculiar tomb more than 350 cm long, which lies next to eastern limit of this burial area (mdB t313). it is a huge fossa, closed with a large amount of blocks and slabs of red tufa. a transversal wall separates the deposition, belonging the necropolis oF crustumerium 29 to a young man buried with a sword, from the few funerary goods. the contrast between the monumentality of the tomb and the limited corredo suggests a late chronology.75 the introduction of the family tombs is shown by an exceptionally early chamber tomb (mdB t302), oriented e-W and housing the deposition of a young lady, lying directly on the loor. A male deposition was later placed in a loculus on the left side. this context has yielded an extraordinary amount of pottery (about 90 objects): the banquet service includes an olla a coppette and a set of at least 54 cups with raised handles, the only representation of the circumpotatio associated with a chamber tomb at crustumerium. it may indicate the special social standing of the individuals interred. We stress that there is only one other example within this group (mdB t283) of a corredo with olla and an extensive set of cups with raised handles. it is the tomb of a man, buried in a tomba a loculo of exceptional depth and with a monumental and accurate closing system. all in all, the Fossato group seems to be a burial plot that was exploited rather late and/or by people of lower social status than in the “Via della marcigliana” group. the distribution of the chamber tombs is rather loose (Fig. 12) and the available information is not complete, because some have yet to be excavated. they are often shallow, not much deeper than the surrounding oldest tombs, and have possibly collapsed shortly after their use. this may be the reason why the large chamber of mdB t280 bears traces of one deposition only. on the other hand, the single male deposition of the smaller chamber mdB t287 indicates that not all chamber tombs may have been intended for multiple depositions. topographically, the development of the Fossato group is affected by two main trends. in its south-eastern part one can observe single/small groups of tombs, which are loosely arranged but also roughly aligned, respecting a uniform orientation. they may indicate a regular division into burial plots per family, divided by strips of free land. in the north-western section of the burial ground, which seems to be used for a slightly longer period of time, the tight clustering of the tombs relects a changing mentality: in spite of the untidy distribution of most tombs, one can observe plots of more or less square shape, which were fully exploited. most of the individual tombs respect a ritual orientation, varying between nne and ne, whereas a minor number are oriented to the nW. the 75. this tomb has been excavated by Francesca dell’era in 2010, who has pointed out traces for a late date. the empty space, which was intended to house the funerary goods, may be explained by the original presence of perishable goods, such as cloth. 30 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano only exception is a tomba a loculo, directed to the ese. the different orientation is partially the result of the trends that we have so far described. nevertheless, it is important to stress that pairs of contemporary tombs happen to be set at a right angle, in spite of the availability of space: in these cases, we can assume that a different ritual choice has been made. the preliminary analysis indicates a meaningful relationship between gender/age of the individuals and the typology of the tombs. For instance, it is evident that fossa tombs with apsidal niches were mostly reserved for young women; the simple ditches, on the other hand, were mostly used for individuals of both sexes over 40 year old. the skeletons in the Fossato group are in general not well preserved but it has been possible to collect some information on the taphonomy of the deceased,76 such as the arrangement of the body and its decomposition. regarding taphonomy, there are no substantial differences between male and female individuals. as a rule, the individuals were lying on their back. the heads were axial (47.6% of the individuals) or turned to the left (38.1% of the individuals). the position of the arms did not follow any strict rule, whereas the legs were commonly stretched. in spite of the rare preservation of wood, the decomposition of the bodies shows that cofins were commonly used in the different types of tombs. most of the skeletons showed a transversal compression and had tight knees and ankles, which means that they were possibly wrapped in a sudarium. the population of crustumerium77 the available anthropological data78 allow a comparison between both groups of tombs so far discussed. in general, the female sex is overrepresented, and the average age of death is between 20 and 40 years old. the incidence of adult or old individuals is higher in the Fossato group, and in both groups children and young individuals are scarcely represented (Fig. 13). 76. all the inhumations we are taking into account have been excavated by Walter pantano. 77. A irst evaluation of the anthropological data was based on the depositions from the 2005-2007 excavations, deriving from different burial areas: catalano et al. 2008. 78. todd 1921; nemeskery et al. 1960; Brothwell 1965; acsàdi and nemeskeri 1970; stloukal and hanakova 1978; Ferembach et al. 1977-1979; lovejoy 1985; meindl and lovejoy 1985; ubelaker 1989; Burns 1999. the necropolis oF crustumerium 31 Fig. 13 the population of crustumerium. relationship between age groups (elaborated by W.b. Pantano). as physical constitution is concerned, women were generally frail and their average height was 155 cm. men were relatively sturdy with an average height of 167 cm.79 the differences between the male and female sex were substantially marked by the features of the bones. some individuals are affected by occupational stress,80 but no traumatic injuries or fractures were identiied. the anthropological analysis has taken into account oral pathologies as well. in general, there is a low incidence of caries, which could be the result of a well balanced diet, rich in proteins and poor in carbohydrates. a light enamel hypoplasia, which is an alteration of the teeth caused by poor health during the irst years of life,81 has been frequently observed. the information about the condition of life and health of the population will be soon extended, thanks to specialist analysis, which is promoted and supported by the gia.82 79. martin and saller 1956-1959; trotter and gleser 1952; trotter and gleser 1977. 80. hawkey and merbs 1995; Borgognoni tarli and reale 1997; capasso et al. 1999. 81. goodman and rose 1990; 1991. 82. the stable isotope studies of the bones will provide information about the diet of the population and will also allow for comparison with other human groups from the same geographical/cultural district, such as osteria dell’osa (schwarcz and knyf 1992). 32 BarBara Belelli marchesini & Walter B. pantano Fig. 14 monte del bufalo, Fossato group. multiple correspondence analyses based on health condition of the population (elaborated by Flavio de angelis - dipartimento di scienze matematiche, Fisiche e naturali dell’università di tor Vergata - roma 2). the above information is useful to support spatial analysis of the cemetery and to point out speciic features of family clusters, by means of proper statistical analysis of the data set. our idea is that we should attempt to reconstruct both the identity and the habits of the family groups. A irst application of the multiple correspondence analyses has yielded some preliminary encouraging results.83 We have taken into account speciic physical features of the depositions from the Fossato Group; namely the orientation and typology of the tombs. the statistical work has outlined three main clusters: Cluster 1 and 2 are inluenced by oral pathologies, occupational stress and enamel hypoplasia; Cluster 3 is not inluenced by these variables (Fig. 14). 83. statistic analysis has been performed thanks to Flavio de angelis (dipartimento di scienze matematiche, Fisiche e naturali dell’università di tor Vergata -roma 2). the necropolis oF crustumerium 33 the spatial analysis of the depositions belonging to these three clusters outlined by the multiple correspondence analyses, marks that they are possibly based on family ties, that most people suffering from pathologies were buried in ditches and that women were in general healthier. conclusions in spite of the early stage of research and the lack of a detailed chronological sequence of the depositions, the preliminary analysis of the burial area of monte del Bufalo shows the main trends of development of the necropolis, along with the emergence of family groups and the passage from individual to family tombs. the detailed study of the corredi and of the skeletal remains contributes to the reconstruction of features of the community, which seems to have beneitted from external inluences, but was also able to express an authentic, local culture. Further analyses of the data will be performed, according to the aims of the nWo-funded crustumerium project.84 84. www.crustumerium.nl a changing Funerary ritual at crustumerium (ca. 625 Bc) sarah l. Willemsen1 introduction since the summer of 2006, the groningen institute of archaeology (gia) has been involved in annual excavation campaigns with students at the monte del Bufalo funerary area at crustumerium, working in close cooperation with the soprintendenza speciale per i Beni archeologici di roma (ssBar). during this time we have been able to study over 40 tombs, ranging in date from the early 7th until the middle of the 6th century Bc. this paper will focus on the latest phase of the funerary area and more speciically on the changes in funerary ritual that occurred around the end of the 7th century Bc. introduction to the phenomenon towards the end of the 7th century Bc, the funerary customs that had been used and elaborated for centuries underwent a dramatic change in large parts of latium Vetus. the most radical changes consisted of a reduction of the funerary wealth, paired with architectural innovations of the tomb itself. This phenomenon has been identiied in Rome, Ficana, Castel di decima and other latin settlements2 and at crustumerium as well. Whilst tombs dating to this later period are relatively rare in latium Vetus, the excavations at the monte del Bufalo area have provided us with numerous examples of ´late´ tombs. this funerary area is thus very suitable for a study of the changing funerary customs, enabling us to better understand what this change actually entailed and why it occurred. the developments observed in the funerary data are of relevance, since they provide us with additional information on the socio-political 1. phd student archaeology. groningen institute of archaeology, poststraat 6, 9712 er groningen, the netherlands, s.l.willemsen@rug.nl. 2. see Bartoloni 1987, 157; cifani 2008, 325; nijboer and attema 2011 and naso 1990, 250. 36 sarah l. Willemsen Fig. 1 Personal ornaments of bronze from t76. developments that took place in this period. elite families struggled for power in an increasingly urbanised and stratiied society. Social competition now took place in the public arena, resulting in an intensiication of construction work on temples and other communal buildings. the historical sources inform us about sumptuary laws aimed at curtailing the excessive public display of wealth both in the public arena and in the funerary domain (see the section on Sumptuary Legislation below). A relection of these developments can be found in the changing burial customs. it is believed that the way the funerary ritual and the contents of the tombs changed throughout this period, relects the changes that took place in society at large, at least to a certain extent. reduction of funerary wealth the dramatic decrease of funerary wealth may well be the most important aspect of the changing funerary ritual. Whereas the 8th and early 7th century Bc tombs were generally quite wealthy,3 equipped with an elaborate banqueting set and many personal ornaments, the tombs of the late 7th century and 6th century Bc generally contained a very modest funerary assemblage. 3. princely tombs have not been encountered at crustumerium so far (Belelli marchesini 2008; nijboer and Willemsen 2012). however, some of the 8th century tombs do contain elaborate sets of personal ornaments, as well as a large number of vases referring to an extensive funerary banquet. For an elaborate description of female tombs with opulent assemblages of personal ornaments in this region, see pitzalis 2011. a changing Funerary ritual at crustumerium 2a 2b 2c Fig. 2 a. an olla a coppette from t71; b. Part of a holmos from t232; c. a bronze tripod from t71. 37 38 sarah l. Willemsen Fig. 3 contents of t223. We will irst have a look at the ‘standard’ assemblage of the early 7th century tombs, in order to elucidate how the later tombs actually differ from their predecessors. the fossa tombs t232, t71 and t76 are good examples of quite wealthy tombs dating to this period. the female individuals interred in these tombs were equipped with an elaborate parure, consisting of numerous ibulae, suspension rings, clasps, and in one case even a headdress (Fig. 1). although all three tombs suffered severely from looting by tomb robbers, the scanty surviving ceramics pointed in the direction of extensive banqueting sets, consisting of a holmos, an olla a coppette, a bronze tripod and many other items (Fig. 2a-c). the composition a changing Funerary ritual at crustumerium 39 Fig. 4 oinochoe and kantharos of t222. of these sets, the decoration of the vases and the material used for their production all refer to the special character of the tombs and the women buried inside them.4 apart from these relatively wealthy tombs, we have also studied a number of contemporary graves that were slightly more modest in their contents. t223 for example, is a fossa tomb that contained a female individual, accompanied by no more than two ibulae. The banqueting set, placed in the head niche, consisted of 14 vessels made of impasto rosso and impasto (Fig. 3). although the assemblage of anforette, tazze and ciotole may represent quite an investment of the relatives, it is certainly not as opulent as the corredi of the tombs described above.5 however, even more modest tombs would occur towards the end of the 7th century Bc. a deposition accompanied by no more than a single ibula is no exception for this period. If a ceramic assemblage is present, it generally constitutes no more than a drinking cup and an olla or oinochoe (Fig. 4). this is of course in sharp contrast with the previous period, in which the banqueting set would comprise vases in several different 4. see nijboer and Willemsen 2012 for an in depth description of these three tombs. 5. the ‘standardisation’ of the banqueting set in this period has been noted for other areas in latium Vetus as well (Bartoloni, nizzo and taloni 2009, 65 and 83). 40 sarah l. Willemsen Fig. 5 collection of alabastra from t294. shapes and sizes, representing various different functions, such as ladling (tazzina-attingitoio), mixing (tazza cratere), pouring (oinochoe), storing (olla, anforetta), presenting (calice), etc. the ceramic contents of the later tombs refer almost solely to drinking (kantharos) and storing or pouring (olla or oinochoe). an inventory of the archaeological remains could lead us to suspect that the funerary banquet had by this time boiled down to a very simple ritual that comprised only an act of drinking.6 however, the actual banquet may have taken place somewhere else, leaving very little traces in the grave. Whereas some objects were now no longer placed inside the grave, items used for personal care and hygiene appeared for the irst time. Although already occurring in some mid-7th century tombs, aryballoi and alabastra, presumably containing perfumed ointments and cream, are very frequently found in the late 7th, early 6th century Bc tombs (Fig. 5). it has already been noted that the amount of personal ornaments dwindled in the monte del Bufalo graves, just as the amount of banqueting vessels did. a slightly different development can be noted for the personal, functional objects inside the tombs. in tombs containing female remains, 6. The dwindling amount of ire dogs, axes and knives deposited in the tombs would indicate that the consumption of wine had increased, at the cost of the consumption of meat in latial period iVB (Bartoloni, nizzo and taloni 2009, 82). a changing Funerary ritual at crustumerium 41 Fig. 6 overview of chamber tomb t32. items referring to activities such as weaving and spinning seem to disappear. spindle whorls and distaffs have not been found in the late tombs, whereas they previously formed a standard element of the female funerary assemblage. With regard to weapons such as swords, spears and daggers, frequently found with male burials, we can detect a continuity of practice; even in the latest tombs, men are still very often accompanied by a set of weaponry.7 architectural innovations Whilst the funerary wealth decreased quite dramatically towards the end of the 7th century Bc, the architecture of the tombs became more and more elaborate. During the irst phase of the Monte Del Bufalo funerary area, 7. at osteria dell’osa the number of men buried with a weapon even increased from latial period iVa1 to iVB; from 60% to 100% (Bartoloni, nizzo and taloni 2009, 82). to this note we should add that the burial ritual was limited to an even smaller group in the later period (Bietti sestieri 1992), suggesting stricter selection criteria for burial in a tomb and possibly a differential treatment of those that did so. 42 sarah l. Willemsen in the 8th century Bc, people were buried in simple trench tombs. over the course of the 8th and 7th century Bc, this type was elaborated with an apsidal niche and/or a lateral loculus. Further architectonic elaboration and increasing size resulted in the introduction of the chamber tomb in the second half of the 7th century Bc (Fig. 6). although some of the more ‘traditional’ architectonic types remained in use,8 the chamber tomb so far appears to have been the most frequently used tomb type from the end of the 7th century onwards. Family graves our archaeological investigations at the monte del Bufalo funerary area indicate that the chamber tombs were generally intended for more than one burial. although we have a few examples of chambers containing only one individual, most chamber tombs housed more burials, generally of different age groups and of both sexes. it is therefore tempting to assume that this spacious tomb type was intended to house an entire family or an otherwise closely linked nuclear group. the reason why people started burying multiple individuals in one tomb is not clear. it has often been suggested that the use of chamber tombs was inspired by the wish “to maintain the unity and continuity of the family”.9 Whereas members of a family would previously have been buried in a cluster of closely spaced graves, they were now interred together within one single tomb. one could also argue that the reuse of a larger tomb for several burials may have been more cost effective. although a chamber tomb was generally much larger than a fossa tomb, the amount of cubic meters of tuff that had to be carved out, was probably a lot lower if compensated for the number of individuals buried in the tomb. 8. Belelli marchesini 2008, 8. 9. cornell 1980, 76. riva states that the 7th century elite chamber tombs in caere had a house-like shape, because the house was the element through which political authority was expressed (riva 2010, 120). a changing Funerary ritual at crustumerium 43 a degree of negligence… apart from the dwindling numbers of funerary gifts and the innovative architecture of the tombs, another alteration comes to mind regarding the late tombs of crustumerium. Judging from the archaeological investigations, it seems as though the funerary rites were treated with an increasing degree of negligence in the later period. While the use of traditional fossa tombs seems to have lessened towards the end of the 7th century, the ‘prescribed’ spatial lay-out of the funerary gifts in relation to the deposition was more or less abandoned as well. in the tipo narce tombs for example,10 the banqueting set was, almost without exception, placed at the head end of the burial. this is in clear contrast with the location of the vessels in the chamber tombs; often they do not seem to have a relation to one of the burials, being placed in a corner of the chamber or somewhere on the loor.11 the haphazard location of the vessels may have been caused by subsequent opening and closing of the tomb for new inhumations; we have several indications for relocation (and even removal) of vases. Furthermore, although the vessels generally refer to a drinking ritual, there is a great variety in the types of vases selected for deposition inside these later graves. For drinking purposes you may ind a kantharos, a kylix, or a calice, while for storing and pouring one can encounter an olla (with or without handles), an oinochoe, or an olpe. the standardised banqueting assemblage we ind in the fossa tombs of the previous period has made way for a reduced, but at the same time more varied set in the later tombs. another important element of the funerary ritual is of course the placement of the deceased individual inside the grave. Whereas in the tipo montarano and tipo narce tombs the location of the body was clearly deined (placed inside a lateral loculus and closed off with tuff slabs), the placement of the dead person becomes much less rigid towards the end of 10. see di gennaro and Vergantini 2001 for an overview of the architectonic variants of tombs recognised at crustumerium. 11. more often than not, there is even a physical barrier between the deposition and the banqueting vessels; the deceased individuals would often be placed inside loculi, afterwards closed off with tiles, whereas the vases were placed outside of the niches, in the chamber. this is in clear contrast with the burial practice of the earlier fossa tombs, where the loculi were admittedly closed off as well, but in which we ind the body and the banqueting set at the same location. the separation of the body and the banqueting vessels is maybe not so much an indication of negligence, but rather proof of a changing attitude towards the burial ritual. 44 sarah l. Willemsen Fig. 7 a primary and a secondary burial (on the left) inside t32. the 7th century Bc. although the burials inside a chamber tomb can generally be found inside the loculi, in numerous instances they were placed on the loor of the chamber or even in (a loculus in) the dromos. Besides being placed at random locations inside the tomb, the burials often seem to lack a predeined orientation. They may be directed towards the entrance, or towards the back wall, but are also often found in various different directions. this is very unlike the fossa tombs of the previous period; they have a predominant n/s orientation, and the same thing goes for the burials inside of them.12 A practice we hardly ever ind in the 8th and early 7th century tombs is secondary burial. however, it is certainly not exceptional in late 7th and 6th century graves; we have often encountered situations in which older (decayed) bodies had been moved to make room for a new burial, resulting in a pile of scattered skeletal remains at the feet of the more recent, primary deposition (Fig. 7). a related topic is the spatial distribution of tombs on the monte del Bufalo funerary area in the later period. there are many tombs that overlap or cut each other especially in the northern part of the burial ground (Fig. 8). the dromos of a chamber tomb cut part of an older fossa for example, or a simple trench tomb had been dug out in the shaft of another grave. the fact that the tombs were positioned so close to one another, while there seem to have been large open spaces available, may indicate intentionality; people wanted to be buried close to other people they were related to (by blood or otherwise). the lack or disappearance of grave markers 12. Belelli marchesini 2008, 9. a changing Funerary ritual at crustumerium 45 Fig. 8 A cluster of ive connected and overlapping tombs; T254, T255, T256, T257 and T285. may have caused the pattern of overlapping tombs we discern today; people were no longer aware of the exact location of the older tombs on the grave ield. One could argue that the damage done to the graves was the result of a lack of care and respect for the older tombs, and as such we could characterise the positioning of the graves as careless and as another sign of an increased degree of negligence towards the burial ritual. on the other hand, a close look at the overlapping tombs shows that the actual burial and its accompanying gifts in the older tombs were hardly ever damaged, suggesting a very careful, intentionally interlacing positioning of the later tombs. 46 sarah l. Willemsen We could argue that the lack of a spatially demarcated location for the deceased, the lack of a predeined orientation, the overlapping tombs, and the frequent rearrangement of bodies, signals a decreasing level of care (or even respect) towards the buried individual.13 however, the altered way of dealing with the dead could also be the result of a changing attitude towards spiritual matters in general and death in particular. maybe it was no longer deemed necessary to ‘seal’ the dead person’s burial with monumental tuff slabs and let it be accompanied by an elaborate banqueting set for the hereafter. the strict rules that applied to the positioning of the grave and the dead person inside it in the previous period were possibly not considered as important anymore. We could also claim that the observed negligence should be interpreted in the light of a changing location for expression of status and wealth; the funeral was no longer being exploited for showcasing an individual’s social standing, because there were other, more appropriate arenas to do so. i will return to this point later on. a private ritual a topic that is related to this is the increasing level of seclusion of the funerary ritual itself. The modiications in the architectonic lay-out of the tombs, developing from a simple trench tomb to a chamber tomb with dromos and loculi, resulted in graves that were admittedly far more spacious and monumental, but all the while also more screened off and increasingly private. the actual burial of the deceased inside a chamber tomb will have been concealed from most of the partakers in the funeral. although a few people must have entered the grave to execute the burial, most bystanders may not have had any idea of what went on inside the tomb, since once the body and the accompanying funerary gifts had entered the chamber, they were no longer visible to the people standing at the edge of the grave pit. the situation would have been somewhat different for the fossa tombs of the previous period, in which the deceased (whether or not buried in a cofin) was far more visible during the funerary ritual, at least until tuff slabs were placed on top of the cofin or in front of the loculus. 13. Beijer has indeed argued that the standardisation of the ceramic objects and the decrease of funerary gifts at the end of the 7th century Bc was the result of less individual care for the deceased (Beijer 1992, 112-113). a changing Funerary ritual at crustumerium 47 the question is whether the innovative architecture of the chamber had dictated the ritual, resulting in a more modest burial since it was hardly visible to the public, or whether the secluded character of the chambers was a consequence of a desire to screen off the burial ritual from unwanted outsiders.14 it is clear however that the ostentatious component of the funeral itself must have been deemed far less important in this later period. unfortunately, we have no archaeological information regarding the funerary rites that went on at home or in the public arena. here, the burial rites may have had a very open and visible character. the restrictions on the amount of lute players described on the Twelve Tables seem to suggest that public funerary processions indeed took place (see also below). explanations for a changing burial ritual the dramatic change of the funerary customs around the middle of the 7th century Bc, did not only take place in crustumerium, but in many other settlements in latium Vetus and southern etruria as well.15 not only did the funerary wealth decrease, graves seem to disappear altogether from the 6th century Bc onwards.16 many scholars have tried to explain the sudden alterations in the burial rites, citing various different causes for this phenomenon, summarised in the short overview below. explaining the changing funerary customs at the monte del Bufalo funerary area lies beyond the scope of this article. however, an attempt is made to test the various theories on this matter against the archaeological background of crustumerium. sumptuary legislation one of the most cited (and most discussed) causes for the changing burial rites is the introduction of sumptuary legislation. although the twelve tables, on which the sumptuary laws were recorded, were issued 14. in this respect we should consider the dialectic relationship between funerary space and ritual action. in a recent work, riva has stated that not only did ritual actions transform the tomb; the transformed space of the tomb itself in turn dictated the spatial relations amongst the participants and viewers of the rites (riva 2010, 121). 15. For example Ficana, castel di decima and Veii (Bartoloni 1987, 157). 16. cornell 1995, 105. 48 sarah l. Willemsen somewhere after the middle of the 5th century Bc,17 it is believed that they relected the moral values that people already abided by since the time of king servius tullius.18 according to many scholars, the twelve tables should be interpreted as ‘an attempt to restrict aristocratic display and offensive expenditure in order to promote isonomy and to prevent unrest among the non-aristocrats’,19 as a means to conine habrosyne (luxury) and tryphè (delicacy).20 the legislation written down on the twelve tables would have assured an egalitarian aristocracy, reigning according to the principles of isonomy.21 the modest funerary ritual would have been an expression of solidarity, requested at the time of urbanization.22 a close look at cicero’s account in his de legibus (2.58-2.62) on the tenth table, which deals speciically with funerary legislation, reveals however that most regulations were directed towards restricting ‘death’s invasion of life’, or in other words, towards minimising the impact of the funerary ritual on daily life and society as a whole;23 very few notes actually refer to constriction of the afluence of the graves. Furthermore, the few notes that do speciically refer to a curtailment of the funerary wealth are for a large part contradicted by the archaeological record. as has been noted above, at monte del Bufalo many of the late tombs still contain drinking and pouring vessels, suggesting that people did not abide by the banning of the circumpotatio ritual (passing the cup). We further ind that many of the late tombs contain aryballoi and alabastra, which supposedly held perfumed oils and creams, seemingly contradicting the prohibition of anointment of the body before burial as described on the tenth table.24 in other areas of latium Vetus we still ind a few opulent tombs,25 which are in clear contrast with the idea of restriction expressed on the tenth table. it is therefore suggested that ‘the change in funerary practice gave rise to the new legislative forms, rather than the other way around’.26 17. toher 2005, 279-280. 18. colonna 1977. 19. toher 2005, 269. 20. naso 1990, 249. 21. colonna 1977, 158. 22. ampolo 1984, 97. 23. toher 2005, 283; cornell 1995, 107. 24. cicero, de legibus ii. 60. 25. For example at Fidenae, lanuvium and pratica di mare (Bartoloni, nizzo and taloni 2009, 65). 26. cornell 1995, 107. a changing Funerary ritual at crustumerium 49 investing in the public arena? Apart from a relection of sumptuary legislation, the changing burial rites have been interpreted as a component of the social developments of the end of the 7th and the 6th century Bc. it is well known that this was a period in which several elite families fought each other over power and territory.27 competition would have taken place in the public arena and as a consequence, resources were invested in the construction of monumental public buildings and sanctuaries, away from the funeral processions and graves.28 While the burial rite had always been a practice reserved for a select group within society, it seems to have been abandoned altogether towards the end of the 6th century Bc. instead of investing in private familial monuments such as tombs, public buildings became the main focal point of the settlements of which many were by now almost completely urbanized.29 This theory inds afirmation in the fact that the number of votive gifts in sanctuaries increased at exactly the same time as the decrease of funerary gifts occurred.30 apparently, attention shifted from individual to public and religious interests.31 religious change the alterations in the funerary rites may also have come about as a result of changing religious beliefs and a different moral attitude towards the deceased. the belief in an afterlife would have changed the way people looked upon funerary rituals and tombs; no longer were they seen as the last resting place of a loved relative, but rather a irst stop on the journey to the underworld.32 this spiritual change could have resulted in a different treatment of the dead and their tombs; it was no longer deemed necessary to let an elaborate banqueting set accompany the dead, since they were traveling directly to the hereafter. 27. Bartoloni, nizzo and taloni 2009, 66. 28. Bartoloni, nizzo and taloni 2009, 65-66; toher 2005, 281; smith 1994, 294 and smith 1996, 186. 29. ampolo 1984, 79. 30. Bartoloni 1987, 143-144 and colonna 1977, 158. 31. Beijer 1992, 114. 32. colonna 1981, 230. 50 sarah l. Willemsen conclusion this article has focussed on the funerary practice in central italy that started to change around the middle of the 7th century Bc. the relatively high number of 6th century Bc tombs at the monte del Bufalo funerary area of crustumerium makes this site, an ideal test case for a study of the changing funerary customs. the article focussed on the different elements of change, as they have been encountered in the excavations at crustumerium. it has been noted that the funerary wealth did not only decrease quite dramatically, the architecture of the tombs proper was innovated at the same time. the more spacious chamber tombs enabled multiple depositions within one grave, probably stressing family ties. all the while, the burial ritual itself seems to have been increasingly secluded, leading to a more private ceremony during the funeral in the chamber itself. ultimately, an increasing level of negligence has been observed in reference to the execution of the funerary customs; no longer was there a clearly deined location for the deceased and its funerary gifts, there was no ixed orientation for the dead body and secondary burial became common practice. the question is how we should explain these changes in the funerary customs. are they the result of sumptuary laws, or do they rather point in the direction of changing socio-political circumstances or a different attitude towards ideological and religious conventions? it is hard to pinpoint the exact cause for the changes based on the study of a restricted number of tombs. our investigations have revealed, however, that the archaeological reality is far from straightforward or clear cut. a detailed analysis of the changes and developments shows that old customs and revolutionary practices occurred alongside each other, resulting in a complicated interplay between tradition and innovation. a faithful reconstruction of the reasons behind the changing burial rite should be based on a thorough analysis of the mortuary variability in the light of the socio-political processes that took place in this period. this is the aim of my forthcoming phd thesis.33 33. Willemsen forthcoming. “unWanted children” in the road trench area at crustumerium eero Jarva1 introduction i suppose that my title “unwanted children” may puzzle some readers. it is therefore useful to clarify the case from the start: the team of the university of oulu (Finland) came to crustumerium for settlement archaeology, whereas our partner, the team led by ulla rajala from the university of cambridge, came for funerary archaeology.2 however, our excavations brought to light inds, which we were not expecting; “unwanted children”, among them burials both from the proto-historic and the roman imperial period.3 the team from oulu participated in the international crustumerium excavations in collaboration with the soprintendenza speciale per i beni archeologici di roma (ssBar) in 2004-2010, conducting research in the road trench area (Fig. 1). our work concentrated on problems regarding the function and date of this monumental earthwork feature of the site. lorenzo Quilici and stefania Quilici gigli concluded in their key publication on the site of crustumerium that the monumental cuttings of the trench had an earthen embankment (agger in latin) on its west side, and served as large defensive ditch (fossa) towards the east, but also as a road trench passing the city.4 moreover, they suggested that on the plateau there would have been a passage in the defensive works, which served to control the road trench as well. the structure was dated to the late orientalizing period, the irst decades of the 6th century Bc.5 successively, the research led by Francesco di gennaro (ssBar) since 1988, in collaboration with the university of rome, “la sapienza”, and 1. lecturer in classical archaeology, university of oulu. p.o. Box 1000, Fi-90014 university of oulu . e-mail: eero.jarva@oulu.i 2. see the article by rajala in this volume of caecvlvs. 3. see Jarva 2011; Jarva et al. 2008. 4. Quilici and Quilici gigli 1980. 5. Quilici and Quilici gigli 1980, 67-70, 280. 52 eero JarVa Fig. 1 southern road trench at crustumerium. others, presented a revised interpretation.6 they contested the defensive character of the trench and emphasized its function as a road trajectory, as an interregional track between southern etruria, latium and campania since the proto-urban phase of crustumerium. the hypothesis of a defensive structure along the road trench was weakened further by the research of Angelo Amoroso based on surface inds7 and some new excavations,8 which conirmed that the urban area extended to the east of the Road trench. the main questions the questions formulated at the beginning of our excavations were simple: - What was the original function of the ‘road trench’? - When was this monumental earthwork constructed? 6. di gennaro 1988, 113-23, partic. 113-14; 1999, 25-26; amoroso 2002; di gennaro et al. 2004, 170; 2007, 147-51. 7. amoroso 1998 [2000], 303-06; 2002: 287-329. 8. Barbina 2008. “unWanted children” at crustumerium 53 Fig. 2 superimposed road levels in the trench g in 2007. in addition, during the post-excavation analysis, different questions regarding the signiicance and advantage of the cutting have been raised, such as the nature of the logistic facility offered by the road cuttings and the amount of human work invested in the construction.9 the main questions were answered satisfactorily during the excavations and the data are being processed for publication. three excavation trenches dug on the hilltop have revealed that the road cutting had been dug across it in antiquity and thus united the southern and northern parts of the presently visible trenches. the trenches brought to light remains of ancient, gravelled, road surfaces at varying depths (Fig. 2), up to a depth of ive meters from the present day surface of the hill plateau in one of them (trench d). accordingly, a point of passage on the ground level, as suggested by Quilici and Quilici gigli could not have existed. however, there seems to have been some kind of passage from one side of the road cutting to the other, as indicated by the arrangement found on the east side of the road. 9. Work in progress by Juha-pekka tuppi who has presented a preliminary analysis in his master thesis: tuppi 2007; 2008, 5–7. 54 eero JarVa Fig. 3 mound of soil and tuff discovered on the west side of the road trench on the settlement plateau (trench F). here we discovered remains that enabled travellers joining and leaving the road.10 however, moving from the road at this point on the west side was not possible at least with carriages. possibly approaching the road from the settlement plateau was feasible towards the north where the difference in height was less. the remains of a mound of soil (Fig. 3) accumulated on the west side, a little more to the north (trench F), raised the question of whether we are dealing with the agger hypothesized by Quilici and Quilici-gigli. however, research on the western bank of the road trench (trench e) has proven that the elevated surface there consists of modern accumulation; so it may be better to interpret the “agger” in trench F as serving to control trafic on the road, but this needs to be ascertained by further research. so, we have established that we are dealing with a road that cut through the urban area of crustumerium, creating an important logistical feature, which has been kept in good condition at least until the beginning of the 2nd century Bc.11 however, the excavations have revealed “unwanted” inds as well: remains of ancient structures and, most importantly, tombs. 10. Jarva 2011, 74, ig. 9. 11. a roman bronze coin (ssBar inv. no. 562573) with the head of mercurius on one side and the prora on the other side, dated around 200 Bc, was discovered in the gravel of the road mantle. see crawford 1974, no. 118/5 pl. 22 (rome 206-195 Bc); cf. also no. 87/5 pl. 16 (s. italy 211-210 Bc). perhaps the weight (4.69 g) indicates that the coin should rather date later, namely in the irst half of the 2nd century Bc (see crawford 1974, 47-55). “unWanted children” at crustumerium 55 some burials were excavated on the west bank of the road trench and are dated to the 7th century Bc. they were covered by later layers of earth both in ancient and modern times, giving rise to the misleading hypothesis of an agger. these burials were found in an “unwanted” area, which previously was considered to have been part of the settlement from the earliest phases onwards. these tombs turned out to be quite noteworthy (see below). dating of the road trench by evidence from recent excavations We are not yet able to deinitely date the construction of the Road Trench, since the analysis of the excavation material is still in a preliminary state. however, an indication is given by an archaic cooking jar (olla) buried below an abandoned hearth (trench g), on the east side of the road, that could date to the second half of the 6th century Bc.12 considering the fact that the deposition of the jar was preceded by the forming and use of the hearth, as well as by the construction of the road cutting, it can be assumed that the latter would have occurred not later than the irst half of the 6th century Bc. this conclusion is supported by the “unwanted children” burials discussed below: the location of the tombs along the western brink of the road trench suggests that the cutting of the trench occurred earlier than the oldest burials excavated so far, and these are dated to the late orientalizing period, i.e. not later than around 650 Bc.13 “Unwanted” inds during our research in the road trench area, the excavations have brought to light other, unexpected inds as well. The remains of ancient structures14 have been discovered on the east side of the road remains (trench F) near the start of the northern section of the road cut towards the Via salaria and tiber. Below the building remains there is a considerable archaic layer 12. SSBAR inv. no. 516854; Jarva 2011, ig. 8. Cf. Colonna 1963-64, ig. 8, n. 98 (group c, type B) dated to ca. 575-500; see also carafa 1995, types 357, 364, 365, 370; di gennaro et al. 2009, 184, ig. 18, 5. 13. it has been suggested earlier (Jarva et al. 2008, 13) that the construction of the road trench would have taken place during the archaic period, because our trench d yielded remains of a layer containing material datable to the irst half of the 6th century Bc. however, it is possible that the cutting of that layer dates to a later phase when erosion and perhaps also agricultural activity modelled the outline of the trench. 14. Jarva et al. 2008, igs. 4 and 7; Jarva 2011, 74-75, igs. 4 and 10. 56 eero JarVa and the uppermost layers contain indications for the presence of a late republican-imperial villa and farmhouse, which was not recorded by the surveys of this area.15 some burials discovered nearby (trench g)16 are associated with activities during the imperial period as well as some of the ditches and small pits17 which emerged during the excavations. the discovery of unexpected burials dated to the orientalizing period on the western bank of the road trench (trench e) on a spot that previously was regarded as part of the settlement area, gave rise to a number of questions. The irst two burials discovered in 2005-200618 raised the question: why are there burials inside the settlement? taking in mind the burial customs in central italy at that time, forbidding burial inside the settlement area, we wondered whether this place was part of the settlement area during the orientalizing period. a preliminary answer to the latter question was sought by recording the surface material found nearby. a new survey seemed to support the interpretation that the area of the tombs was incorporated in the settlement at least from the late orientalizing period onwards.19 an alternative line of interpretation was that we were dealing with burials within the settlement, which are only known from exceptional cases in central italy and rome.20 additional excavations in 2009 and 2010 revealed that we are not dealing with singular cases of burials, but with a series of tombs positioned along the edge of the Road Trench in a stretch of at least ifty meters. Up to now, ive tombs have been found, all of the loculus type, but it is possible that there are or have been more tombs: one bucchero kantharos (see below) discovered in the topsoil may originate from another burial, destroyed in antiquity. another area, which has not yet been excavated, may contain more evidence of burials. in the areas opened during our excavations, tombs have not been found further away than about ive meters from the actual edge of the road trench. the intervals between 15. see Quilici and Quilici gigli 1980, pls. 118-120. during the surveys in 1995-96 the visibility in this area was low; Amoroso 2002, ig. 3. 16. Jarva 2011, 75, ig. 11; Jarva et al. 2008, ig. 8. 17. ditches and pits dated to the republican period have been discovered in Crustumerium in the excavation carried out in 1998, Amoroso 2000, 268–72, igs. 6-8; 2002, 323. 18. these were analyzed in the master’s thesis of antti kuusisto; kuusisto 2007. 19. Jarva et al. 2008, 12; kuusisto and tuppi 2009, 6-7; Jarva 2011, 78. 20. Bartoloni and Benedettini 2008, 617–741. “unWanted children” at crustumerium 57 the tombs vary: tomb 2 is less than two meters from tomb 1, whereas the distance between tomb 4 and 5 is about ten meters, but even here a thick layer of unexcavated soil may hide more burials. Furthermore, the excavations of 2009 and 2010 offered a new insight into the character of the burials in the plot along the road trench: the burials investigated contained more or less well preserved skeletal remains, permitting the determination of age (and gender) of the buried individuals, which is not always possible at crustumerium. in tomb 1 (only partially opened in 2005) preliminary analyses by Walter pantano indicate that the individual died at the age of 6 to 12 months. the individual buried in the western loculus of tomb 3 seems to have died at the age of 1 to 2 years. in tomb 4 the remains of two burials were discovered: the loculus on the east side of the tomb contained bones of a person who perished at the age of 6 to 7 years, whereas very tiny bone fragments surfaced in a small pit dug at the bottom of a rounded niche on the north side of the shaft, belonging perhaps to a newly-born or a premature baby.21 the fact that many of the investigated tombs contained child burials raises the question whether all the burials discovered so far may have been child burials.22 some features of the tombs indeed seem to suggest that this is the case. a prominent attribute of the tomb structures of the road trench burial plot, is that they all had transversal grooves, cut in the bottom of the loculi. it is obvious that the grooves served to set up the burials and the interval between them – around 0,5 to 0,7 m except tomb 4 where it exceeds one meter - relects more or less the size of the individuals buried inside the tombs. in some cases the bottom of the loculus contained carbon rich soil in the area of the bone remains and the grooves indicating that the bodies had been deposited in wooden cofins as is known from proto-historic burials in rome.23 it is obvious that wooden props were placed below the cofin, and in some burials irregular tuff pieces on the bottom of the tombs, will have supported the cofins. These features, together with the space reserved for the burials, indicate that we are dealing with children’s graves, even in those cases where bone remains were not suficient to determine the age of the buried individual. 21. no bones were found in tomb 5 which was destroyed in antiquity. see below. 22. regarding tomb 2, tiny bone fragments have been interpreted previously as worn remains of teeth of an adult person (Jarva 2011, 76) but they are more probably remains of bone (verbal communication of Walter pantano). 23. See Gjerstad 1956, 125, igs. 122-24; cf. also an imitation of a wooden cofin in a tomb from the Quirinalis in Rome; e.g. in Gjerstad 1956, ig. 238. 58 eero JarVa tombs of wanted children As noted above, altogether ive tombs were discovered along the western edge of the road trench. moreover, the above-mentioned bucchero kantharos, Rasmussen type 3e dated to the irst half of the 6th century,24 had lost its handles and its raised foot a long time ago. it therefore probably originates from a violated tomb. We cannot exclude that the vase had originally been placed in tomb 5, which was destroyed when a quarry was cut in the tuff bedrock not later than the republican period.25 at present pre-roman and archaic child burials are known from several sites in latium Vetus, including rome.26 these are, however, markedly different from the tombs in the road trench area. children’s tombs were encountered in settlements in connection with huts and houses and have often been labelled as the suggrundaria mentioned by Fulgentius.27. in the case of the road trench burials at crustumerium, there is no indication of huts or houses closely connected to the children graves but the area to the west of the tombs obviously formed part of the settlement, even if we cannot tell how densely this area was populated. on the other hand, these tombs were constructed following the contemporary practices for adult funerals in the burial grounds of crustumerium, where infant burials are rarely found.28 presently, the child burials in the road trench area are exceptional and thus raise different types of questions; hopefully answers will be found when further research in settlement areas both in crustumerium and elsewhere is carried out. For example, knowledge on contemporary dwellings at crustumerium is nearly non-existent,29 and thus we cannot exclude that even here children were buried near huts and houses. another question is if we are dealing with a proper burial plot reserved exclusively for 24. rasmussen 1979, 106, ig. 170. 25. See also Belelli Marchesini 2008 for a quarry identiied at the burial ground of monte del Bufalo. 26. modica 2007; see also de santis et al. 2008; Van rossenberg 2008. 27. Fulgentius, expositio sermonum antiquorum 7 deines suggrundaria (“below eaves”) as the burial places of infants who had not yet lived forty days. 28. Amoroso 2002, 304 with references; Belelli Marchesini 2008, ig. 12; di Gennaro and Belelli Marchesini 2010, 18, ig. 10. 29. See di Gennaro 1990; Amoroso 2002, 305-07, ig. 12. “unWanted children” at crustumerium 59 children, a “necropoli infantile”, the name dubbed irst to the child burials discovered at Ficana30, perhaps inluenced by infant burials of Narce31 as suggested by sonia modica.32 another aspect relating to the child graves is their possible role as markers for territories of an aristocratic family, a theory expressed by anna maria Bietti sestieri and anna de santis.33 in the case of the typical infant burials in latium Vetus and rome, this interpretation seems a little overstated considering the fact that they are closely connected to contemporaneous dwellings. regarding the burials along the edge of the road trench at crustumerium, such a model would work as long as there were contemporary dwellings somewhere in the vicinity. remains of dwellings have been discovered in 1982 about two hundred meters north-west of the burials,34 but a concentration of textile implements and other archaic and earlier settlement material less than a hundred meters north-west of these graves might be better evidence to relate these tombs to an actual settlement plot.35 the chronological range of the tombs, covering a generation or slightly more, supports the idea that they pertain to a single family. the determination of the social standing of the buried individuals is generally reconstructed on the bases of the amount and quality of the grave goods. at crustumerium the results of such an analysis can be expected when the on-going excavations have been published, but some aspects are already known. In the burials dated to the irst half of the 7th century Bc, the number of grave goods can mount up to ifty artefacts. However, there are also loculus burials without grave goods.36 the child burials from the 30. necropoli infantile was irst used for child burials discovered at Ficana; Ficana 1977. the real character of these burials in connection with huts and houses has been demonstrated in Brandt 1996, 115-25; see also Jarva 2001 rejecting the suggestion by mario torelli (1996) that house a in zone 4a would be a sacred structure (sacello - con ante) and that the infant burials would belong to this context, referring to the excavations at tarquinia as a parallel case. 31. potter 1976, 66-75, 311. 32. modica 2007, 205. 33. Bietti sestieri and de santis 1985, 41; Bietti sestieri 1992, 54-55, 226-27; de santis et al. 2008, 737-38. see also Van rossenberg (2008, 169) for child burials interpreted as boundaries between family plots in necropoleis. 34. di Gennaro 1990; Amoroso 2002, 305-07, ig. 12. 35. thinking of estimates of population densities in contemporary settlements, the existence of dwellings could be expected somewhat closer to the tombs; Brandt 1997, 15758, supposing an occupation of 16 family groups per hectare; rajala 2006, between 17 and 45 inhabitants per hectare in several family/household groups. 36. di gennaro and Belelli marchesini 2010, 16, 20; Belelli marchesini 2008. 60 eero JarVa Fig. 4. group of aryballoi and alabastra in the niche discovered in tomb 4. Road Trench plot with about ifteen to thirty pieces cannot be identiied as belonging to the upper class, but their funerary assemblage neither supports a low social standing. an interesting case is the small grave dug in the bottom of a niche in the north part of the loculus tomb 4, containing tiny bone fragments, obviously belonging to a new-born child. a striking feature of this tomb is the associated large number of small aryballoi and alabastra (Fig. 4) in protocorinthian/etrusco-corinthian style, altogether a dozen. such a set of imported ceramic vessels37 is hardly enough to mark this context as an upper class funeral but it is noteworthy that the main burial in the loculus of the tomb was accompanied by metal artefacts, besides other goods.38 Without entering a phenomenological debate regarding the meaning of the grave gifts, it is striking that these ive tombs altogether, including the 37. perhaps of more value were the contents of the vases; perfumes and cosmetic ointments - see Belgiorno 2007. 38. the deceased was dressed with a pair of bracelets made of bronze and iron (ssBar inv. no. 566517) and accompanied by a bronze basin (ssBar inv. no. 566524). on the east side of the road trench, some burials present characteristics of certain eminence (certo lignaggio); Belelli marchesini 2008. “unWanted children” at crustumerium 61 case of the peri-natal burial, give the impression of a carefully planned ritual. these burials show that time and physical effort was devoted to the entombment of these children. this is far removed from practices of exposure or killing of children39 for which there is information in written sources.40 such an interpretation can come to mind for some typically humble, archaic child tombs (suggrundaria) consisting of tiles or coarse ware pots only.41 the road trench burials give the impression that we are dealing with wanted children, who died prematurely and were consequently mourned by the family in the spirit of Vergil’s aeneid (6.426-429). however, this line of interpretation calls for caution because in ancient times the dying of small children was far more common than in present societies. indeed, it has been argued that in ancient societies there would have been a lack of sentiment towards the death of children, which we ourselves experience as deeply traumatic.42 conclusions the child burials at crustumerium discovered on the top of the road trench, along its western edge, clearly add to our knowledge of funerary customs for young individuals in pre-roman latium Vetus and, more generally, it increases our knowledge of burials in settlement areas, a subject recently discussed in an international meeting organized in rome.43 still more generally, it seems that this discovery brings to light a new aspect regarding cultural diversity within the latin peoples.44 the discovery of these burials raises several questions for future research. is there a spatial connection between these burials and those of monte del Bufalo burial ground towards the se? how far did tombs extend towards the hilltop? 39. especially the fate of female children is regarded problematic; see e.g. harris 1994; rawson 2005, 6–8; cf. engels 1980. 40. Dionysius of Halicarnassus 2.15.2: “In the irst place, he [Romulus] obliged the inhabitants to bring up all their male children and the irst-born of the females, and forbade them to destroy any children under three years of age unless they were maimed or monstrous from their very birth. these he did not forbid their parents to expose, provided they irst showed them to their ive nearest neighbours and these also approved. Against those who disobeyed this law he ixed various penalties, including the coniscation of half their property.” 41. For a recent discussion of child burials in rome and latium, see modica 2007 with references. 42. see e.g. golden 1990, 82-84 with references; see also kurtz and Boardman 1971, 331. 43. Bartoloni and Benedettini 2008, 617–741. 44. differences in latial practices were discussed in Bietti sestieri and de santis 1985, 40. 62 eero JarVa Can we expect to ind children burials respectively on the eastern bank of the road trench as well? a related question is how the defensive structures developed on both sides of the road trench and what their relation to the burials might be. thus there are favourable prospects for further research on both sides of the road trench. on the other hand, it is challenging to assess how ancient people dealt with children who passed away in their irst years of life: only the discovery of dwelling remains contemporary with the burials can conirm whether they were indeed buried inside the settlement besides the few examples in the burial grounds and those along the edge of the road trench. in conclusion, the “unwanted children” turn out to be wanted, even recalling the basic questions regarding the monumental trincea viaria at crustumerium: in the light of our present archaeological record the burials were positioned along the edge of the road trench, and as such they seem to offer a terminus ante quem for the construction of this logistic feature, i.e. not later than the late latial phase iVa (about 650-640 Bc). Biographies oF tomBs and the metaphorical representations oF the crustumini: rememBering the dead proJect and the Funerary eXcaVations at cisterna grande at crustumerium 2004–2008 ulla rajala introduction this article will discuss certain types of narrative created on the basis of archaeological interventions at burial sites. these narratives take a biographical analogy and create life histories at different levels of interpretation. it will be argued that life histories as narratives are useful interpretative vehicles for small excavations or projects that cannot cover extensive areas or bridge the whole chronological arch of a funerary site, for reasons such as limited length or scope, inances, research history or an incidental or rescue nature of the excavations. the case study discussed in this article is a result of excavations for the remembering the dead project1 at cisterna grande in one of the cemetery areas of crustumerium (Fig. 1) between 2004 and 2008 as part of an international initiative by the soprintendenza speciale per i beni archeologici di roma (ssBar) and dr. Francesco di gennaro, the former intendent of this area. the groningen excavations, culminating now in “the people and the state” project that organized the “current research into pre-roman burial grounds in Italy” workshop where this paper was irst presented, 1. umr20@cam.ac.uk the author would like to thank all team members for their help. this project was kindly funded by the academy of Finland (grants n. 211057 and 213324), the British academy, the Finnish cultural Foundation, the niilo helander Foundation, the emil aaltonen Foundation, the Jenny and antti Wihuri Foundation and the alfred kordelin Foundation. technical assistance was provided by the institutum romanum Finlandiae, the British school at rome, the Fourth municipality of the city of rome, muuritutkimus ky, university of cambridge, university of oulu and gruppo archeologico dell’associazione del dopolavoro Ferroviario di roma (dlF). dr philip mills (university of leicester), dr. maryanne tafuri and dott.ssa serena capurso (università di roma “la sapienza”), dott. matteo Barone and dr. elena pettinelli (università roma tre) and dr richard i. macphail (university college london), as well as others who helped with their specialist expertise. 64 ulla raJala Fig. 1 map of central italy (with the sites mentioned in the text). are executed under the same umbrella of excavations and projects. the remembering the dead excavations were carried out in collaboration with the ssBar and were run by the author of this paper. the main aim of the remembering the dead project was to study the metaphorical funerary representations of a latin late iron age, orientalizing and archaic community. tombs form part of a wider ritual landscape,2 which was studied at a local micro level using digital and traditional methods. in addition, the project made use of gis and virtual modelling.3 2. cf. naso 1996b; riva and stoddart 1996; Bradley 1998; 2002. 3. cf. Fulminante 2008; rajala 2008b. Biographies oF tomBs at crustumerium 65 Fig. 2 the excavation area at cisterna grande with tomb 16. the area of cisterna grande in the north-eastern sector of the main cemetery at crustumerium (Fig. 2) was chosen for the excavations after illegal looting took place in this area. The irst tombs exposed were chamber tombs and, as these had only been rarely scientiically explored in Latium Vetus,4 the project prioritized their excavation. In the following, the use of life histories in archaeology will be briely discussed irst. Then, an example of the life history of a tomb will be presented and the different life histories from cisterna grande will be summarized. to conclude, these will be placed in their context. 4. see rajala 2007. 66 ulla raJala Fig. 3 the model of the levels of life histories of cemeteries. biography as a concept Biographical metaphor was irst introduced in archaeology by Igor kapytoff in his seminal paper on the biography of a thing,5 highlighting the changing cultural meanings of an object. this metaphor has since been used widely in prehistoric archaeology.6 as a concept a biography or life history underlines the importance of cultural meanings, interpretation and temporal change.7 it also emphasizes the cyclical nature of life and archaeological phenomena. Life cycles or life histories take a historically speciic approach. This has been used in landscape archaeology to analyse sites and summarize their history, changing meanings, reinterpretations and afterlife.8 in this context it is a postprocessual take on ‘use life’.9 in the case of funerary archaeology it also underlines the necessity of creating a narrative of the transformed materiality of a tomb and the need to interpret all stratigraphic ield 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. kapytoff 1986. e.g. thomas 1996; tilley 1996: 247; holtorf 2000–2008. cf. gosden and marshall 1999; gilchrist 2000; Jones 2002, 83–84, 86–89. Bradley 1993; 1998; 2000; 2002; see also rajala 2002; 2003. ammerman and Feldman 1974. Biographies oF tomBs at crustumerium 67 observations. the concept of the post-depositional history that incorporates post-depositional processes10 into the life history of a tomb has been discussed elsewhere by the author.11 When examining a past central italian community and its cemetery, so far exempliied by Osteria dell’Osa,12 a scholar can interpret biographies and life histories at different levels (see Fig. 3). at the basic level, life histories of different individuals can be narrated to the extent that their remains and grave-goods reveal them and to which their gender, age, status and identity can be explored.13 in addition, the life history of a tomb can be explored with its post-depositional history. at a higher level, a scholar can combine all life histories in a cemetery and summarize its history. these combined life histories tell the past of a community. in the case of crustumerium and other latin centres this history is one of an early citystate. the combined biographies of different communities, centres and city-states reveal the history of a region or that of a people – in this case the history of the latins in latium Vetus. these life histories are at all levels dependent on research history and excavation practices, as well as the extent and research questions of different excavations and research projects. the study of funerary remains has to take into account the fact that a burial presents a very deinite point in human life cycle. it is a rite of passage14 and relects as much the wills and aspirations of the living as it does the historically speciic identities and social personae of the deceased.15 therefore, grave-goods could have been personal possessions of the deceased but they may have been gifts of mourners as well. the grave goods and the dress of the deceased are likely to relect the norms of the day and the choices of the living.16 thus, a cemetery is a scene for the self-representation of a community, but its truthfulness is buried in a network of conlicting identities, beliefs and ideologies.17 the cemeteries also contain only those deceased who had a right to formal burial18 and were in a position to have their right honoured. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. schiffer 1987, 13. rajala 2008a. Bietti sestieri 1992. cf. hodder 2000; parker pearson 1999, 31–33. Van gennep 1909; hertz 1960. morris 1987, 40. cf. parker pearson 1999, 7–11. cf. hodder 1982, 141. cf. morris 1987. 68 ulla raJala all of the life histories at cisterna grande seem to be slightly different, although clear similarities can be observed between certain burials and tombs. it is likely that the similarities might be even more obvious if a larger area had been excavated. the individual nature of life histories in this case is mainly caused by the relatively small number of excavated tombs; this was due to the fact that most tombs had collapsed and required a long time to excavate properly using single context recording. as a whole, the narratives of the different contexts create a body of life histories that are part of the landscape history of cisterna grande and the history of crustumerium and the crustumini as a whole, to be combined in the future with the results from the other sectors of the cemetery area.19 biography of tomb 16 the tomb used as a case study was not chosen because it presents valuable inds or the most elaborate life history. It was chosen because it seems to represent one of the two main types of archaic chamber tombs in this cemetery area, because it contains typical burials with grave-goods that are characteristic for this period and because it allows one to draw connections between other central italian archaic cemeteries. its excavation was supervised by the author and its full publication is forthcoming. Tomb 16 was located among other tombs next to a modern ield boundary in the north-western corner of the excavation area (Fig. 2). all but one of the tombs excavated by the project were chamber tombs. tomb 16 showed the typical structure of a chamber tomb: it had an entrance corridor (dromos), a clearly deined doorway and a chamber. On the two sides of the subrectangular central space were two burial niches (loculi). Its cutting had followed the order of entrance: irst down the dromos, then through the doorway and into the chamber. the last spaces to be cut into the tuff were the loculi. the tombs at cisterna grande, although limited in number, showed more variability than expected when, for example, compared to the archaic chambers at colle del Forno.20 the chambers at cisterna grande had different layouts, sizes, depths and orientations with clear variations in quality of inish. The dromoi differed as well; their lengths, widths, depths and inish 19. Belelli marchesini and pantano, this volume: Willemsen, this volume. 20. see santoro 1977; 1983. Biographies oF tomBs at crustumerium 69 Fig. 4 the chamber of tomb 16 photographed from the west (photo by u. rajala). were not standard. the varied architecture suggests that several chamber tomb types were in use simultaneously. it is possible that the different types relect the diverging statuses of the families or individuals buried in the tombs and their different economic and social positions in the community. tomb 16 belongs to the less prestigious tomb type at cisterna grande. its dromos was narrow, relatively long, but slightly irregular and its loculi irregularly elongated and slightly kidney-shaped. they gave the plan of the opened chamber a slightly rounded, circular form (cf. Fig. 4). one of the main reasons for believing that this tomb was less prestigious was its low ceiling. the chamber was only c. 0.8 m high. the tomb was cut in an area where the bedrock is characterized by separate thin strata. it seems that the tomb builders were following the soft breccia tufacea and volcanic clay strata that are at this point very near the surface under the harder layers of tufo giallo and cappellaccio tuffs on top. the benches of the loculi were following the upper surface of volcanic clay and, thus, the loculi were dug into the soft breccia. this meant that less man power was needed to cut this tomb than those with larger layouts deeper in the bedrock. this tomb contained four burials in total. in this sector, this number of individuals is relatively high with ive burials per tomb being the maximum number of individuals encountered in our excavations. in tomb 16, three of the burials were placed in the loculi and one on the chamber loor. The southern loculus had two skeletons (Fig. 5), one of which 70 ulla raJala Fig. 5 the two skeletons in the southern loculus from the east (photo by u. rajala). was disarticulated and re-deposited, and the northern loculus contained one. it is impossible to say which loculus was used irst, but due to the existence of two separate depositions it seems logical that the southern loculus was used irst. The second deposition was in the northern loculus. subsequently the southern loculus received the second burial whereas the last corpse was placed on the chamber loor. One would expect the secondary burial in the southern loculus to have been the last burial in the tomb, but some clay had already accumulated in the loculus when the secondary burial was deposited. However, the loor was relatively clay-free both underneath the burial and under the tiles that had closed off the southern loculus before slipping onto the loor at some point soon after the burial. This may suggest that either the loor was cleaned before the last burial or that the rate of accumulation was higher in the southern loculus (possibly due to mud looding in through a crack in the bedrock). Biographies oF tomBs at crustumerium 71 Fig. 6 Pisside lentiforme from tomb 16 (photo by u. rajala). the bone preservation at cisterna grande is generally very poor and it is dificult to comment upon the age and sex of the individuals. The osteological analyses21 showed that the irst individual buried in the southern loculus was probably an adult, short but robust, of indeterminate sex. the second individual could not be sexed either but was probably also an adult with worn teeth. this could be because of malocclusion or work. if the latter holds true, this may suggest that these burials were those of artisans, perhaps leather workers. Very little has remained of the other two bodies. the sex of the individual in the northern loculus could not be determined nor the age, since the skeletal remains consisted of a crushed skull and a section of a long bone, whereas of the individual on the loor only the teeth remained. However, this allowed the deceased to be aged; he or she had been between 20 to 30 years old at death. the burials in tomb 16 had meagre grave-goods22 corresponding to the impoverishment of tombs seen elsewhere in latium Vetus between the orientalizing and archaic period.23 the secondary burial of the southern loculus did not seem to have been given any grave-goods, although the loculus had been covered with roof tiles. the small pisside lenticolare (Fig. 6) from this loculus probably belonged to the primary burial. this vessel provides a date for the tomb between 570 and 540 Bc.24 21. 22. 23. 24. By dott.ssa serena capurso. conserved by p. Bassanelli. cf. colonna 1977; ampolo 1984; naso 1990 santoro 1977, 281. 72 ulla raJala the deceased in the northern loculus and the one on the chamber loor had funerary dresses that required brooches (ibule) to fasten different garments. the former had two iron brooches and the latter three. all brooches were of different ad arco types. although none of them were of bronze, most had some minute bronze wire decorations. this is not necessarily a true relection of wealth of these individuals, but an aspect of the norm of the day, since most brooches seem to have been made of iron during the archaic period. in any case, there were no pendants, bracelets or other personal ornaments of more valuable metals, nor were there any beads. the only sign of relative wealth, according to prevailing value statements, were the roof tiles. Wikander suggested that the roof tiles were an expensive item.25 however, his discussion referred to a whole roof covered with tile. When the known hellenistic and late roman prices are compared,26 it becomes clear that the cost of a set was not necessarily very high. a set of three or four tiles needed to cover a loculus would have cost approximately a salary of two days of an unskilled labourer. if the tiles were recycled, the cost was probably even lower. one can expect that most people who could receive a formal burial during the archaic period in a chamber tomb, could afford a few roof tiles as well. a roof with hundreds, if not thousands, of roof tiles may have been a different matter. after the last burial, the tomb was closed for the last time. there are indications that the door may have been sealed with clay and that the boundary may have been marked with a stone; there are indications for the same practice from other tombs at cisterna grande. in any case, a large slab was placed to close the doorway and it was reinforced with a heap of stones. the dromos seems to have been open to the elements for a longer period of time, long enough for the slab to erode from the outside. however, the layers of ill in the dromos seemed relatively massive with a clear difference between lower and upper layers. since any torrential winter rain or summer thunderstorm can bring enough mud into a dromos to ill it at least half-way, the longer exposure may have required temporal clearance of the dromos. nevertheless, there is no evidence of any rituals or offerings outside the chamber in the dromos. after the last deposition and the closure of the chamber, the tomb was left to the mercy of the elements. The layers of ill in the chamber suggest more than one period of accumulation with slight differences in colour and 25. Wikander 1988. 26. cf. larsen 1941; giacchero 1974; Wikander 1988, 140; Warry 2006, 122. Biographies oF tomBs at crustumerium 73 Fig. 7 3d model of tomb 16. consistency of accumulated clay. Although there are no ine micro-layered clay varves as known from monte del Bufalo27 or from the lowest ills of tomb 18 at cisterna grande, the original assumption that these small tombs were illed during massive looding events28 now appears unlikely. The evidence from Tomb 18 shows that the clay in the looded tombs was clearly rewetted and possibly re-deposited multiple times,29 which could explain the relatively uniform texture of these clays. unlike tombs 11, 12, 17 or 18, tomb 16 never fully collapsed – nor did the very similar tomb 15. the arch of the doorway of tomb 16 had 27. pers. comm. di gennaro. 28. rajala 2008a. 29. evidence of shrinkage and rewetting of clay in a chamber tomb at cisterna grande in richard macphail’s micromorphology report. 74 ulla raJala collapsed, probably as a result of deep ploughing, and there is evidence that the ceiling had dropped somewhat at a time when the chamber had already been illed with clay. This was suggested by a series of collapse fracture ‘waves’ radiating from the collapsed centre of the ceiling on the surface of the bedrock. among other things the relatively intact nature of these structures unites tomb 15 and 16, the two tombs in this excavation area belonging to the same tomb type. even if we now know that tombs 15 and 16 were small and relatively poor, they had been targeted by tomb robbers. not so long ago these tombs were seen as a possible source of wealth. Both tombs had experienced two separate looting events. During the irst one, the tuff above the chamber of Tomb 16 had been cut whereas the second pit from 2004 cut the irst pit and hit the side of the northern loculus at the doorway. this attempt was abandoned when it became clear that it concerned a chamber tomb. an empty pack of cigarettes had been left on the bottom of the pit to mark the event. this was the last event in this tomb’s life history before our excavations at cisterna grande. the excavations and their methodology enabled the stratigraphic analysis of tomb 16 and the reconstruction of its life history. the digital recording also allowed the virtual reconstruction of tomb 16 (Fig. 7) and its ‘virtual life cycle’. the detailed study of the grave-goods after conservation in 2011 helped to date this tomb type and assisted to put it in its context at cisterna grande. narratives from cisterna grande All tombs at Cisterna Grande, Tomb 16 included, can be itted into a series. First, there is tomb 14, a mid-late orientalizing tomba a loculo tipo narce.30 then, there is the late orientalizing tomb 17, a chamber tomb similar to those early chambers excavated at monte del Bufalo,31 and the ive Archaic chamber tombs excavated in their entirety. In addition, there is tomb 10, the excavation of which was chosen to be discontinued because it was probably looted and because of safety issues. the long and deep dromos and some inds from its ill suggest that it may have been a 30. Fulminante 2008. 31. Belelli marchesini and pantano, this volume. Biographies oF tomBs at crustumerium 75 Fig. 8 the two chamber tomb types compared. late orientalizing chamber. alternatively, it may represent a more ‘monumental’ Archaic tomb and the inds in the ill would then suggest looting of additional orientalizing tombs in the area. unlike at colle del Forno, where there were only ‘typical’ and exceptional high-status tombs,32 the differences between tomb types and in funerary architecture, are more subtle and graded at cisterna grande. despite their different layouts, the archaic chamber tombs seem to fall into two main categories (Fig. 8). The irst has large, rectangular chambers with one or more loculi and the second has small, low, rounded chambers with two irregular loculi on the opposite sides of the space between them. In both types, corpses were deposited on the chamber loor. The more modest tomb type is dated to the earlier part of the archaic period, based on the vessel in tomb 16. most tombs had blocking features still in situ at the entrance. most were closed or further reinforced with a pile of stones, but some only had a large single slab in front of the entrance to the chamber. the types and colours of stones, especially outside tomb 18, suggest that these features were designed and colour-coordinated. the location of some grave-goods, such as an olla of ceramica depurata in the late orientalizing tomb 17, just behind the door slab inside the chamber, suggests speciic closing rituals. all burials recovered from our excavations at cisterna grande were inhumations. the depositions in the loculi tended to have been closed with 32. santoro 1977; 1983; Benelli and santoro 2009. 76 ulla raJala tiles or stones, although some deceased were apparently simply wrapped in shrouds. there are examples from both the orientalizing and the archaic period in which the deceased were placed into cofins. the destructive effect of post-depositional factors did result in fragmentary data on the buried individuals, but most age groups up to the middle age (c. 35-50) and both sexes were represented. the deceased normally was accompanied by one or more pieces of jewellery and/or weapons. their few personal possessions leave us with sketchy information on their standing in the world of the living or their status at death. however, the possible wear inlicted by work on the teeth of the individual in Tomb 16 suggests that the individuals buried in the smaller tomb type may have belonged to a communal burial group33 that consisted of artisans. the evidence for disarticulation and re-deposition of bodies, a practice present at monte del Bufalo and in the sabine area34, shows that the reuse of loculi was common-place. the rearrangement of a body was allowed after the lesh had decomposed and this implies that the crustumini believed that the soul had left the body by then. the possible sealing of the doors, their closure with slabs and stones and the following reinforcement show that a clear boundary existed between the dead and the living and that it was actively marked with physical markers. the emphasis on closure implies a certain element of fear towards the dead. the passages above contain the summarized narrative of the results of the remembering the dead excavations. however, when studied more closely, there are individual stories to be told. Some of the inds were totally unexpected and they revealed individual tragedies in the past. The most unexpected ind was the inhumation in the dromos of tomb 17 (Fig. 9). this late orientalizing burial was considered a single burial on the basis of skeletal remains, although a separate set of bronze brooches was found in the south-eastern corner area and there were some remains of small teeth and some bullae next to the ankle of the skeleton. the positioning of grave-goods next to the feet is known for pendants from the cemetery of s. martino at capena,35 but during the recording of the conserved inds in 2011 it became clear that next to the bullae there 33. guidance regarding ancient dna studies was sought from tamsin o’connor at cambridge. her advice, the prices of analyses together with the contamination issues resulted with this line of enquiry being dropped. the possible family ties between the deceased in the tombs remain currently unproven. 34. Belelli marchesini 2008; Benelli and santoro 2009; Willemsen, this volume. 35. paribeni 1905, 353. Biographies oF tomBs at crustumerium 77 Fig. 9 burial in the dromos of tomb 17 (illustration by m. helamaa and u. rajala). were the remains of decomposed infant teeth, suggesting the burial of a child. unfortunately, the feet of the adult skeleton and the remains of the child’s skeleton did not survive. the position of the set of bronze brooches away from the skeleton in the south-east with only one iron ibula ad arco serpeggiante on the skeleton, suggests that this may have been a woman buried next to the skeleton that was considered male.36 therefore, it seems likely that there were three inhumations in the dromos. the inhumations may be evidence of a family tragedy where a couple and their child died at the same time or in brief succession. the unusual location of the burial may relect the urgency of the event. evidence for another unusual event that may have occurred, relates to the articulated body found lying in a horizontal position on the loor of the chamber of tomb 12 (Fig. 10). the skeleton, buried with a single iron ibula on the ribs, was found lying next to an empty trunk cofin. The articulated nature of the skeleton, combined with the emptiness of the trunk suggests that the deceased had fallen onto the loor soon after the actual deposition. Tiny groups of small stones were found on the chamber loor 36. cf. Bietti sestieri and de santis 1992, 379. 78 ulla raJala Fig. 10 The skeleton on the loor of Tomb 12, vertebrae in detail (photo by H. Arima). near the skeleton and on the trunk. these imply that the ceiling had started crumbling down soon after the deposition had taken place. it seems likely that the falling stones unbalanced the open trunk cofin and the body fell onto the loor before full decomposition could occur. In this case the detailed stratigraphic excavation helped us to solve the riddle of the fallen gentleman and shows that the tomb already started to collapse in the archaic period. a related unexpected feature was found in both tombs 12 and 18. originally, the discovery of fragmented pottery on the loculus ledge and chamber loor suggested that Tomb 12 may have been vandalised just after the cofin burial had been placed inside. This would have explained why the skeleton was lying on the loor. However, the discovery in Tomb 18 of intact mudbrick, found after removing the remains of a loculus blocking, showed that there had been no aggression of anybody looting or vandalising the tomb but only post-depositional collapses. it remains unclear whether the broken pottery was recycled as temper or if the sherds had a deeper symbolic meaning, as has been suggested for the use of grog as Biographies oF tomBs at crustumerium 79 temper.37 the former possibility relates the life cycles of objects to those of humans, whereas the latter allows interesting possibilities for interpreting closing acts as burials of pieces from the lives of the individuals. the narratives from cisterna grande do not only include the testimonies from the past, but also tell us about the recent activities of tomb robbers and the execution of the excavation itself. the core team that worked at cisterna grande over the years was mostly Finnish, partly due to the funding from the academy of Finland, but included members from italy, america and Britain and volunteers and students from Britain and poland at different points. the juxtaposition of different national traditions and recording styles together with the general British model of project management and recording resulted in a lexible, evolving recording system, which was adapted to the local circumstances at cisterna grande. this system was plain enough to suit a small excavation project, but complicated enough to allow building digital 3d models of the tombs from the data. discussion and conclusions this paper has used biographical narrative to interpret and explain the results of an excavation. the narrative structure as such and the accumulation of storylines and data combined, attribute importance to all pieces of evidence unearthed during an excavation. the narratives and the story they form collectively, acknowledge the value of single inds and particular contexts and structures. this allows us to make the most of the restricted amount of insights one research project can yield, across the vast funerary landscape of a central italian centre such as crustumerium. the remembering the dead project was valuable because of its emphasis on partly neglected archaic chamber tombs that did not require urgent rescue from tomb robbers.38 it contributed to the overall knowledge of crustumerium and its cemetery areas and allows to draw some 37. the use of ground, old pottery as temper may have been practical, but the old vessels may have represented ancestors or reminders of earlier objects or occasions, especially when the vessels were used in a funerary context, (cf. sterner 1989, 459; morris 1994, 38; rainbird 1999; gamble 2008, 119–20). 38. rajala 2007. 80 ulla raJala preliminary conclusions on the funerary identities of the latins and regional interaction,39 together with other fragmentary evidence on archaic burial customs in latium Vetus. the chamber tombs and their burials show strong similarities with those at Colle del Forno in the Sabine area. All inds from Tomb 16 have parallels there, even in the same tomb.40 similar archaic material was also found at corvaro (Borgorose)41, to the east of the sabine area. these parallels indicate the material connections towards north and north-east, as do the weapons in some of the tombs. however, there seem to have been strong links with the Faliscan area as well.42 the combined narratives from latium Vetus suggest that different citystates had local identities and favoured certain burial customs and tomb structures. the evidence from rome itself is limited, but it is clear that simple fossa and cassa tombs as well as sarcophagi, the inest of them of marble, were customary.43 the orientalizing tombs at the esquiline included examples of constructed and dug chambers44 but there is no evidence of chamber tombs from the archaic period. the simple fosse with sarcophagi or casse were also preferred at tivoli45 and praeneste46 while at Ficana tombe a loculo were still in use together with fosse semplici and tombe a cassone.47 the inhabitants of settlements at and near acqua acetosa laurentina were burying their dead either in ‘pod-like’ narrow chambers with one or two loculi or larger rectangular chambers with loculi, although loculi with dromoi and tombe a loculi seem to have been used occasionally.48 While chamber tombs at Crustumerium ind their comparisons in the Faliscan and sabine area, at ardea there are two examples of chambers with columns,49 just like in inner etruria.50 however, fosse without grave-goods and chamber tombs with loculi were excavated at ardea as well.51 the tumulo trovalusci near lavinium, dated between 39. see also rajala 2012. 40. santoro 1977, 278–81. 41. alvino 2010. 42. see chamber tomb types at Falerii Veteres and corchiano (cozza and pasqui 1981), at narce (Barnabei et al. 1894) and Vignanello (giglioli 1924). 43. cf. naso 1990; cifani 2008, 326. 44. pinza 1905, 149–53, 194–95; see also cifani 2008, 323–24. 45. cf. Faccenna 1957; colonna 1977, 150; naso 1990, 250. 46. pensabene 1983, 260–68. 47. Bartoloni and cataldi dini 1978; cataldi dini 1980. 48. cf. Bedini 1980; 1981; 1983; 1990a; see also cifani 2008, 326. 49. Quilici and Quilici gigli 1977; see also morselli and tortorici 1982, 110–11. 50. cf. naso 1996a, 315–20. 51. pasqui 1900; see also morselli and tortorici 1982, 130–31. Biographies oF tomBs at crustumerium 81 the mid-sixth and mid-fourth century Bc, that incorporated a two-room chamber,52 also inds its best comparisons in Etruria and relects Archaic traditions across the wider region. these examples from latium Vetus show diverging funerary customs that relect different identities and directions of interaction. The fosse, casse, sarcophagi and chambers with loculi were widely common-place, but the choice of the dominant type suggests local traditions. these distributions of tomb types give evidence of a latin area composed of independent city-states with their own identities, partly similar but partly strikingly different from that of rome. these archaeological narratives enable scholars to tell the history of latium Vetus from an alternative perspective and avoid the roman bias of the written sources. 52. guaitoli 1995, 557–62; see also Fulminante 2000; 2003, 207; cifani 2008, 326. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio, 9th to 7th century Bc patrizia von eles1 introduction during the First iron age, the territory to the southeast of Bologna was under control of this main Villanovan centre, as clearly shown by a number of settlements that have been identiied around Imola, revealing strong cultural relations with Bologna. at present there is a gap in our knowledge of the area between imola and southern romagna where, from the 9th century Bc, Verucchio is the focus of a territorial organization which will be stable to the second half of the 7th century Bc (Fig. 1). the wellchosen location of the site Verucchio is quite obviously a strategic one, aiming at control over the coast of the adriatic sea and enabling it to engage in commercial exchange with northern and central europe. it is well known that amber becomes, during the 8th century, a primary factor in Verucchio’s economic development.2 however, other commodities were probably also quite signiicant. According to Giumlia Mair, tin also came to the mediterranean from central europe.3 during the Final Bronze age, a structured territorial system is recognisable, with hill settlements in san marino, ripa calbana, monte copiolo, Monte Perticara and probably San Leo. Information is not quite suficient for a detailed chronology of the various settlements but it is suggested that settlements in calbana, san marino and Verucchio, as well as bronze deposits from casalecchio and poggio Berni can be dated to the early or middle phase of the Final Bronze age, and not to the end of this period. the 1. previously serving as prehistorian archeaologist in the soprintendenza archeologica dell'emilia romagna. mail address patrizia.voneles@gmail.com 2. Boiardi and von eles 2003, 107-24; Boiardi, von eles and poli 2005, 1590–98; von eles, Zanasi and siboni 2009, 210-9). 3. von eles and giumlia mair forthcoming. many contributions to the study of the Verucchio Villanovan necropolis have been recently presented in modena at the XlV Riunione Scientiica of the Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, dedicated to Emilia romagna (december 2010) and in Verucchio during a meeting held in april 2011, in honour of renato peroni. the proceedings of both are in print. 84 patriZia Von eles Fig. 1 geographical map: the territories of bologna and Verucchio during the iron age. presence of Proto-Villanovan, stray inds in Verucchio, Pian del Monte was presented in the past but only recently were layers and structures documented that are related to a late Bronze age settlement.4 in the same area, early iron age pottery was found by gentili.5 a settlement in the Verucchio area is now recorded by the recent inding of a large Late Bronze Age site in Villa Verucchio.6 regarding the territorial system, it is at present dificult to read the development of the Villanovan presence in the Romagna as directly stemming from etruria or even, in the opinion of some etruscologists, as a real etruscan, colonial phenomenon. Bietti sestieri already underlined relations between the Villanovan aspect in emilia and some typical northern features7 while peroni stressed the fact that formation of 4. 5. 6. 7. von eles and pacciarelli forthcoming. unpublished sherds (gentili 1986). assigned to the italian bronzo recente period. Bietti sestieri et alii 2001, 117-66. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio 85 Fig. 2 Verucchio in the iron age, phase 1: lavatoio and cappuccini burial ground and settlement site looking over the marecchia Valley while lippi and Via nanni clusters are located on the adriatic side. the great proto-urban centres is connected to crucial socio-economic and socio-political changes, which in different regions saw participation of different ethnic groups among which the Etruscans, who inally prevailed.8 it cannot be denied, however, that the emergence of the Villanovan culture in romagna shows a discontinuity with the past and the beginning of a new historical cycle which developed through a complex system of relations (parental, tribal, ethno-linguistic, religious and cultural); large and structured new settlements could have originated by the arrival of new groups in combination with a reorganization of local communities. Thus conscious selection of speciic cultural codes was used by the community, upon becoming part of a new system, to stress their identity. From the First iron age onwards, strategies for site occupation continue along lines already established in earlier periods, allowing control over the internal valley and the coast. this is clearly demonstrated by the location of both the settlements sites and the necropoleis of Verucchio (Fig. 2). a map of the site shows that the hilltop area covered approximately 26 hectares and that this was in use (although possibly not totally) as a settlement 8. peroni 1992, 33. 86 patriZia Von eles Fig. 3 Verucchio, Pian del monte. during the Final Bronze and First iron age.9 during later phases the area might have been destined only to selective functions as probably indicated by the ritual use of a large and deep pit and by the deposition near it of bronze shields.10 From ca. 750 Bc onwards, all burial grounds are located around the hilltop (Fig. 3). 9. during its earliest phase not the whole area of 26 ha. may have been settled. 10. gentili 1969, 295-331. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio 87 cultural aspects and local identity The development of cultural aspects at Verucchio clearly its the scheme of other Villanovan centres in italy; whereas their appearance during the irst phase is very homogenous, they each develop their own peculiar features during phase ii. the differences between Verucchio and other communities such as Bologna and novilara, with which contacts are well known11, become very apparent from the second half of the 8th century onwards. the construction of local identity needs therefore to be followed in a diachronical perspective. in the present paper i aim solely at indicating the main characteristics and development of the Villanovan facies at Verucchio.12 since the association method proved very complicated due to the large number of variables, a limited number of classes and signiicant types of artefacts was used, considering their shared as well as distinctive association while assessing external comparisons, in order to obtain a local seriation. results were then tested in relation to other categories of data such as rituals, grave structures, analogies and differences in assemblages of grave goods, age and gender.13 gender determination takes into account both archaeological and anthropological data; all preserved human remains (including almost all those remaining from gentili’s excavations) were analysed creating a dataset of 235 graves. this comes down to approximately 40% of the graves from all necropoleis or 69% considering only the better known lippi necropolis. the large correspondence, in this case, between anthropological and archaeological information means that the archaeological criteria used in Verucchio for gender determination, particularly in the later phases, seem to be very reliable, allowing gender attribution also for 20% of the graves where skeletal remains were insuficient.14 11. gentili 1992, 49-59: von eles 2008, 201-34. 12. this requires some brief preliminary information: in order to propose a seriation for Villanovan Verucchio, an analytical typology of all classes of material has to be taken into account, which means considering several thousands of items and hundreds of types. there are types common to many italian iron age cultures, often though with local variations, which affect both the models and the technological considerations. this is not only true for amber objects, as already well known, but also for other categories like glass and metal artefacts (ibulae, weapons, horse bits and bronze vessels, for example). Thus using a full association method proved very complicated due to an extremely high number of variables. 13. Work on funerary rituals and structures in Verucchio started with the publication of grave lippi 1972/89 (von eles 2002; 2006; Boiardi and von eles 2006) and continued with a conference held in Verucchio in 2002. preliminary reports of the 2005-2009 excavation campaigns, soon to be published, will offer new data. 14. marzi and onisto, forthcoming. 88 patriZia Von eles Fig. 4 grave structures on the Verucchio necropoleis. Both from an anthropological and archaeological point of view, it is certain that many graves contain more than one individual; normally two but in a few cases even three. the research team is presently working on the problem of diverse, archaeological sex attributes, looking for reliable criteria to identify multiple burials using both types of data. subsequent openings of the graves after the primary deposition has, so far, not been clearly visible from a stratigraphic point of view, as was the case at este,15 15. Ruta Seraini 1998. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio 89 Fig. 5 Verucchio, phase 1: most frequent artefacts types (1. pottery, 2.-3. tools, 4. ornaments). although some tombs, containing items with evident chronological differences, mainly from old excavations, point in the direction of reopening graves for a subsequent burial at a later stage. the sequence proposed for the development of the Verucchio Villanovan facies distinguishes ive phases:16 only the most typical features will be illustrated here. in addition to typological aspects, spatial analysis has been largely used for understanding the dynamics of many different features and for testing their consistency. Besides traditional mapping of different items and structures,17 wherever possible we have considered the position of single objects or functional categories of objects (i.e. weapons, ornaments, chariot parts or horse harnessing etc.), together with ritual features (placement on the funerary pyre, intentional fragmentation, etc.); (Fig. 4). 16. in illustrating our proposal for the Verucchio sequence, i must make clear that the terms for relative chronology that i shall use hereafter, refer to those used by the “roman school” headed by the late renato peroni. For recent discussions and previous bibliography on the Bologna chronology and sequence: dore 2005, 255-92. 17. as mapping items and peculiarities using traditional methods is a time consuming affair, we have developed a procedure whereby data selected from our database can be automatically visualized using a gis map of the necropolis. it is a process that saves a lot of time and therewith allows testing many different possibilities. the system can be easily adapted using a simple access database, as long as the relation with the gis is maintained. 90 patriZia Von eles Fig. 6 Verucchio, lippi necropolis. grave distribution during phases 1 and 2. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio 91 Phase Verucchio i phase Verucchio 1 can be considered parallel to Bologna i (9th century Bc). Within a general picture of strong similarity to Bologna and other Villanovan sites, like Fermo on the adriatic coast, Veio and tarquinia on the tyrrhenian coast, peculiar aspects can be seen in Verucchio both from a ritual and cultural point of view. For example, from a typological point of view, “ibule ad arco ritorto” with decorated pin holder are rare outside Verucchio (Fig. 5, bottom centre). looking at the funerary ritual itself, women’s costumes seem quite rich, while “ibule serpeggianti and pins (spilloni)”, typical for male tombs in Bologna,18 do not appear in male burials at Verucchio. one should also note the total absence of real weapons in the graves, which is certainly due to ideological reasons since warrior identity is stressed by the ceramic, helmet-shaped urn-lid.19 phase 1 is well documented in lavatoio, but presently spatial analysis concentrated on the largest lippi necropolis, where graves belonging to this period have now also been recognized: their distribution shows that 9th century graves are dispersed over a large part of the burial ground and that later grave groups mostly develop around them (Fig. 6). Phase Verucchio ii Verucchio phase 2 is parallel to Bologna ii a, emerging at the end of the 9th century and lasting a few decades. considering both lavatoio and lippi necropoleis, this period doesn’t show an increase in population: lavatoio necropolis continues to be in use, but there is a higher presence in lippi (Fig. 6), probably due to an increased importance of control over access from the coast and therefore of the groups which used this burial ground. grave groups can be considered an expression of family relations as they do not seem related to special functions and all age groups are included, men, women, old and young people as well as children. artefact types, both in male and female graves, show strong similarities with Bologna and etruria. however, it is interesting to observe that already at this early 18. recent excavation of a First iron age necropolis at Borgo panigale,in the outskirts of Bologna indicate possible differences in customs even between communities settled very near to each other and belonging to the same cultural area. 19. grave lavatoio 52. this is striking considering the importance weapons acquire in later phases at Verucchio; tamburini muller 2006, 156-157 with complete references. 92 patriZia Von eles Fig. 7 Verucchio, phase 2: most frequent and/or typical artefacts found in both male and female tombs: pottery 1, horse harnessing 10; found in female tombs: ornaments 2 (a.b.c.d.e.f.g.h); found in male tombs: ornaments 7 (a.b.c.d), tools 8, weapons 9 (a.b.c.d). stage some peculiarities can be observed: i.e the frequent use of weapons, including iron knives with good parallels in the piceno region (Fig. 7, bottom right). Warrior’s role begins to be ritually stressed, probably in connection with military control over the territory, within the social model of an aristocratic structure; visible warriors represent 14% of the graves but a limited number of apparently unarmed men is present (Fig. 8). anthropological data show that children are not normally identiied as warriors during this phase, while in later phases 3, 4 and 5, several children have weapons in their tombs. grave lippi 1972/102, belonging to a little girl20, with a bronze sword placed outside the dolium, proves that some individuals receive warrior’s symbols merely on account of their kinship with an elite family. the number of amber artefacts increases in phase 2 (approximately 11% of the graves contains amber). control over the commercial routes on the adriatic sea certainly became essential, well explaining the emergence of the warrior's role. 20. gentili 2003, 324-6. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio 93 Fig. 8 Verucchio, lippi necropolis, phase 2. Presence and distribution of armed and unarmed, male graves. Phase Verucchio iii during phase 3, which develops in parallel to Bologna ii B1 (around the middle of the 8th century), Verucchio really begins to establish its dominant position: the length of this phase is probably equal to one or two 94 patriZia Von eles Fig. 9 Verucchio, phase 3. most frequent and/or typical artefacts found in tombs of both genders: pottery 1, 3, axes 2, horse harnessing 4; found in female tombs: ornaments 6 (a.b.c.d.e), tools 5; found in male tombs: ornaments 7 (a.b),weapons 8. (a.b.c.d). generations. Growth is relected in the total number of graves which anticipates the demographic “explosion” that occurred during the subsequent phase 4. there are clear signs of more complex sets of grave goods both for females and males (Fig. 9). phase 3 marks the sudden remarkable rise of a new group, which acquired a particular role in the ensuing phases (Fig. 10). trends recognised in the previous period that continue to develop: - the number of warriors, which now represents almost all males and more than 31% of the total population; - the presence of amber in 31% of the graves with a relevant number of objects; - the appearance or increasing consistency of special rituals, e.g. funeral banquets (though bronze vessels are very rare), symbolic “dressing up” of the urn and in one case of the dolium; - the increasing use of chariots and horse harnessing (it might be possible to distinguish between horse-bits used by cavalry and those used for chariots by males and females); - The appearance of certainly local craftsmanship in specialized ields, particularly amber. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio 95 Fig. 10 Verucchio, lippi necropolis. grave distribution during phases 1 to 4. two more burial grounds (moroni and le pegge) (Fig. 3) are now certainly in use. this could be due not only to population growth, but also to the existence, in the local community, of several distinct groups which, although within shared background and tradition, show signiicant differences, 96 patriZia Von eles Fig. 11 Verucchio, lippi necropolis phase 4. Presence and distribution of armed and unarmed, male graves. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio 97 Fig. 12 Verucchio, phase 4. most frequent and/or typical artefacts found in tombs of both genders: pottery and bronze vessels, 1,7 (a.b.c.d). axes 2, horse harnessing 6 (a.b.c) found in female tombs: ornaments 3(a.b.c.d.e.f.g), tools 5, horse harnessing 6(a); found in male tombs: ornaments 4(a.b.c), weapons 8 (a.b.c.d.e). mainly from a ritual point of view. it is suggestive to imagine that this might be another way of stressing identity; the same attitude shown by the entire community toward the “external world”. an attitude which, if looked at from an internal point of view, could mean a certain amount of conlicts in power-sharing between leading high ranking personalities, a conlict which could represent one of the weak points of the “Verucchio system”. Phase Verucchio iV during Verucchio phase 4, largely parallel to Bologna ii B2, at the end of the 8th – early 7th century, the site reaches the apex of its development. this period shows a very signiicant increase in the number of people using the elite burial grounds (Fig. 11) and an extension of the area under control (as shown by an important chariot grave from longiano near cesena, some 30 km towards Bologna (unpublished). All features identiied in the previous phase 3 become more evident, starting with the elaborate furnishings of many graves (Fig. 12), and the clear expression of rank, well documented 98 patriZia Von eles by two children graves placed in the same burial pit, accompanied by a full set of weapons, including a helmet and a small shield. distinctive features for phase 4 can be summarized as follows: - Warriors (Fig. 11) now represent 40% of the population. this percentage is more or less similar to that of the previous phase but the combinations of various types of weapons indicate different roles. spatial analysis of lippi necropolis shows that complex combinations are present in several groups. it is striking that the group that emerged during phase 3 continues and is marked by a very high presence of warriors among which an extremely high number of graves with helmets and complex panoplia. - amber is present in 51 % of the graves including male graves and there are objects with a high technological standard, apparently produced at the request and under control of the main members of the dominant elite. - the ritual of a funerary banquet is documented for more than 50% of the buried individuals; almost all have a high number of bronze vessels for the consumption of liquids, but more than 15% of the graves also have bronze vessels for the consumption of solid food. - the percentage of graves with ritual dressing of the urns is somewhat lower. it can be remarked however, that a limited number of graves, primarily male, documents symbolic dressing of both cinerary urn and dolium. - a surprisingly high number of graves show the use of wooden furniture with a distribution pattern similar to that already seen for complex panoplias; eleven graves have real size thrones, whose position in the grave indicates different ritual functions.21 the most surprising aspect, nevertheless, is the existence of specialized craftsmen who produce for speciic clients, very particular objects in different materials, like amber, bronze, ivory, iron and glass: objects that can be considered strong indicators for a local, cultural identity. in these specialised workshops that used innovative techniques, artisans in different ields worked together and we have proofs for “serial” production. This means that distribution of some products went far beyond the local area and reached what we would now call “external markets”. in this respect we can refer to “ciste a cordoni”, whose origin in Verucchio is well known, 21. mazzoli and pozzi forthcoming. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio 99 Fig. 13 Verucchio, lippi necropolis phase 5. Presence and distribution of armed and unarmed, male graves. 100 patriZia Von eles Fig. 14 Verucchio, phase 5. most frequent and/or typical artefacts found in tombs of both genders: pottery and bronze vessels 1, 6 (a.b.c.d), axes 2, horse harnessing 3.(b.c.d); found in female tombs: ornaments 4(a.b.c.d.e.f.g.h), tools 5, horse harnessing 3(a); found in male tombs: ornaments 7 (a.b.c.d), weapons 8 (a.b.c.d). the long iron knives (of which over 40 examples were found) or the conical crested helmets once considered to be of picene origin, a fact that has to be reconsidered since there now are eight pieces recovered in Verucchio. artisans do not seem to be represented, as such, in the necropoleis since there are practically no working tools in the graves. it is quite clear that workshops are under direct control of the elite, thus suggesting the existence of an economic system presently acknowledged only in the archaic period at murlo: a system apparently guaranteed, in the Verucchio social organization, by warriors.22 the feasible social-economic reconstruction appears full of contradictions with a strong role for specialised craftsmen that would support the development of urban traits. however, the political structure, showing in Verucchio several elite groups, did not, in the end, become urban. 22. von eles and trocchi, forthcoming. research in VillanoVan necropoleis oF Verucchio 101 Phase Verucchio V The inal phase is Verucchio 5, which comes to an end around the middle of the 7th century Bc and can be considered parallel to Bologna iii a.23 during this period the local community seems to contract with a concentration of tombs in certain areas of the necropolis. however its material culture still produces or accepts innovation: examples of this are pottery shapes with “stampiglie/stamp” decoration, pottery banquet sets imitating metal shapes and some new types of weapons and horse harnessing (Fig. 14). however, this development does not correspond to changes in the social structure. as far as percentage is concerned, warriors continue to play an important role, although a change in combinations of weapons in tombs indicates some internal reorganization.24 From a cultural point of view there is a substantial continuity, although some signs of dificulty and crisis are noticeable: graves with chariots and horse harnessing drop from 44 to 25%. the same applies to complex funerary rites such as dressing the urn. on the other hand, the use of bronze banqueting vessels is stable and still indicates continuing availability of remarkable economic resources on the part of the elite. up to the very end of Verucchio, inhumation is absent: there is only a small number of such tombs with simple sets of grave goods, similar to those in Bologna dating around the middle of the 7th century. in a central area of the lippi necropolis, apparently not previously used for burials, two ritual depositions of horses were found in 2008. The sacriiced horses were not related to any speciic grave; their deposition might be connected to collective rituals as seems to be the case in a comparable context recovered in Bologna.25 epilogue several reasons can be given for the end of the Villanovan necropoleis just after the middle of the 7th century Bc. one of them is probably the internal struggle for power mentioned before. the fact that the hegemonic groups continued to express their position, role and identity in basically unchanged 23. Or, to use Carancini’s deinition, Villanoviano IV A and Villanoviano IV B1 (carancini 1969, 277-87). 24. Bentini et al. forthcoming. 25. the excavations in the Via Belle arti; von eles, manzoli and negrini forthcoming. 102 patriZia Von eles ways probably means that the power they had acquired in the preceding century became their weak point. a previous strength turned into a disadvantage in a time when urban centres developed in po valley (Bologna) and later elsewhere along the adriatic coast (adria and spina). another possible weak point could be the choice, as a settlement site, of the pian del monte plateau considering its geophysical characteristics, with limited extension and dificult access. These features had certainly been strategically favourable during First iron age, but later became a severe impediment for change and development. another factor that might have contributed to the instability and the crisis that brought the Villanovan system at Verucchio to an end is the signiicant activity in the adriatic region of umbrian groups whose widespread presence has been recently conirmed by a number of new inds at several sites in romagna, imola and Bologna.26 the cultural, political and economic reconstruction feasible from our present knowledge of Verucchio, mark the site as a rising centre that gained importance in a relatively short period; possibly the above mentioned dificulties prevented its keeping a leading role. its Villanovan cultural reality came to an end in the second half of the 7th century Bc. 26. von eles 1981; colonna 2008; miari forthcoming the necropolis oF Vetulonia during the orientaliZing period; a research proJect1 camilla colombi introduction the cemetery of Vetulonia was excavated mainly in the late 19th and early 20th century and is considered one of the most important of the etruscan orientalizing period. nevertheless, this necropolis was, until recently, mostly known thanks to the book by isidoro Falchi Vetulonia e la sua necropoli antichissima, dating back to 1891. While single object classes and single grave complexes have been examined extensively,2 a general study of the discoveries in the whole necropolis has yet to be conducted.3 A number of studies examine the most relevant indings from Vetulonia, even though the cohesion and composition of the grave assemblages have not been conirmed so far. There are two possible reasons for this lack of investigation: irstly, the apparently chaotic situation of the original documentation and, secondly, the damages caused by the lood that inundated Florence and the national archaeological museum in 1966, damaging especially the Etruscan collection, which was exhibited on the ground loor.4 despite the huge restoration work following this tragic incident, some Vetulonian grave assemblages remain unrestored up to this day.5 1. camilla.colombi@unibas.ch. this paper presents the doctoral project of the author, currently in progress at the university of Basel under the supervision of prof. m. a. guggisberg and prof. a. maggiani. i am very grateful to dott. m. cygielman and the soprindentenza per i Beni archeologici della toscana for giving me the possibility to study this interesting aspect of the Vetulonian history. 2. Benedetti 1959; Benedetti 1960; camporeale 1967; 2000; cygielman in Bruni 1994, 82-102; cygielman and pagnini 2006; dei 1996; gregori 1991; naldi Vinattieri 1957. cf. also the exhibition catalogues Bartoloni et al. 2000, cat. 100-06, 128-85, 246-49, 261, 263, 278, 281, 373-87, 391, 413, 433; camporeale 1985, 70-74, cat. 156-239; cygielman 1987, 175-216; cygielman and rafanelli 2002; cygielman and rafanelli 2004; cygielman, palmieri and rafanelli 2005. 3. cf. lastly cygielman and pagnini 2006, 11, note 2. 4. For the history of the archaeological museum in Florence cf. romualdi in torelli 2000, 515-21. 5. almost all Villanovan and orientalizing objects from Vetulonia were reorganized and partly re-inventoried after the lood. The Villanovan corredi were veriied with the documentation and old museums lists and the indings from the Orientalizing graves were reordered lastly by dott.ssa lucia pagnini. 104 camilla colomBi Fig. 1 View of the Vetulonian mount from the southeast (photo: c. colombi). The aim of the current research project is therefore to evaluate irst the original documentation of the 19th and early 20th century excavations in order to verify the grave assemblages of the individual burials and to reconstruct a topographical map of the necropolis. the second aim is to establish the typology of the artefacts, especially of ibulae and ceramic vessels, in order to position the graves chronologically. Thirdly and inally, the development of the cemetery as a whole shall be analysed, addressing several questions: how did the location of the burials develop through time? are the graves organised in groups, and how? What is the composition of the corredi? how are the grave goods distributed with regard to status and gender, and can we trace a speciic development or pattern? Is such an analysis even possible for a cemetery that has not been excavated with modern techniques? the discovery of Vetulonia and the history of the excavations Vetulonia is located in northern etruria, in today’s maremma region in southern tuscany. Both the ancient settlement and the modern village are located a on a hill, approximately 340 metres high (Fig. 1).6 the northern, western and southern slopes of the Vetulonian mound have a steep inclination. On these hillsides, lat areas are almost absent, with the exception of colle Broncio. on the foothills, some narrow hills emerge (poggio Valli, 6. the whole Vetulonian mound or hill has a footprint of ca. 5 by 3 kilometers; the part of the mound with archaeological remains known to me comprises an area of ca. 380 hectares. An exact calculation remains dificult because of the irregular shape of settlement and necropolis and the differences in heights. the necropolis oF Vetulonia 105 cerrecchio). the shape of the north-eastern and eastern side of the mound appears to be different: the slope descends more gently and forms several narrow hills and planes. the main road, which enabled access to the settlement, was probably located on this side of the mound, as are the majority of the known graves of the necropolis. the mining region of colline metallifere is located to the north of the settlement and directly linked to it through the river Bruna. to the south, the ancient settlement dominated a large lake or bay, called lacus Prelius in roman times, linking Vetulonia directly to the sea – ca. 15 km from the settlement hill. probably due to changes in the course of the river ombrone, the bay began to shrink and became a marsh in late antiquity.7 during the early middle age, not only the lake, but also the city and its name disappeared; a medieval village emerged on the Vetulonian hill and was called colonna. the etruscan city of Vetulonia, mentioned in sources dating from roman times,8 was strenuously searched for and rediscovered only in the late 19th century by isidoro Falchi – a local doctor and enthusiastic amateur archaeologist.9 as ispettore degli scavi of the ministero della pubblica istruzione10, Falchi conducted several archaeological excavations on the settlement and the cemetery, from 1882 until his death in 1914, leaving behind a large number of unpublished documents. he discovered hundreds of Villanovan burials, rich orientalizing graves and the remains of the classical, hellenistic and roman city.11 The vast majority of the inds were brought to the national archaeological museum in Florence, where they are still preserved.12 until 1900 Falchi promptly published his results in the periodical notizie degli scavi13 and also tried to summarize and analyze his 7. after several drainings, which were started during the 18th century, the marsh was turned into the fertile grosseto plain. on the geological characteristics of the Vetulonian region and the dimension and development of the lacus Prelius cf. citter and arnoldus huyzendveld 2007, 41-62; curri 1978, 24-51. 8. mentions of archaic Vetulonia in sil. 7.484-489; d.h. 3.51.4; plin. nat. 2.106. 9. For isidoro Falchi cf. Bruni 1994. For the history of discovery and the controversy about the localisation of Vetulonia cf. Bruni in Bruni 1994, 39-58; delpino in Bruni 1994, 109-26; cygielman 1989, 139-40. 10. For the history of the cultural institutions after the Italian uniication cf. Musacchio 1994: in particular 61-63 on the igure of the ispettore; Bencivenni, dalla negra and grifoni 1987. 11. on the remains of the settlement cf. cygielman 1989, 111-39; cygielman 2002; renzetti 1951. on the settlement and cemetery in archaic and classical times cf. giuntoli 1997. 12. Part of the indings is now exhibited at the Museo archeologico e d’arte della maremma in grosseto and the museo civico “isidoro Falchi” in Vetulonia. 13. reports published in notizie degli scavi 1885, 1887, 1892, 1893, 1894, 1895, 1898, 1900, 1908 and 1913. 106 camilla colomBi Fig. 2 List of the indings from the Circolo di Bes, Poggio alla Guardia 1890 (extract). archivio storico della soprintendenza per i beni archeologici della toscana (image: c. colombi). excavations in his book Vetulonia e la sua necropoli antichissima, published in 1891. after Falchi’s discoveries, the village of colonna was renamed as Vetulonia by decree of the italian king.14 at the same time, in the 1880s, a local family started diggings on their land in an area called colle Baroncio, uncovering a large Villanovan cemetery and later burials. The inds were however not ordered according to their speciic grave context.15 some of the objects found there were later donated to the museo di archeologico e d’arte della maremma in grosseto. 14. cygielman 2000, 16. 15. despite the presence of ispettori, it was in fact still possible for private individuals to excavate archaeological remains buried on their respective properties until 1909, cf. musacchio 1994, 16-19. For the situation in toscana cf. musacchio 1994, 35-42. the necropolis oF Vetulonia 107 in more recent times, only few investigations of the necropolis have been undertaken: in the 1950s and 1960s some burials and a wider cemetery area called dupiane were excavated by anna talocchini, leaving behind very few documents and plans.16 in 1964, the university of Florence investigated a tumulus and a fossa grave in the locality of castelvecchio, published in notizie degli scavi in 1966.17 Finally, in the 1980s and early 1990s, the soprintendenza explored two archaic tumuli in Val di campo and the big monument of pozzo all’abate. the latter had already been discovered by Falchi.18 the documentation the original documentation of Falchi’s campaigns is stored in the historical archives of the soprintendenza per i beni archeologici della toscana in Florence and in the archivio centrale di stato in rome. they consist of the excavation journals in which the work was described day by day, lists of the indings (Fig. 2), lists of the objects that were transported to the archaeological museum in Florence, some agreements between the ministero and the landowners, a great amount of correspondence concerning several aspects of the excavations, and other documents, such as the bookkeeping of each campaign. We do not possess the complete documentation of every campaign.19 however, these documents give us the possibility to reconstruct what was researched by Falchi and they also allow us to gain insight into the methods of his ield work in Vetulonia. other historical aspects, such as the complicated personal relationship between Falchi and the chief of the archaeological museum in Florence, luigi adriano milani, or the impact of this relationship on the history of the discovering of Vetulonia, deserve special attention but are beyond the scope of this paper.20 16. talocchini and giacomelli 1966; talocchini 1963; talocchini 1981; column “scavi e scoperte” in se 35, 1967, 481; se 36, 1968, 157; se 38, 1970, 251. 17. camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966. 18. cygielman 2000, 58-59, 64-68. 19. the original giornali di scavo are missing for the following campaigns: 1885 (spring), 1886, 1887, 1888, 1889, 1890, 1891, a part of 1898 and 1899 (march-april). the lists of indings are however preserved. 20. For considerations about this relationship cf. delpino in Bruni 1994, in particular note 12 with transcription of a letter by milani. 108 camilla colomBi Fig. 3 chart of the state of preservation of the orientalizing graves from Vetulonia (chart: c. colombi). the known graves in the published and unpublished reports, about 182 burials from the orientalizing period are mentioned.21 nearly half of them, however, do not seem to be preserved: they are only mentioned in the excavation journals, but no inds belonging to them are actually found in the Museum (Fig. 3). the majority of the not preserved corredi could not be identiied among the material available to us today; these graves are probably missing, although they have been described by Falchi (38% of the total amount of the tombs actually known to me). ca 7% of the orientalizing graves is lost, i. e. robbed, lost after the excavation or unrecovered. among the graves with preserved goods, nearly one half of the corredi is complete or probably complete (16%, 9%), ca. 15% is partly robbed or partly missing and 13% can not be retraced.22 the absence of such a large amount 21. In addition there is an unknown number of Orientalizing inds from Colle Baroncio and ca. 140 unexplored or undateable circoli or tumuli mentioned by Falchi (e.g. Falchi 1891, 203-04) and by levi 1931. the present project does not study the assemblages from Pietrera, Pozzo all’Abate and Poggio Pepe in detail because the indings belonging to the individual burials can not be retraced. 22. graves or assemblages without documentation could not be evaluated. the necropolis oF Vetulonia 109 Fig. 4 reconstructed topographical map of the necropolis of Vetulonia with indication of the explored areas. Map: Cartograia C.T.R. 1:10.000, Archivio Fotocartograico della regione toscana (elaboration: c. colombi). 110 camilla colomBi Fig. 5 excavation plan, costiaccia bambagini 1902. archivio storico della soprintendenza per i beni archeologici della toscana (image: c. colombi). of data - namely the information on the burials with lost or incomplete corredo - will unavoidably compromise our research and general analysis of the cemetery. nevertheless, i am convinced that a detailed investigation of the remaining data on the Vetulonian orientalizing graves will increase our understanding of the site. the topographical map an important aspect that we could reconstruct through the original journals and maps is the extention of the areas researched by Falchi (Fig. 4). in fact, an archaeological map of Vetulonia already exists and was published by doro levi in studi etruschi 1931.23 in his plan, however, the unpublished investigations of Falchi are not considered and some graves 23. levi 1931, pl. in annex; a more recent but small-scale map has been published in cygielman 1989, pl. 2. the necropolis oF Vetulonia 111 are clearly misplaced, probably due to a poor topographical source map.24 in Falchi’s diaries and publications, only few maps or drawings exist, and those that do are mostly not very accurate in scale. however, they provide us with important information about the position of the excavated areas (Fig. 5). moreover, Falchi frequently provides precise descriptions of the position of the new graves, especially in reference to other well-known burial areas. in addition to this information, the cemetery areas are generally named after the owner of the land where they were discovered (poggio alla guardia renzetti, costiaccia bambagini etc.). thanks to a land register dating to the beginning of the 20th century, which was compared to the existing maps of Vetulonia, it was possible to create a plan of the areas and a reconstructed topographical map of the cemetery (Fig. 4). it is clear that such a plan cannot be as precise as a plan of a modern excavation, but it presents a useful overview of the necropolis. it has often been stated that the cemetery of Vetulonia gradually grew from the higher hill of poggio alla guardia towards the rest of the slopes of the Vetulonian mound. A irst evaluation of the topographical map shows a more elaborate picture, despite the fact that the dating of the graves is still in progress. the largest Villanovan burial areas are located on two hills near the settlement: on poggio alla guardia (with poggio Belvedere and poggio alle Birbe) and on colle Baroncio. their location has led to the assumption that two Villanovan communities existed on the Vetulonian hill, burying their dead in two different places.25 in fact, it seems that several little groups of graves already existed during the Villanovan period: the groups on poggio Bevedere and on poggio alle Birbe are actually situated on a location separate from poggio alla guardia and may not belong to the same burial area.26 In addition, a smaller group was identiied in the zone called sagrona, far away from the other cemeteries, probably beginning at the end of the Villanovan period and developing until the 7th century Bc.27 24. For example, the tumuli pietrera and pozzo all’abate are too close to each other on the map. 25. cristofani 1997, 195 believes that two settlement areas existed, on the convento hill and on the actual hill of the village with two separate cemeteries; in contrast, cygielman 2002, 163 postulates a single settlement surrounded by the cemeteries. 26. on the group of Villanovan fossa graves from poggio alle Birbe: cygielman 1994, 264, ig. 7-8/1. 27. Falchi 1891, 185, pl. XVi no. 15, 20 tomba a fossa 3 vicino al quinto circolo; the tomba a inumazione della sagrona del 1907 contained a fragment of a Villanovan razor in accordance with Falchi’s description in the giornale di scavo 20 maggio 1907 (unpublished). 112 camilla colomBi Fig. 6 drawing of the burial from the circolo b, Poggio alla guardia 1900. archivio storico della soprintendenza per i beni archeologici della toscana (image: c. colombi). during the orientalizing period, single graves and grave groups seem to have emerged in proximity to the settlement, on the north-eastern slopes and far away on the plain (Val di campo, diavolino). the development does not seem to be progressive, i.e. the earlier burials are not restricted to higher areas near the settlement and the later burials are not exclusively found in lat terrain. Instead, it seems that during the entire Orientalizing period, some burials were still situated on the borders of the Villanovan cemetery of poggio alla guardia, while other graves were located in new and visible places, resulting in the creation of new grave groups (castelvecchio, costiaccia Bambagini, cerrecchio, pellicce, pietrera, pozzo all’abate). the grave assemblages a further aim of the study is the revision and dating of the currently preserved grave assemblages. the excavation journals and lists provide us with information about the objects that were found in each grave, although not always in the most accurate manner. sometimes, the journals contain the necropolis oF Vetulonia 113 Fig. 7 bowl in grey impasto, attributed to the circolo di bes, h 8.6 cm. museo archeologico nazionale Firenze, inv. 7702 (image: c. colombi). drawings of the grave with the position of the inds or sketches of the objects (Fig. 6). the published reports, on the other hand, are often accompanied by drawings of the objects. this material – together with the descriptions by Falchi – allows us to determine whether an object belongs to the grave assemblage on a reliable, probable or unlikely level. the identiication of objects, which were wrongly assigned to some graves, is essential for the analysis of the object types, the dating of the complexes and for every aspect of research considering the composition of the corredi. in some cases, objects from two burials became combined when they were sent to the archaeological museum in Florence, where they were inventoried as belonging to a single grave. this is the case for the circolo di Bes. the circle grave with a single central fossa was dug up in 1890 and contained an intact burial, probably of a female individual, dating from the early orientalizing period.28 at the same time, a tumulus was discovered in the proximity of the circolo di Bes, containing many fragmented pottery vessels, mostly “lisci e rozzi”, but also fragments with red vegetal elements on a black background, others with grapes in relief, two gold earrings and gold foil.29 the museum bought only the earrings from landowner ranieri and they were inventoried as acquisitions in 1890.30 no 28. the original journals have not been preserved; Falchi 1891, 104-09; Falchi 1892, 388-89; levi 1931, no. 26; cygielman 1989, no. 17. 29. Falchi 1891, 109. 30. archaeological museum Florence, inv. 74023-74024, acquired 17.10.1890. cf. Karo 1901, 123, ig. 100 and probably 120 ig. 93 (attributed to Circolo del Cono). For parallels dating to the 6th century Bc cf. curri 1977, 264, tav. lVii (Val Berretta, graves 2, 13, 16, 35 and 56). 114 camilla colomBi Fig. 8 black glazed lekythos, attributed to the circolo di bes, h 12 cm. museo archeologico nazionale Firenze, inv. 7705 (image: c. colombi). objects were inventoried as belonging to the tumulus. however, some pottery vessels and fragments from a later period became mixed with the corredo of the circolo di Bes. this is the case for a grey impasto bowl or kotyle (Fig. 7),31 a form not attested otherwise in the repertoire of orientalizing pottery from Vetulonia, but apparently known from 6th century graves located in the region.32 a lekythos, probably originally a hellenistic black glazed type, could be traced back to the 4th century Bc (Fig. 8).33 these vases, as well as other fragmentary vessels, currently attributed to the circolo di Bes, should in fact be assigned to the later tumulus grave.34 31. archaeological museum Florence, inv. 7702, h 8.6 cm. cf. parise Badoni 2000, 115, pl. lXVi.1. 32. Vetulonia Dupiane grave 9, Cygielman 2000, 68, no. 6, ig. 39; Accesa, grave 4 eastern necropolis, Camporeale 1993, 89, ig. 94; Accesa, kylix type II, Camporeale 1997, 171, ig. 25.2, pl. XXXII.2, XXXIII.1. 33. archaeological museum Florence, inv. 7705. cf. morel 1981, 316, lekythos série 5416. 34. archaeological museum Florence, inv. 7703, cup with one handle in grey impasto, cf. cVa Firenze (1) iV B, pl. 16.5; inv. 7706, closed shape in light brown clay with many inclusions. the necropolis oF Vetulonia 115 other grave assemblages were mixed up as a consequence of the 1966 lood. Although the larger part of the grave assemblages could be reconstructed after the lood, the identity of some gold and silver objects still remains uncertain. Before 1966, the majority of the precious metals from Vetulonia seems to have been exhibited in a special showcase, separate from the other inds of the same burials. They were recovered and restored after the lood. However, the attribution and the inventory numbers were not clear for all pieces. thanks to the detailed descriptions and drawings in Falchi’s accounts and thanks to karo’s publications of the Vetulonian gold and silver ornaments, it was possible to reidentify a number of gold and silver objects and assign them to the correct assemblage.35 another means of verifying burial assemblages is, of course, through the dating of the objects. This enables the identiication of some graves that must have had two or more chronologically different burials. one well-known example is the tomba a fossa di castelvecchio, discovered together with a partly ruined tumulus during the excavations conducted by the university of Florence in 1964.36 the big fossa (4.4-5 x 5.3 m) had no ‘circle’ and had been partially robbed. Several object groups were identiied during the excavation, probably corresponding to different burials. a well-preserved burial was located on a ‘bank’ on the northern side of the fossa;37 remains of a possable second burial were found in the centre.38 additonally, an object group was discovered close to the surface in the south-western corner.39 in the 1966 publication, the authors argue that all the objects had the same dating and that the groups possibly belonged to two burials set in the same period, around the end of the 7th century – beginning of the 6th century Bc.40 the pottery from the south-western group clearly belongs to this period, as shown by the 35. cf. Karo 1899, 1902, 1934. For instance, the silver leech ibula with the number s.n.i. 60 and the bronze quadruped ibula s.n.i. 57, now ascribed to the Tomba a circolo 1895, are currently identiied with the two pieces from the Secondo Circolo delle Pellicce, clearly depicted in Falchi 1891, pl. XV no. 8-9; Karo 1899, 249-50, ig. 16a. 36. camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966; cygielman 1989, no. 73. some pieces discussed in Bartoloni et al. 2000, 138, cat. 106; camporeale 1969, 76-78, 99-101, 112; rizzo 2008-2009, 131-34; torelli 2000, 576, cat. 111-13. 37. camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 34-42, no. 48-229. 38. camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 28-29, no. 3-12 (horse gear), 32-33, no. 32-39 (in the illing); 33-34, no. 40-46 (including bronze spits and fragmentary bronze vessels). 39. camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 30-32, no. 13-31. 40. camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 44-51; one burial accompanied by the objects on the ‘bank’, the second one includes all other materials. 116 camilla colomBi Fig. 9 cup in reddish-brown impasto with painted decorations in white from the tomba a fossa di castelvecchio, h 8 cm. museo archeologico nazionale Firenze, inv. 94250 (image: soprintendenza per i beni archeologici della toscana). presence of pottery of etrusco-corinthian fabrics.41 the objects from the ‘bank’ – and probably also the ones from the centre of the grave – seem to be much older, however. as rizzo recently concluded from the presence of a scarab of the lyre player group among the objects from the ‘bank’, this burial should be dated to the beginning of the 7th century Bc.42 Fibulae and pottery from the ‘bank’ seem to support a date within the irst half of the 7th century (in particular the ibulae ‘ad arco ribassato’ with a fully decorated bow,43 the massive leech ibula with decorations on the whole bow and a large symmetrical foot,44 the hollow leech ibula ‘rigonia’ with 41. archaeological museum Florence inv. 94082-94091; camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 30, no. 15-24, ig. 7-9. 42. rizzo 2008-2009, 134. 43. archaeological museum Florence inv. 94173-94175, 94182; camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 39, among no. 109-119. compare to von eles 1986, 60-62, no. 497-501; tovoli 1989, 257-58, type 78a/79a, pl. 116, phase Vill. ii-iii; dore 2004, type 24, pl. 4, from Vill. II onwards; Close Brooks 1965, 56 ig. 4, phase IIB; Toms 1986, 62-63, note 95, phase iiB; guidi 1993, 99, tab. a, phase iiB2 (Veio Quattro Fontanili grave ii 9-10). 44. archaeological museum Florence inv. 94171-94172; camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966: 39, no. 107-108, ig. 25a. Compare to earlier pieces from Veio: Guidi 1993, 46, type 89A/89D, ig. 18/2, phase IIA-IIB2, short foot; Close Brooks 1965, type 38, phase iiB, elongated foot. a good parallel in: romualdi 1994, pl. ii. 3-5, populonia tomba delle Pissidi Cilindriche. While massive leech ibulae seem to have fallen out of use in Southern etruria by the end of the Villanovan time, they are still attested in Vetulonia during the early and middle orientalizing period. the necropolis oF Vetulonia 117 Fig. 10 trefoil jug in reddish impasto from the tomba a fossa di castelvecchio (unrestored), h 12 cm. museo archeologico nazionale Firenze, inv. 94231 (image: c. colombi). decorations on the upper part of the bow and an asymmetrical foot,45 the two navicella ibulae46 and, as for the pottery, a type of ine impasto cup 45. archaeological museum Florence inv. 94184-94189; camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 39, no. 120-125, ig. 22a. The type is very widely attested in Vetulonia with decorations consisting of plain strips alternating with bands of incised herringbone design (cf. Circolo del Tridente, Cygielman and Pagnini 2006, 51-58, no. 56-98, ig. 14). Comparisons from the Late Villanovan to the Early Orientalizing periods: Rizzo 2008-2009, 106-07, ig. 3, cerveteri laghetto grave 345, beginning of the last quarter of the 8th century Bc; hall dohan 1942, 11-12, no. 10-11; macintosh turfa 2005, 94, no. 19, narce grave 18B, beginning of the 7th century BC; Guidi 1993, 48, type 96D, ig. 20/4, Veio Quattro Fontanili phase IIB1-IIC; Guidi 1993, 48, type 96E, ig. 16/1; Toms 1986, type I.35, ig. 31, Veio Quattro Fontanili phase iic. 46. archaeological museum Florence inv. 94190-94191, camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 39, no. 126-127, ig. 25b-c. Compare to Romualdi 1994, 178-79, pl. II. 7-8, populonia, fossa-grave from san cerbone, end of the 8th - beginning of the 7th century Bc; tamburini-müller 2006, type 58, pl. 65, Verucchio lavatoio, unicum from phase iiia; Bietti sestieri 1992, 365-66, type 38dd, latial periods iii-iV; torelli 2000, 548, photo no. 4, tarquinia poggio gallinaro 9. 118 camilla colomBi with two handles47 and another type with one handle48). the attested types seem to be typical for Vetulonian burials of the irst half of the 7th century Bc. moreover, a cup with horizontal handles in reddish-brown impasto with painted decorations in white is possibly related to the form of the imported greek geometric cups/skyphoi and their imitations (Fig. 9),49 and a trefoil jug in reddish depurated clay was identiied by Rizzo as being a possible phoenician import (Fig. 10).50 the tomba a fossa di castelvecchio therefore includes at least two chronological phases: an early/middle orientalizing burial on the ‘bank’, a second group at the centre of the grave, probably contemporaneous with the irst one, and a third looted burial dating to the end of the 7th century Bc in the south-western corner of the tomb. 47. tazza biansata con corpo lenticolare, piede ad anello, anse sormontanti, decorazione incisa e plastica sulla spalla; archaeological museum Florence inv. 94232-94233; Camporeale, Uggeri and Banti 1966, 41-42, no. 168-169, ig. 34a-b. The type is attested until the irst half of the 7th century Bc: romualdi 1994, 176-78, pl. iV. 1, populonia grave 1/1931; hall dohan 1942, 16, no. 9-10, pl. Vii n. 10, narce grave 71m, p. 50-51, no. 20, pl. XXV, narce grave 105F; pellegrini 1989, 41, pl. XXi n. 97, poggio Buco, slightly different handles. 48. tazza monoansata con corpo lenticolare, piede ad anello, ansa sormontante, decorazione incisa e plastica sulla spalla; archaeological museum Florence inv. 9423494235, 94237, 94243; Camporeale, Uggeri and Banti 1966, 42, no. 170-174, 179-180, ig. 34c. Compare to other pieces from the Vetulonian region: Giuntoli 2002, 34, no. 15, ig. 9, accesa podere del lago grave 14, third quarter of the 8th century Bc; romualdi 1994, 17678, pl. iV. 2, populonia grave 1/1931, early orientalizing period. 49. archaeological museum Florence inv. 94250; camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 43, no. 187, ig. 37b; Maggiani 1973, 81 note 9; Cygielman 1994, 290-92. Similar to types in light depurated clay with dark painting imitating greek geometric skyphoi: guidi 1993, 32, type 41, ig. 19/6, Veio Quattro Fontanili phase IIB1-IIC; type 42, ig. 22/3, Veio Quattro Fontanili phase iia-iic. 50. archaeological museum Florence inv. 94231; camporeale, uggeri and Banti 1966, 41, no. 167, ig. 33; Rizzo 2008-2009, 134 with references. The traces of black paint are actually not visible; the jug was not restored after 1966. For the form: grau-Zimmermann 1978, 185-99; d’agostino 1977, 37-39. pottery pieces, imported and imitations: rizzo 1991, 1173-75, ig. 1.c-d, e-f, from Cerveteri; Rasmussen 1979, 75-77 type 2a; Parise Badoni 2000, 32-33, pl. Vii.1-2. the necropolis oF Vetulonia 119 conclusion despite the inevitable loss of a considerable amount of data due to the excavation methods, missing documentation and more than 100-yearold history of the inds, the study of the necropolis of Vetulonia underlines the importance of evaluating ‘old excavations’. new information could be reconstructed with regard to the position and distribution of the graves in the cemetery and the composition of the corredi. Further research shall include new datings for the burials and an analysis of the distribution of objects according to status and gender. it will contribute to a better understanding of the community living at Vetulonia during the orientalizing period. the orientaliZing necropolis oF macchia della comunità - Veii: some oBserVations on its deVelopment sara neri introduction the necropolis of macchia della comunità comprising 82 tombs, was excavated between 1916 and 1927 along the south-West slopes of the settlement plateau of Veii. the use of this burial ground began during the late Iron Age and intensiied during the Orientalizing Period, while it seems to be less employed during the archaic and hellenistic period. the spatial analysis and the study of the tombs reveal a prosperous but not aristocratic community. in particular during the late orientalizing period the quite common presence of smaller chamber tombs and the composition of the burials indicate changing social conditions. the necropolis might be referred to as belonging to a group of middle class people, which could be related to pottery workshops, located in the urban area near the cemetery. this article combines data from three different undergraduate theses, supervised by professor gilda Bartoloni and conducted by tommaso magliaro, gloria galante and the author.1 as such it is a contribution to the publication of the various burial grounds around Veio by the chair of etruscology at the sapienza university of rome. our knowledge of the necropoleis located on the hills surrounding the ancient city of Veii, increased substantially thanks to the excavations conducted by the regia soprintendenza and various italian universities around 100 years ago. the burial grounds grotta gramiccia (799 tombs), casale del Fosso (296 tombs), Pozzuolo (11 chamber tombs), monte campanile (9 tombs) and the area of Valle la Fata (2 tombs) along the banks of the Fosso dei due 1. s-neri@hotmail.it. università degli studi di roma “la sapienza”. i would like to thank the organizers of this workshop who encouraged me to present the irst results of the research. gratitude is due to dr. tommaso magliaro and dr. gloria galante who permitted me to share and discuss their preliminary results, prof. gilda Bartoloni for her continuous support and for all the advice during my work, dr. k. armstrong, dr. Francesca Boitani and dr. Jacopo tabolli, for the suggestions concerning the english text. 122 sara neri Fig. 1 location of the macchia della comunità (t. magliaro, s. neri). Fossi2 were excavated. during the winter of 1916, g. a. colini surveyed the south-western slope of the plateau owned by the marquis Ferraioli and known as comunità. he discovered 71 tombs of different architectural types. subsequently natale malavolta made test trenches and later excavated the tombs. he also prepared the excavation journal and drew up the inventory of the indings that were all acquired by the Villa Giulia museum in rome. at the time l. giammiti, who was in charge of the draughtsmen, assembled the general plan of the necropolis making use of his accurate sketches of single tombs. he also recorded the measurements of the tombs on a general map. unfortunately only a brief publication of the excavations in the macchia della comunità, written by colini, was published in the notizie degli scavi of 1919.3 the necropolis was investigated again during the spring of 1927 by professor g. Q. giglioli of the department of ancient topography, assisted by malavolta. these excavations revealed 11 additional tombs that were published by a. adriani in the notizie degli scavi of 1930.4 to locate the tombs of macchia della comunità, giammiti’s notebook became essential, as it permitted us to link single measurements and sketches of tombs to the overall map of the 2. Bartoloni and delpino 1979, 20. 3. colini 1919, 3-4. 4. adriani 1930. the orientaliZing necropolis oF macchia della comunità 123 Fig. 2 burial grounds around Veio: * 9th c. BC; ▲ 8th c. BC; ■ 7th c. bc (after bartoloni et al. 1994). necropolis. thus all evidence was assembled reliably on a new, small scale map. in combination with the morphology of the slope, it was not complicated to work out which areas would have been suitable for the construction of tombs, such as the horizontal area facing the nearby stream. the original location of the tombs was established by relating the distribution of the tombs to the contours of the tuff formation in which they had been dug more than 2600 years ago (Fig. 1). unfortunately the tombs found in 1927 are not accompanied by reliable drawings. therefore we were unable to analyze the horizontal stratigraphy and the precise topographical development of the necropolis.the burial area along the south-western 124 sara neri Fig. 3 macchia della comunità: map of necropolis (after drawing by l. giammiti). the orientaliZing necropolis oF macchia della comunità 125 slopes of the ridge of comunità (not the north-western slopes as wrongly suggested by J.B Ward-perkins5), is situated in between the casalaccio zone and the piazza d’armi saddle. it is bordered by two main roads leading to Rome. The irst road begins at the Valle La Fata gate and was used continuously from the early iron age. it later became the Via triumphalis. the second road is more recent and is called the Via Veientana, beginning at the south-eastern gate as reconstructed by Ward perkins (Fig. 2).6 nowadays the northern part of this area is characterized by an abandoned olive grove, while the southern part is covered with bushes. on various locations illegal excavations can be traced. in spite of poor ground visibility we located ive new tombs distributed in two different areas during recent ield surveys.7 the tombs the oldest tombs in this burial plot are dated to the mid 8th century Bc and it was continuously in use till the end of the 7th Bc. archaic and midrepublican burials on this plot are rare. though far from complete, the data do allow the identiication of some general trends with regard to development through time. the sample consists in total of 82 tombs, divided over six phases, corresponding to the Veii periods iiB2-c, iiia, iiiB, iV, the archaic and the mid-republican period. it should be noted that the burials excavated in 1927 (tombs i-Xi), and three of the graves found in 1916 (tombs 46, 52, 63), have been excluded from the present analysis. The absence of inds and reopening of the tombs, make it dificult to relate their chronology to other tombs and we have assigned them to the periods iiB2-iV. these tombs are therefore only considered in the overall topographical analysis (Fig. 3). seven infant burials (tombs 9, 18, 19, 51, 53, 55, 61) are assigned to iiB2-c since they pertain to types common to this horizon in Veii. Because of the absence of any human bone remains, the gender analysis was deduced from the composition of the grave gifts, identifying females on the basis of the presence of spinning and weaving items, parures or various types of ibulae. Male burials were classiied by weapons and the rare presence of razors. it was not possible to identify 5. Ward-Perkins 1961, 40, 43, ig. 12. 6. Ward-perkins 1961. 7. these 5 tombs are not inserted in the illustrations. 126 sara neri Fig. 4 diachronic distribution of the burials (tot. 82). different age groups other than the infant graves of the early period that are characterized by their speciic appearance; little fossae often containing a tuff sarcophagus. the development of the southern and central areas of the necropolis was dictated by the natural morphology of the terrain. it is no coincidence that the two main concentrations of tombs, one in the central area, and one in the southern area, correspond to zones where the slopes are less steep. Furthermore, the burials are located on at least three parallel contour lines, following the morphology of the hill. however, the general south, south-western orientation of the tombs may be explained in terms of a speciic funerary ideology. The southern and central area of the necropolis was continuously in use from the last phase of the iron age to the late orientalizing period, for about 150 years. during this period the composition of the necropolis became increasingly complex as a result of the increasing number of tombs. the beginning of the early orientalizing period, around 725 Bc, is marked by the abandonment of the central and peripheral areas, which are characterized by more or less isolated tombs. a contraction of the burial area became noticeable. To date, the identiication the orientaliZing necropolis oF macchia della comunità 127 of separate groups in terms of topography, of common use of single markers in the ritual or of resemblance in grave goods, remains hypothetical. We can however identify smaller groups consisting of pairs of tombs, including child burials. there are 31 tombs that can be assigned to the iiB2 and iic periods (750725 Bc), except for tomb 29, which dates around 750 Bc. though the pattern of use of the slope was not at this stage intensive, tombs were already dispersed over the whole area, with single graves in the northern and the southern-central area. these areas would later be abandoned. the predominant burial ritual is inhumation. people were buried in simple fosse, sometimes equipped with a central cavity or a votive loculus for the grave gifts. during the early part of phase iic a new type of tombs with entrance shafts emerge. there are also some small trenches (fosse), containing a tuff sarcophagus, each covered with a different kind of lid. the cremation ritual occurs in only two tombs. apart from the large number of burials of which the gender could not be established (28%), female tombs (34%) are present in higher numbers than the male ones (13%; Fig. 4). this difference is most probably due to the lack of male markers in the grave goods since weapons in this necropolis are generally absent. the high percentage of infant burials (25%), only rarely present in the following phases, is due to the distinctive features of their tombs. Of the eight infant burials, ive were deposited in a small tuff sarcophagus covered with a ridge or barrel roof, which was placed on the bottom of the trench or in the central cavity. although poor in grave and personal gifts, it is very well possible that these burials are the result of strict selection of individuals who were deemed worthy of a proper burial and a rite reserved to infants belonging to high rank families and/or irstborns. adult tombs are marked by the presence of a few ceramic vessels, never more than ten. Wealth is expressed frequently by bronze vases and an abundance of personal items, especially in female burials. the latter can often be related to spinning or weaving. some tombs stand out as having particularly “rich” grave goods, such as the holmoi in the female tombs 60 and 58, located near each other, and in tomb 59, probably also belonging to a woman. the male graves contain a smaller number of objects and are characterized by the presence of a razor or an iron spearhead (though only in 1 tomb). Weapons remain rare, also in the subsequent phases. in the middle orientalizing period (670-630 Bc), the number of burials increases: ten tombs could be attributed to this phase. the burials are located only in the central part of all three tufa terraces (which were already 128 sara neri Fig. 5 composition of grave goods during period iV (m = male; F = female; ind = indeterminate; inF = infant; c = chamber tomb; l = loculus tomb; * = robbed) in use at that time). generally they are close to the late iron age tombs and four tombs are located at a higher altitude, possibly indicating the start of a new group in the burial ground that however would only be occasionally used in the later periods. tombs 67 and 13 are noteworthy. tomb 13 is of a female with an elaborate funerary assemblage and tomb 67 is the oldest example of a chamber tomb with a shaft entrance. in general, the location of older tombs seems to have been respected. there are a few examples indicating the explicit intention to correlate tombs of different age; a physical connection was created by inserting more recent graves in the free spaces between the older tombs. this phenomenon is conirmed by tombs 38 and 36, which are located on a lower level, in between iron age tombs 41 and 37, sharing the same orientation and tomb architecture: a grave with a sepulchral niche closed off. this is a tomb type without parallels in the necropolis. the two burials belong to individuals who are possibly related, belonging to the same family. the southern sector of the necropolis continues to be used during the recent orientalizing period (630-580 Bc), though the central area remains the orientaliZing necropolis oF macchia della comunità 129 the most intensively exploited. in this area we observe an extension of the burials towards the north. the number of tombs increases; a total of 23 burials was identiied, eight of which are female, the gender of the others could not be established. Whereas tombs equipped with shaft trenches and a sepulchral loculus continue to be built, the chamber tomb becomes the predominant type and often contains the richest burials. tombs 2 and 6 are the only examples of chambers with a dromos, characterized by a stepped or sloping entrance. during this period the tombs contain a higher number of objects. Female graves, as a rule characterized by the presence of a parure and ibulae, all seem to belong to individuals of middle to high social standing. Deinitely the woman buried in tomb 44 belongs to this group: the assemblage of inds mirrors the aristocratic ideology. The corpse seems to have been richly dressed, holding spinning and weaving items while she was accompanied with a banquet set of impasto, bucchero, etruscan-corinthian ceramics and italo-geometric pottery, spits, a knife and a bronze basin. Such inds are generally associated with a funerary banqueting ritual. Such banqueting assemblages, containing speciic vessels and spits, are often found in tombs that are elaborate furnished, as was the case for tomb 35 and 62. the graph in Fig. 5 illustrates the composition of grave gifts in burials without a gender determination. even if we take into account the large number of robbed and violated tombs, a clear distinction remains between the irst ive tomb groups with metal items among the grave gifts (tombs 44, 64, 24, 62, 33) and the central group (tombs 49, 12, 71, ii, 14, 41, 39, 45, 15, 21, X, 47), characterized by just ceramics. the absence of metal in the group with only ceramics is considered a relection of the lower standing of the deceased, just as for the tombs 45 and 47, both trench tombs with a shaft entrance. For all other tombs, it is not possible to hypothesize on the social standing of the buried individuals due to the clandestine excavations. tomb 31, the burial of a child, is remarkable since it contains a high number of inds but no metal items. Similar considerations seem to be valid for the other tombs shown in the graph; the total absence of objects cannot be explained as a consequence of the poor social standing of the buried individual because the monumental character of the chamber tombs with a shaft entrance or dromos contradicts this. it could be explained as the result of robbery in antiquity. there is only limited evidence for activity in the necropolis after the end of the 7th century Bc. the robbed tomb 25, for example, is a so-called vestibule tomb with access steps and a sepulchral loculus, a type which occurs at Veii between the 6th and 5th century Bc. 130 sara neri Fig. 6 orientalizing tomb types (drawings by l. giammiti). the orientaliZing necropolis oF macchia della comunità 131 It is dificult to compare the development at Macchia della Comunità with that of Quattro Fontanili, grotta gramiccia and casale del Fosso, where we do not know of any speciic morphological characteristics inluencing the location of the tombs, and which contain a larger number of burials than the burial ground at macchia della comunità. For this reason we have analysed for Quattro Fontanili, grotta gramiccia and casale del Fosso mainly the typology and distribution of the inds. In addition we assessed the ritual practices. these analyses result in an understanding of the use and development of the burial grounds. the research has so far demonstrated a radial development of the Quattro Fontanili and grotta gramiccia burial grounds, originating from two distinct groups. Within these burial grounds, family groups are well deined, as are the six groups identiied by Buranelli in Casale del Fosso, and to a lesser extent also in Quattro Fontanili. these groups are sometimes composed of nuclear families, identiied by the presence of a married couple, together with one, or more rarely, two infant burials.8 the spatial distribution of the tombs at macchia della comunità may also be explained in the light of family groups clustered around tombs with parents/ancestors. however at macchia della comunità the morphology of the terrain dictates a linear ordering of tombs, especially during the recent orientalizing period. it also led to an irregular lay-out of the burial ground. Funerary stuctures if we look at the typology of the funerary structures at macchia della comunità (Fig. 6), it appears that all architectural types can be attributed to types already identiied in the comparative analysis of the Veian necropoleis by Bartoloni. apart from the single tomb of iiB2 phase (t. Vii) and common simple fossa tombs, we were able to identify fossa tombs with a loculus for the grave goods - just as in casale del Fosso - during the second half of the 8th century Bc. the two cremations found at macchia della comunità seem to be almost contemporary (dating 750-730 Bc): tomb 58 is a fossa tomb with a pit at the bottom and a loculus, while tomb 29 is a fossa tomb with a votive loculus. in the iic phase, the number of 8. Bartoloni et al. 1994, with bibliography and comparative analysis of the Veian cemeteries; Bartoloni et al. 1997, 89, on the topography of the necropoleis; Berardinetti, drago 1997 (grotta gramiccia); Buranelli 1981; Buranelli et al. 1997 (casale del Fosso); toms 1986; guidi 1993 with bibliography (Quattro Fontanili). 132 sara neri tombs with a sepulchral loculus increases. this is the so-called “narce type”, well documented in Veii and its territory (casale del Fosso, Quattro Fontanili, monte michele, casalaccio, Vacchereccia), and in use until the end of the 7th century Bc.9 According to Anna De Santis, the irst chamber tombs appear around the middle of the 7th century Bc, which is rather late when compared to the appearance of this tomb type at the other Veian necropoleis. tombs with small chambers for just one burial develop from previous tomb structures. the presence of just two chamber tombs with a proper dromos seems to be exceptional when compared with the numerous examples in the northern casale del Fosso and grotta gramiccia cemeteries, where they occur from the beginning of the 7th century Bc onwards. this is also valid for the large number of chamber tombs in the picazzano and riserva del Bagno burial grounds, where chamber tombs are known from the mid 7th century Bc. these chamber tombs, even if they do not have such monumental dimensions as the ceretan ones, represent the larger specimens having long dromoi with or without benches, while sometimes being decorated with wall paintings. in general, they can be interpreted as real “family tombs” intended to house the members of a nuclear family.10 the development of macchia della comunità, even if the morphology is not suited for the construction of monumental tombs, is strongly tied to the social standing of the group that used this necropolis. the analysis of the inds so far reveals an average level of wealth with rare indications of luxury. although socially articulated and relatively wealthy, the necropolis is in general not comparable to the ostentatious wealth deposited in some other contemporary burials at Veio. rather, at macchia della comunità it seems that aristocratic elements in the tombs do not relect the actual presence of aristocratic individuals but rather express a life style that endorses 9. as Francesco di gennaro has already stressed, this tomb type is mainly recovered in the Faliscan and capenatae area during the orientalizing period; it is found at narce, capena, in the monte palombo necropolis (where tombs with a votive loculus occur as well), and in san martino. the type is attested in etruria at Blera (selva and casetta necropoleis) and in poggio Buco, marking the northern limit of its dispersion. three more examples have been discovered in cerveteri, poggio dell’asino (vigna lucchetti) in tombs that are linked to a family of Veian origin (Di Gennaro 2007, 167-72, igg. 3-7, with bibliography; di Gennaro et al. 2002-2003, 52; di gennaro 1988; Baglione 1986, 129, nt. 20). 10. de santis in Bartoloni et al. 1994, 31-3. the orientaliZing necropolis oF macchia della comunità 133 Fig. 7 oinochoai, t. 44, macchia della comunità (drawing by s. neri). codes of representation. military roles are expressed in a few burials only at macchia della comunità, as opposed to the common presence of weapons at the other Veian burial grounds. Based on the data from the macchia della comunità necropolis, the slopes of the plateau were used as burial ground from the second half of the 8th century Bc onwards. this is also the case at the near-by casalaccio burial ground that was in use at least from ca. 725 Bc onwards and for the as yet unexcavated and unpublished piazza d’armi necropolis,11 for the Eastern Comunità burial ground and inally as recorded by the ield surveys of the small terrace below campetti (Fig. 2).12 the opening of new burial plots around Veio is probably due to initiatives by those groups who were not allowed to bury their dead in the northern cemeteries that seem to have been controlled by ancient patrician groups, who seek to afirm their physical and ideological bonds with their ancestors.13 the increasing use of cemeteries on the slopes can be related to the social-economic developments taking place at Veio during the 8th century Bc, especially from 11. Villanovan fragments and a biconical urn were found in the valley, in the southern area at the conluence between Piordo and Cremera (Ward-Perkins 1961). The recent survey along the piazza d’armi slope, nowadays covered with bushes, revealed the presence of many tombs that frequently have been robbed; some structures are tombs of the so-called narce type. 12. neri 2008. 13. de santis in Bartoloni et al. 1994, 33. 134 sara neri Fig. 8 oinochoe, t. 64, macchia della comunità (drawing by t. magliaro). ca. 750 Bc onwards, stressed by Bartoloni. the development towards a consolidation corresponds with the building of the defense terrace, excavated on the northern border of the town in campetti, and with a settling of larger tracts of the surrounding territory, a process that was completed around 660-640 Bc.14 With some caution we can identify the tombs of macchia della comunità as pertaining to a ‘middle class’ of the urban community, possibly representing craftsmen, who had their workshop area on the settlement plateau just above the burial ground. a production center was excavated here, a sort of Kerameikos, producing italo-geometric and bucchero pottery from the middle orientalizing period onwards.15 excavations by the sapienza university of rome revealed quantities of evidence related to processing and iring clay in the eastern area with indications that this site had been in use since the end of the 7th century Bc.16 14. Bartoloni 2008, 42; de santis 1997, 101-8. 15. The identiication of the pottery workshop area is based on wasters found by Ward perkins in the western part of the comunità, which were recently analyzed by cascino (2008); rendeli et al. 2009, 274, 280-1. 16. Belelli marchesini in ambrosini et al. 2009, 65-70. the orientaliZing necropolis oF macchia della comunità 135 Fig. 9 oinochoe, t. 9 (XlViii), celle, Falerii (after belelli 2007). italo-geometric and etrusco-corinthian workshop Among the inds from Macchia della Comunità we identiied an interesting concentration of etruscan-corinthian oinochoai. two vessels were found inside tomb 44, another one came to light in tomb 64 (Figs. 7-8). the shape, which derives from the italo-geometric tradition, the decorative syntax and the characteristics of the decoration, with scales on the shoulder, suggest that the vases should be attributed to the gruppo del Furetto workshop, recognized by Bellelli and that produced ceramics with the running dogs motive. parallels can be found at Falerii at the celle necropolis in tomb 9 (XlViii) (Fig. 9) and at Veii in the Quaranta rubbie tomb, containing one of the most characteristic olpai of Veii (Fig. 10).17 szilàgy already stressed the strict observance of lpc motifs, as seen on the olpe of the Pittore dei cani in the Quaranta rubbie tomb and also recorded by 17. the other three known oinochoai with running dogs, at Århus, erlangen (gruppo del Furetto) and the vase from statonia (nowadays in Florence) are all slightly different, as they lack the scale decoration on the shoulder For the running dogs production see Bellelli 1997; for the Furetto group see Belelli 1997, 40-41, list Xi; Belelli 2007, 300301 (oinochoai). essential information on these oinochoai is found in: szilágyi 1989, 628, tav. iii.a-b (unknown provenance, Århus); dräger 1995, 52, comm. tav. 33. 4-6 (unknown provenance, Erlangen); Bellelli 2007, 301, 320, ig. 36 (from “Statonia”); Bellelli 2007, 301, 318-19, igs. 29-34 (from Falerii); Rizzo 1990, 47, n. 11, ig. 35 (from Quaranta rubbie tomb). on the olpe from Quaranta rubbie tomb, see rizzo 1990, 45, n. 6, tav. 1.3; szilágyi 1992, 83, n. 8, tav. XXiii.a (with bibliography). 136 sara neri Fig. 10 oinochoe, Quaranta rubbie tomb, Veii (after rizzo 1990). the scales on the olpe already mentioned (Fig. 10). these motifs relate to the trend of hellenic polychrome decorations and applied by “artisti non rilevanti, ma da disegnatori esperti dalla mano sicura, in genere dotati di scarsa fantasia nella creazione di immagini”.18 the oinochoai of tomb 44 of at Macchia della Comunità (Fig. 7) seems to conirm the relation with speciic workshop output, using the dashed snake motif in line with the ancient and middle proto-corinthian tradition that was widely adopted in etruruia and in the greek colonies in southern italy. however, the oinochoe in tomb 64 (Fig. 8), with simple scale decoration, is considered to be one of the oldest etruscan-corinthian products made in Veii19. it is possible to consider these vessels as the product of a single workshop, related with contemporary production of scale olpai and located in Veii, based on the homogenous output. this is also implied by a part of the output of the gruppo del Furetto workshop. the running dogs series (on kylikes and alabastra) is present in some tombs of macchia della comunità but also on an amphora (in tomb X) with a running dog frieze, similar to types assigned to the gruppo del Furetto workshop (Fig. 11). there are only two other, similar examples of amphorae belonging to the running 18. “irrelevant artists but expert draughtsmen with a secure hand lacking fantasy in creating images”, szilágyi 1992, 87. 19. cristofani and Zevi 1965, 31-2 (olpai with scale decoration). the orientaliZing necropolis oF macchia della comunità 137 Fig. 11 amphora, t. X, macchia della comunità (photo by t. magliaro). dogs production; one similar to archetti intrecciati amphorae from poggio Buco, tomb Vii and another with unknown provenance, connected by colonna to a caeretan workshop, which preferred the italo-geometric models.20 the amphora from macchia della comunità is very similar to the the italo-geometric amphorae, which are characteristic for the Veian workshops around 630-600 Bc. they record at Veio the transformation of italo-geometric workshops into etruscan-corinthian ones with a renewal of shapes and decorations that are still partly based on late proto-corinthian and transitional codes accompanied with old style-elements. epilogue Besides these alterations in ceramics, the tombs in the macchia della comunità also reveal social aspects. the funerary data suggest urban structures that were consolidated during the last decades of the 7th century Bc. in the macchia della comunità this aspect is stressed by the diffusion of chamber tombs and by the change in the type of inds that record a 20. Bellelli 1997, 9-10, with bibliography, which includes colonna 1993, 12-5, nt. 34, ig. 4 (unknown provenance from private collection); Bartoloni 1972, 75, n. 1, ig. 35, tav. Xl.a. (from poggio Buco, t. Vii) 138 sara neri high level of standardization and an increase in output of the local workshops. a powerful elite still dominated the rising town. the patrician gentes inhabited the richly decorated houses of piazza d’armi, controlled the scriptorium in portonaccio21 and were buried in the monumental tumuli surrounding the town.22 It is not until the archaic period, more speciically from the middle of the 6th century Bc onwards, that the urban organization suggests socio-political changes. at piazza d’armi, the aristocratic houses are abandoned and a new regular layout of building blocks is recorded as well as the construction of the great cistern.23 the main plateau became fortiied with an extensive wall in opus quadratum and the portonaccio sanctuary undergoes two main reconstructions during the second half of the 6th century Bc.24 the contemporary funerary data reveal a great contraction both in the quantity of grave gifts and in the number of burials. this phenomenon can be also explained by the adoption of tomb types that are less monumental, like simple cremations, which were often destroyed. All this seems to be inluenced by sumptuary laws.25 there are however a few differences with the situation in latium Vetus where the amount of grave goods decreases during the last decades of the 7th century Bc, as stressed in recent studies.26 on the contrary, in Veii the tombs of this period (630-600 Bc) continue to have a large number of grave goods. during archaic period the chronological discrepancy between a reduction in funerary wealth, visible since 590/580 Bc, and an expansion of urban, public structures, evident in the second half of the century, is certainly due to contextual differences: the changes in the funeral record are related to activities and aspirations of speciic families that are somewhat private while the alterations in the settlement record public goals referring to changes that already had occurred. in this sense the new urban, public structures are an ultimate statement of the socio-economic changes that had already been accepted. 21. see note 23. 22. on the tumuli as markers of aristocratic control over a territory, see Zifferero 1991; see de santis in Bartoloni et al. 1994 for the Veian examples. 23. Bartoloni 2009a with references. 24. on portonaccio; colonna 2001, 37-44; colonna 2002. on piazza d’armi in recent reconstructions; Bartoloni 2009b (with bibliography); acconcia et al. 2009. on the city walls; Boitani 2008 (with recent data). 25. Colonna 1977; Palmieri 2009 has suggested inluence from Crete. On the introduction of laws at Veii; Bartoloni 2010, 165 (also on the similar origin of sumptuary laws in rome and Veii). see on the archaic depositions at Veii and its territory de santis in Bartoloni et al. 1994, 40-6; drago troccoli 1997; palmieri 2009. 26. Bartoloni et al 2009. a neW Burial ground From satricum. preliminary results oF the eXcaVations in 2010 marijke gnade abstract in the summer of 2010 the university of amsterdam continued excavations in the lower settlement area of ancient satricum. here, on top of the archaic settlement remains, a small burial ground of circa 40 inhumation graves was excavated, dating to the 5th and 4th centuries Bc. the burials revealed unexpected funerary assemblages consisting of rich personal ornaments and all kinds of pottery, indigenous as well as imported. the burial ground can be attributed to the same cultural background as the two other burial grounds discovered in satricum in the eighties of the last century, but appears to be richer in assemblage and of a later date. these are aspects that may be of consequence regarding earlier interpretations of the occupation of the settlement. introduction Since 1996, with an interruption of ive years during which excavations were carried out on the acropolis of satricum, the university of amsterdam has been carrying out systematic archaeological research in the lower area of the ancient town.1 the aim was, and still is, the documentation of ancient remains that may have been preserved in the latter area notwithstanding the intensive agricultural activities of the sixties and seventies of the last century. Following the leveling of the area in 1983, a irst exploratory 1. prof.dr. m. gnade, pre-roman cultures in central italy, aac-university of amsterdam, turfdraagsterpad 9, 1012 Xt amsterdam; m.gnade@uva.nl the excavations in the lower city area of ancient satricum - also known as poggio dei cavallari - have been carried out in collaboration with the soprintendenza per i Beni archeologici del lazio, under supervision of dott. Francesco di mario with permission and inancial support of the owner of the terrain, Dott. Antonio Santarelli. See Gnade 2007b, 51-58 for a synthesis of the research until 2007 in the lower area of the ancient town. see also gnade 2010. anneke dekker is responsible for the photos of the objects. 140 mariJke gnade excavation was carried out revealing a series of long parallel walls of the archaic period, which were recognized as retaining walls of a monumental road leading to the sanctuary of mater matuta on the acropolis. the results of this excavation were considered suficiently important to start a systematic research in the area. however, due to an initial lack of permission by the landowner, it was till 1996 before further investigations could be carried out. From then onwards, excavations were regularly carried out bringing to light a road track covering nearly 800 meters and revealing at least two successive road phases on top of each other, each of which had lateral retaining walls. The irst monumental phase of the road, dated to around 500 Bc, appeared to be constructed in a deep natural ditch in which two retaining walls of superimposed, large rectangular tufa blocks were built at a distance of nearly 6 metres from each other. the space between the walls was illed in with dirt and clay and successively covered by a pavement made of compressed tufa lumps covered by pebbles. the construction of the road must have been part of a larger urban development, which also comprised the construction of the late archaic temple of mater matuta and the surrounding buildings on the acropolis of the town.2 this project must also have involved the construction of buildings in the lower city area as shown by the remains of at least two large examples along the south side of the road, discovered in 2004.3 probably not long after their construction, the road and the buildings alongside were destroyed. subsequently, a new and larger road of nearly ten meters wide, also with lateral walls, was constructed on top of the destroyed remains of the earlier road and buildings, probably somewhere during the middle of the 5th century Bc. this last road, in turn, was also abandoned, probably not very long after its construction as was recently established by the discovery of 5th and 4th centuries Bc graves dug into the two superimposed road levels. in 1997, graves had also been discovered along the north side of the road.4 these showed many parallels to graves that had been excavated during the eighties of the last century in the southwestern area of the ancient settlement.5 this cemetery, known as the southwest necropolis, contained over 200 graves that were attributed to the Volscians, who 2. For the latest overview of the consecutive temples of mater matuta, see knoop and lulof 2007. see stobbe 2007 for an overview of the surrounding structures. 3. gnade 2007a; 2009. 4. gnade 2002, 94-97. 5. gnade 1992; 2002, 101-134. a neW Burial ground From satricum 141 Fig. 1 aerial photograph of the burial ground at satricum. according to the ancient sources had taken the latin town of satricum in the beginning of the 5th century Bc and subsequently buried their dead inside the city boundaries.6 shortly after the discovery of the southwest necropolis, a similar but smaller necropolis consisting of circa 30 graves was discovered on the acropolis, in front of the temples of mater matuta, a location which seemed to conirm the Volscian identiication of the graves inside the town.7 Because of the position of the newly discovered graves along the north side of the road, it was irst presumed that the road was still functioning as the main thoroughfare of the town, while the archaic buildings in the town were presumed to have been occupied by the new inhabitants. this picture must now be adjusted because of the discovery of the graves dug into the road and, as we will see, into the walls of the archaic buildings. obviously, this part of the ancient settlement had ceased to exist anymore at the time the Volscians buried their dead inside the settlement. 6. livy ii, 39, 1-5; dh Viii, 14-36. gnade 2002, 126-133 on the attribution of the graves to the Volscians. 7. For the tombs on the acropolis, maaskant-kleibrink 1992, 101-105. 142 mariJke gnade Fig. 2 Plan of the burial ground at satricum (drawing by loes opgenhaffen). Between 2004 and 2007 nearly 15 graves were excavated, rising to a total of 40 over the last three years of research (Fig. 1). Based on the resemblances with the other 5th and 4th c. Bc graves in satricum, they must be attributed to the same cultural background. the deceased were buried individually in rectangular trenches (fossae), in a supine position, in a rectangular wooden cofin which, depending on environmental conditions, may still be visible in the illing of the graves as a rectangular greyish-black outline. even the youngest persons, varying in age between three to 12 years, were buried in their own cofins. In some cases, the traces of the carbonized cofins were preserved rather well, as were the iron nails used for their construction. Fig. 3a-B, for example, shows an individual of about 25 years old, covered by the organic remains of the lid of the cofin. Thirteen iron nails of different sizes were found still in their original position in the cofin. apart from the many similarities with the two other burial grounds in satricum, there are also differences, which may be related to the fact that the new burial ground is somewhat later in date and belongs to a group of people with a certain level of wealth. this is demonstrated in various ways. in general, the size of the graves seems to be larger than in the other a neW Burial ground From satricum 143 Fig. 3a grave Xi-skeleton covered by remains of wooden cover; Fig. 3b grave Xi-skeleton in cofin with iron nails in situ showing as rusty brownish spots in the grey outline of the cofin. burial grounds and the grave assemblages appear to be richer, often showing a larger number of vases per grave and a generally larger number of personal ornaments, the latter in some cases of a remarkable quality. another difference is visible in the layout of the graves, which is more regular in the road area than in the other burial grounds. nearly all the graves show an east-west orientation, in which all the dead, save one, have been buried with their heads to the east (Fig. 2). only in three cases do the graves show a north-south orientation. two of these are remarkable because of their great size and special funerary assemblages (graves XXV and XXiX), whereas in the case of grave XXXViii the different orientation is probably related to the limited space that was remaining for digging new tombs. the grave is situated along the established western limit of the burial ground and is part of a cluster of intersecting graves. the 40 graves uncovered to date are situated in a rather small area (ca. 200 m2), which is densely illed. Most graves are placed at a short distance 144 mariJke gnade from each other, while others are intersecting, probably in order to express family relations as was also the case in the other burial grounds in Satricum. Afiliation is even more clear in the cases where a second burial occurs at a higher level in the same grave, often an individual of a much younger age, as for example in grave XXiii. this grave contained an individual of 18-20 years old as well as a younger individual of 8-10 years at a much higher level in the same grave. For most of these multiple burials, it was not possible to establish if the grave had been reopened at a certain moment for the burial of the younger individual. it is clear, however, that even the youngest individuals were treated in the same way as the adults: they were buried in a wooden cofin itted to their size and provided with a burial assemblage consisting of pottery and personal objects, such as ibulae and beads. They were obviously considered full members of their community and must have had the same formal right to burial as adults. preservation of the skeletal remains, and especially of the smaller bones, is in general poor due to the acidity of the ground. in many tombs bone remains are even absent. the sex of the deceased could therefore be established in one case only. the generally better preserved dental elements allowed us to establish the age of 25 individuals, among which there were 11 adults, 2 sub adults and 12 infants. the level of deposition of the dead within the grave varies remarkably between 1.00 m and 2.40 m below the present surface thereby often cutting through the two road levels and the lateral walls of the road and sometimes even reaching the lowest level of virgin soil of the ditch in which the road was constructed. the real depth of the tombs cannot, however, be established anymore because of the levelling and deep ploughing of the terrain, which has destroyed the upper parts of the graves. For this reason, the irst outlines of the graves are recognized only at a depth of circa 1.00 m below the present surface. however, the fact that the graves have been dug into the walls of the structures alongside the road implies that those walls, like the road levels, were not visible at the time of construction of the tombs. this means that the depth of the deepest graves will have been impressive and may have been over 2.50 m. the same variety in depth of the graves has also been documented in the southwest necropolis, where the phenomenon has been explained in a chronological sense: the deeper the grave, the older the burial.8 8. gnade 2002, 110. a neW Burial ground From satricum 145 Fig. 4 graves Vii, Xi and XXV from the se. the variety in depth is probably best illustrated in the northern part of the necropolis where, up to now, three graves with different depths have been found (Figs. 2, 4). in 2006 a shallow grave of a young individual (grave Vii) was excavated, which appeared to be situated alongside, and partly intersecting, the above mentioned grave Xi with the remains of the cofin preserved. In 2009 and 2010 grave XI was excavated revealing underneath the remains of the cofin a horizontal loor with rectangular pits in its corners indicating that the cofin originally had legs that were placed in the corner pits.9 grave Xi, also appeared to be partly intersecting with yet another, very large grave situated at its eastern end and dug into the northernmost wall found during the excavation, possibly the lateral wall of the second road (grave XXV; see Fig. 4). the excavation of this grave, which was discovered in 2010, could not be inished because of its great depth, which was at least 1 m lower than the loor level of grave XI. The 9. the same type of grave is known from the southwest necropolis where it was documented in only 19 cases of the 168 excavated graves; see gnade 1992, 26-27. 146 mariJke gnade Fig. 5 grave XXXVii with laconian amphora placed upside down. grave has so far revealed a remarkable assemblage, which together with its large size and depth, may indicate the special position of the deceased in his community, perhaps one of the ancestors of the group. the burial assemblage was concentrated along the short, north side of the cofin of which the irst vague outline had become visible. It consists of 8 vases, of which 5 can be associated with wine and wine consumption: two transport amphorae – one is a west greek and one an etruscan type, a dinos of an exceptional shape, a small coarse jar, a black bowl, a single handled bowl, a black glossed kylix and a black glossed jug that was found inside the wine cup. some of the vases were found in a particular position in the grave. the west greek amphora, for example, was placed upside down, slightly above the dinos, while the one handled bowl was discovered in the north-eastern corner pit in the bottom of the grave, next to the leg of the cofin. The burial assemblage covers a broad chronological range of nearly a century, from the second half of the 6th century Bc based on the west greek amphora, until the second half of the 5th century Bc, based on the small jug. a similar upside-down position of the amphora has also been recorded in another, nearby grave of a similar large size, grave XXXVii. the amphora in this grave may be regarded as a special gift, considering that it a neW Burial ground From satricum 147 Fig. 6 Kylix with horse incision from grave Xiiib. is a laconian specimen, an exceptional shape in the central italian region (Fig. 5). underneath the amphora, at least three other vases were recorded. although they still have to be excavated, one of these is yet another transport amphora, though of a local, satrican fabric. apparently transport amphorae were considered important grave gifts in the new burial ground, as is underlined by the fact that they nearly always occur in pairs. in 6 adult graves, pairs of transport amphorae were found side by side, sometimes two amphorae of the same type, as the two etruscan examples in graves Xiii and XV. however, other combinations also occur: west-greek amphorae combined with a local or an etruscan amphora (grave XXV) or, as in grave XXXVii, a laconian amphora alongside a local one. it is noteworthy that some of the amphorae are much older than the rest of the grave gifts, suggesting they must have been kept within the community or family as valuable items before they entered the grave. this is even more likely considering the fact that several amphorae lack one or two handles. the phenomenon of placing older or even antique gifts in the grave was also noted in other cases as may be illustrated by the burial assemblage of a young child of 7 to 9 years old in grave XXXi. this grave contained an etruscan-corinthian aryballos dating to the beginning of the 6th century Bc. its presence among much younger vases in the same grave implies that the aryballos had circulated for a long time before entering the grave, as is also clear from its condition; part of the lip is missing, as well as its entire decoration. 148 mariJke gnade a similar longevity of the vases offered to the deceased is attested in the category of wine cups of attic type. in one or two cases the handles appeared to be missing, while one of the cups dating to the middle of the 5th century Bc shows holes indicating that it had been mended. the 5th century Bc cup was found in the same burial (XXii) as a cup with a red painted decoration of a standing male igure that can be attributed to the so-called sokra group of almost a century later.10 it may be clear from the vases mentioned so far that pottery associated with wine and wine consumption is not an isolated phenomenon in these graves. in at least 10 graves this type of pottery was found consisting of different types of wine cups with or without decoration and dating to the 5th as well as to the 4th century Bc. among the latter are cups with uncommon decoration, such as the cup decorated with the incised igure of a horse found in grave XV (Fig. 6). apart from the wine consumption vessels, the grave assemblage generally contained a basic set of more common, utilitarian pottery which is also known from the graves in the southwest necropolis. such a set consists of different types of jars and bowls, often present in more than one piece per grave. in addition, the burials almost always contain a miniature jug and a small footed bowl. often the small black amphora with two-reeded handles occurs as well, a shape well known from the southwest necropolis and whose provenance is attributed to the inland regions of central italy.11 other vases characteristic of the southwest necropolis, like the two handled depurated jars and the ine, red slipped jars with perforated rim, seem to occur less frequently. A special ind is a large jug with spout in the shape of a small bowl, which is connected to the inside of the vase by means of a tiny hole. the shape, for now, has parallels only in the Volscian graves of inland Frosinone and in the second votive deposit on the acropolis of satricum.12 the grave in which the large jug was found also contained another special item consisting of the foot of a bucchero table amphora, possibly of nicosthenic- alfedena type. it was put into the grave in an upside down position as if a beaker. The signiicance of this gift is dificult to understand. The fact, however, that this incomplete ind is associated with a vase 10. pianu 1982. 11. c.m. stibbe in gnade 1992, 72-76 on the amphora with two-reeded handles. 12. Bouma 1996, ii, ‘two-spouted kernos jar’, cat. J681. tav. c for a comparable shape from Votive deposit ii in satricum. a neW Burial ground From satricum 149 Fig. 7 eye-bead of glass paste from grave XiX. type common in the Frosinone region may offer a key for understanding its presence in the grave. the presence of traditional, inland shapes in the burial assemblage may constitute a reference to past times by means of the antiquity of the objects that were kept in circulation, and as such would refer to the homeland of the deceased. the latter aspect is marked as well by the regular presence of the bucchero amphorae with two-reeded handles. this vase has always been interpreted as a non-latial shape, and therefore, as evidence for the original inland provenance of the inhabitants of 5th and 4th century in satricum.13 of the 39 graves that have been analyzed so far, almost 30% (12 graves) belong to children. many of these graves can be singled out because of the special attention given to their assemblages that relect the signiicant social position the children occupied within their community. some of the children were given rich assemblages consisting of personal ornaments of bronze and glass paste. in other cases the assemblages contained miniature weapons made of lead that were probably made especially for the burial. in particular the beads of multi colored glass paste coming from the phoenician world constitute a new element in the graves of post-archaic 13. gnade 2002, 129. 150 mariJke gnade Satricum. Among the glass paste inds are two so-called eye-beads of very large size. The irst one was discovered in 2009 in the burial of a child of 4-6 years old (grave XiX; Fig. 7). the bead was found at the top level of the excavation trench that had been disturbed by ploughing. apart from the personal ornaments, among which were a small bronze ibula and ive ringlets of bronze, the grave contained three small vases consisting of a onehandled bowl, a squat black glossed lekythos and an askos of ine depurated clay, all datable to the 4th century Bc, most probably to its second half. the second bead, of still larger size but of the same type, was found in the earlier mentioned grave of a child of 7 to 9 years old, grave XXXi, which contained many personal ornaments. except for the large bead, which was found under the lattened skull, the grave contained two other eye-beads, a blue glass bead, ive very small black glass beads, two beads of faience, a bronze ringlet, four bronze ibulae and a glass pasta pendant of a human face. the pendant is a remarkable piece, notwithstanding its poor preservation. No direct parallels are available, but it may be classiied in one of the early groups of seefried dated between the 7th and 5th centuries Bc.14 other phoenician beads of different size and type came to light in other child burials, one of which, grave XXVii, also contained a small bronze bulla and two bronze tubular beads. the high number of glass paste beads (among which one pendant), 22 pieces so far, is an indication for the extensive commercial contacts of the group that buried their dead in this necropolis with the phoenician/punic world. at the same time, similar beads in child graves (even some pendants with a human face), as well as bronze bullae, are also known from the indigenous world of the abruzzi, where they are mostly dated to the 4th and 3rd centuries Bc.15 unlike satricum, the beads in the abruzzo region seem to appear less frequently within one and the same burial ground, and seem to occur dispersed over more burial grounds in only one or two graves each. it is an attractive idea to think of satricum as a hub in the exchange route towards the internal regions, which is reminiscent of the role the settlement had occupied in earlier times. grave XXiiia constitutes another remarkable child burial containing gifts that must have been made especially for the occasion, at least when we consider the more personal gifts. this grave records the burial of a child, aged 8 to 10 years, that was found in the upper layer of the grave 14. seefried 1992. 15. lapenna 2004; see also martellone 2010, 308-327. a neW Burial ground From satricum 151 ill of a very deep grave of an individual of 18-20 years old. The grave is illustrative for our necropolis because it was dug right through the walls of an earlier archaic building, as if this building was not noticed while digging it. Furthermore, the burial assemblage contains14 vases, the richest so far excavated, a phenomenon which seems to be related to the fact that the grave belongs to a child. in the southwest necropolis the richest grave, with 35 vessels, belonged to a child as well.16 apart from the pottery, the child in grave XXiiia was buried with a variety of miniature weapons made of lead: a pike, a spearhead, an axe and a double-axe. the presence of lead miniature weapons in child burials is also known from the southwest necropolis, but in this particular case, the combination of four different objects makes it exceptional. the lead objects were placed near the head and shoulder of the deceased which, due to the chemical reaction of the lead, had been partly preserved. the pottery was placed around the head and in a niche. in general, the size of the pottery shapes was smaller than those normally found in adult graves, indicating that there may be a certain relation between size and age and that in some cases pots may have been especially made for the burial. This appears to be conirmed by the presence of a very special vase in this burial; an elegant small wine cup with on the inside a remarkable painted decoration of a grazing young male deer in, what appears to be, a grassy meadow. the image is probably more than just a random picture. together with the lead miniature weapons it symbolizes a way of life associated with elite activities, such as hunting, war, authority and wine consumption. as such the gifts may be explained as symbolic references to the ‘future’ role assigned to the child, which he had not been able to fulill due to his premature death. since the study of the graves has only just started and the excavations have not yet been completed, it is of course dificult to present– only shortly after the excavation – a coherent analysis of all the newly recorded phenomena, as well as their signiicance. It is obvious, however, that the new burial ground in the lower city area opens a new and unexpected chapter in the history of satricum. the buried group, without any doubt, belongs to the same people who occupied satricum from the 5th century Bc onwards. the fact that the graves have been dug into the remains of the former settlement implies that the settlement as such did not exist anymore, at least as far as the lower town is concerned. remarkably, the buried group 16. grave 35a, gnade 1992, 173-177. 152 mariJke gnade shows a certain level of wealth, a fact which is dificult to reconcile with a destroyed town. obviously, ancient satricum had recovered from the quarrels of the beginning of the 5th and of those of the early 4th centuries Bc, and had been able to develop once again into an important node in the commercial networks of the mediterranean world. this is not only attested by the burial gifts, but also by the votive deposit on the acropolis of the town that counts among the richest of central italy. But, although we have now found the dead of the 5th and 4th centuries Bc, we have not yet found traces of their settlement, either because the houses have been destroyed by agricultural activities or because they are simply not within the boundary of the archaic town. as large parts of ancient satricum had become a burial ground, we may well have to look elsewhere, possibly in the area to the south of the ancient town. the macchiaBate necropolis in FrancaVilla marittima (calaBria): some preliminary notes on the recent eXcaVations By the uniVersity oF Basel martin a. guggisberg1 Following an invitation by the institute of archaeology of the university of groningen, the institute of classical archaeology of the university of Basel started new excavations in the macchiabate necropolis at Francavilla Marittima in Calabria in 2009, precisely 40 years after the end of the irst excavations conducted by paola Zancani montuoro between 1963 and 1969.2 the necropolis is situated on a coastal terrace, the macchiabate, at the foot of the settlement on the timpone motta di Francavilla marittima, a small hill overlooking the coastal plain of sybaris as well as controlling the entrance to the valley of the raganello river (Fig. 1).3 the macchiabate necropolis extends over a surface of more than 15 hectares. the area is densely covered with burial mounds of varying size containing a large number of individual graves. in addition, a different grave type is attested by at least two isolated tombs located in the area strada and cima respectively. paola Zancani montuoro excavated six groups of i am grateful to camilla colombi (Basel), guglielmo genovese (rome) and albert nijboer (groningen) for their comments and help. equally i should like to thank kayt armstrong, albert nijboer and sara Willemsen for improving my english text. 1. institute of classical archaeology, university of Basel, petersgraben 51, ch-4051 Basel, martin-a.guggisberg@unibas.ch 2. i should like to thank in particular prof. peter attema, the director of the dutch excavations in Francavilla marittima, for offering us the possibility to participate in the archaeological exploration of the site. at the same time i should like to express my gratitude to dr. simonetta Bonomi, the director of the soprintendenza per i Beni archeologici della calabria as well as to dr. silvana luppino, the archaeological inspector of the sibaritide and the comune of Francavilla marittima for their continuous support and fruitful cooperation. For paola Zancani montuoros’ excavations in the macchiabate necropolis, see Zancani montuoro 1970-1971; 1974-1976; 1977-1979; 1980-1982; 1983-1984. For the excavation campaigns of the Basel team in 2009 and 2010, see: guggisberg, colombi and spichtig 2010; 2011. in 2011 a third campaign has been carried out, exploring two more graves, strada 5 and 6, see guggisberg, colombi and spichtig 2012. 3. the bibliography on Francavilla marittima is extensive. For a comprehensive discussion of the research on the site see de lachenal 2006. see also kleibrink 2011 and attema 2012. 154 martin a. guggisBerg Fig. 1 Francavilla marittima: site map of the settlement on the timpone della motta and the necropolis on the macchiabate terrace (drawing Jared hevi, camilla colombi, norbert spichtig). graves at the macchiabate. she concentrated her research in particular in the eastern part of the necropolis, where she discovered the remains of at least two big burial mounds: “cerchio reale” and “temparella”. only half of the latter was excavated but yielded about 100 individual burials dating from the middle of the 8th to the end of the 6th century Bc.4 the majority of these burials are inhumations. the graves are constructed with riverbed stones, forming small tumuli or stone heaps of oval shape. during the initial phase the dead were deposited in a crouched position. later on, the supine position became the rule. the graves are arranged closely with each other, forming clusters of agglutinated and superimposed stone tumuli. at a certain point in the late 6th century, the temparella burial mound was no longer used for funerals and the entire area was covered with soil forming a huge but rather shallow mound of about 30 m in diameter. Based on the regular distribution of the burial mounds all over the macchiabate necropolis, marianne kleibrink developed the model of a native society that was dominated by a number of elite families or clans, 4. Zancani montuoro 1974-1976, 13-82; 1980-1982; 1983-1984. the macchiaBate necropolis in FrancaVilla marittima 155 each of which burying its dead in a separate burial ground.5 according to this model, each burial plot started with the burial of a powerful ancestor, which was then followed by the burials of successors and of other members of the respective families in tombs nearby the oldest one. competition among the leading families was responsible for the rapid growth of the burial plots. however, not all the burial plots were developing in the same way. some families may have lost their social and political power earlier than others. in these cases the growth of the burial plots would have stopped at an early moment in the history of the necropolis. according to marianne kleibrink this might be the case for the cerchio reale mound, which was in use over a shorter period of time and is consequently considerably smaller than the neighbouring temparella mound.6 a similar development could explain the isolated location of the so called grave strada (in our excavations referred to as “strada 1”),7 one of the oldest tombs in the macchiabate necropolis dating to the late 9th or early 8th century Bc.8 this tomb is famous for the oriental bronze bowl found in it.9 according to marianne kleibrink the grave was built for a powerful member of the irst generation of local elite families to be buried in the Macchiabate.10 For unknown reasons the relatives of the dead person lost their power soon after his or her death, thereby leaving the strada grave in an isolated position within the necropolis. grave strada 1 is not, however, the only example of its type. there is at least one other grave of identical character, located on the cima ridge further uphill.11 The question therefore arises as to the speciic relationship between the two different burial traditions in the macchiabate necropolis; the seemingly isolated graves of the strada type and the bigger grave clusters covered by large burial mounds of the temparella type. in order to better understand the development of the necropolis and in particular the speciic character of the grave Strada 1, the excavations of the institute of classical archaeology of the university of Basel are concen- 5. kleibrink 2004, 74. 6. 14 graves were excavated by p. Zancani montuoro. the original burial mound may have been much larger though. Zancani montuoro 1974-1976, 94-106; Zancani montuoro 1977-1979, 27-43. 7. Zancani montuoro 1970-1971, 9-33. 8. Zancani montuoro 1970-1971. 9. nijboer 2006: 293-94. 10. kleibrink 2004, 57-59; 2011, 22-27. the sex of the person (or persons) buried in the strada grave remains uncertain. the absence of weapons might indicate a female rather than a male burial. see also note 21 below. 11. Zancani montuoro 1977-1979, 44-45, taf. 21. 156 martin a. guggisBerg Fig. 2 the area strada before the excavation (photo martin guggisberg). trated on a small area to the northwest of “strada 1”, the so called “area strada” (Figs. 1-2). at the same time, a topographical survey of the entire macchiabate has been started by the Basel team. despite the fact that only a limited area of the necropolis has been surveyed so far, a pattern begins to emerge with regard to the layout of the the macchiaBate necropolis in FrancaVilla marittima 157 Fig. 3 map of the area strada showing the graves strada 1, strada 2 and strada 4, as well as the structure strada 3 (drawing camilla colombi). burial mounds.12 most of these mounds have almost entirely disappeared, while some are still clearly visible in the macchia. in the area surveyed so far, at least 19 burial mounds have been identiied (Fig. 1). They concen12. Guggisberg, Colombi and Spichtig 2010, 105, ig. 3. 158 martin a. guggisBerg trate in two zones, to the north and south of the present day farmhouse of the family de leo. the lack of evidence in between the two groups of mounds seems to be due to the modern interventions in this area. the entire area was probably covered by burials in antiquity. From a topographical point of view it is interesting to note that the grave strada 1 is situated in the center of an area where no burial mounds have so far been identiied. Despite its position in the center of the necropolis, the grave strada 1 was apparently never covered by a big burial mound, nor were the grave and its surroundings disturbed by any of the later burial mounds. Was the grave intentionally kept free of later grave constructions? And if so, how does this observation it Kleibrink’s model, according to which, strada 1 was the burial of an eminent member of the early iron age community at Francavilla marittima whose family lost power after this speciic funeral? Should we not expect that in this case the grave would be quickly forgotten and that the prominent burial plot in the center of the necropolis occupied by other more successful families? in the past two years the institute of classical archaeology of the university of Basel has excavated two more graves as well as a third structure of uncertain identity (possibly a child’s grave)13 in the immediate vicinity of strada 1 (Fig. 3). the new graves were labeled “strada 2”, “strada 3” and “strada 4”. strada 2 strada 2 is of the trench or fossa type, measuring 3.55 m. in lenght and 2.7 m. in width (Fig. 4). the walls of the fossa are lined with riverbed stones. considerable care was taken to arrange the top row of stones on a horizontal level in a rectangular shape with curved corners. The loor is lined with a pavement of densely set, lat riverbed stones, an architectural feature that is so far limited to only a few graves of particular importance in the macchiabate necropolis.14 after the funeral, the trench itself was 13. this grave is called strada 3. the structure consisted of a shallow pit of oval shape covered by small riverbed stones. In the ill and at the bottom of the pit the following objects were found: 2 small bronze spirals (possibly digital), 2 bronze ringlets, a bronze peg with a bronze wire wound around it and a small bronze fragment of unknown identity, as well as one tooth of a child and several very worn pottery sherds. 14. graves with a pavement of riverbed stones are strada 1; temparella t 60 and t 88 (Zancani montuoro 1970-1971, 12 note 5); cerchio reale, central grave (Zancani montuoro 1977-1979, 28, ig. 9). the macchiaBate necropolis in FrancaVilla marittima 159 Fig. 4 grave strada 2 (photo Werner muñoz). illed with big riverbed stones, which originally must have formed a small stone tumulus above the burial chamber. due to the sloping of the strata recorded in the proile sections, it may be assumed that the fossa originally contained a burial chamber made of perishable material, which, once deteriorated, had caused the tumulus to collapse into the burial chamber. an adult woman was buried in the grave. Because of the weight of the stones, but also because of the acidity of the soil, the skeleton was in a poor state of preservation. only parts of the skull and tiny fragments of other bones were preserved. Based on the location of the bone fragments, the grave goods and dressing ornaments, the woman must have been buried in a crouched position with her head in the northern part of the fossa. the exact orientation of the skeleton, however, has not so far been determined. among the dressing ornaments, more than 600 small bronze buttons were found, which must have been sewn onto some sort of textile now gone. many of these buttons were found close to the skull, some of them directly on top of or next to the remains of the skull. since the bronze buttons were all located in the area of the head and the upper part of the body, it seems likely that they decorated some sort of a veil or headscarf, 160 martin a. guggisBerg Fig. 5 Wheelmade pedestal crater from grave strada 2, heigth 36.0 cm (photo martin guggisberg). an interpretation that is conirmed by similiar in situ indings from neighbouring cemeteries such as santa maria d’anglona and incoronata, san teodoro in Basilicata.15 the ceramic grave goods had been deposited in the southern part of the grave and were neatly separated from the skeleton by an empty zone of about 50 cm. they consisted of a big wheelmade crater (Fig. 5) and a small handmade one-handled cup inside of it (Fig. 6). the small cup was found in situ in an upright position right at the center of the bottom of the crater. We may wonder whether the big vessel was illed with a liquid when the cup was deposited inside it, or empty. the upright position of the one-handled cup, which because of its asymmetrical shape would easily have toppled to one side when loating on or sinking into a liquid, speaks in favor of the second assumption. experiments will be necessary, however, before a deinite answer can be given. By now we can already rule 15. Bronze buttons are a common feature of many oinotrian graves. their high number seems to be rather unusual, though. in grave t 60 of temparella more than one thousand bronze buttons were found (Zancani montuoro 1974-1976, 23-24, no. 42, pl. 8a). For similar indings: Frey 1991, 25-26, no. 6, ig. 8,2, pl. 24-26 (Valle Sorigliano 118); 27, no. 1, ig. 8, 5, pl. 30a (Valle sorigliano 124); pasqui 1888, 254-255 (torre mordillo 17); chiartano 1996, 34-36, t468, pl. 1; 51, t515, pl. 6. see also castel di decima tomb 132: Bedini 1975, nsa, 376-92, in particular 383, no. 6, ig. 32. For female dressings including headdresses with ornamental bronze buttons in the adriatic area see: iaia 2007, 25-36. the macchiaBate necropolis in FrancaVilla marittima 161 Fig. 6 small one-handled cup found inside the crater from grave strada 2, heigth 7.9 cm (photo martin guggisberg). out the possibility that the small cup was originally deposited on top of the crater on some sort of a cover of organic material. in this case it would have fallen into the big container and broken into pieces once the cover had disintegrated. the discussion concerning the cup’s deposition in the crater is of considerable interest since it touches upon the question regarding the function of the pottery grave goods per se. Were they illed with foodstuffs and beverages for the dead or were their contents consumed before the deposition of the vessels by the mourners attending the funeral banquet? a third possibility would be that they were never functional but rather symbolical. the position of the vessels at the feet of the deceased corresponds to the standard funerary custom in the macchiabate. What is interesting is the clear spatial division of the burial chamber into two distinct areas of about the same size, one in the north with the skeleton, the other in the south with the ceramic grave goods. the combination of a big container for liquids with a small vessel for drinking or scooping equally correlates to the local funerary tradition. grave strada 2 seems to be one of the earliest examples to be furnished with a wheelmade vessel in place of the traditional handmade container, in most cases an olla of the characteristic biconical form.16 16. ollae are attested for the following graves: strada 1: Zancani montuoro 1970-1971, passim; t1, t3, t15, t16, t17, t20, t39, t40: Zancani montuoro 1980-1982, passim; t59, t63, t67, t78, t85, t86, t88: Zancani montuoro 1983-1984, passim; t69: Zancani montuoro 1974-1976, passim; lettere B, lettere F, lettere g, cr1, cr2, cr4, cr6, cr9, cr12, u5, u7, u11, V1, V7: Zancani montuoro 1977-1979, passim. 162 martin a. guggisBerg Fig. 7 grave strada 4 (photo Werner muñoz). the wheelmade crater of strada 2 is clearly the product of the graecooinotrian pottery tradition. in shape and manufacturing technique it follows the traditions of the greek geometric pottery;17 its overall proportions, on the other hand, reveal a strong local commitment of the potter. the almost biconical shape of the vessel in particular is reminiscent of the oinotrian olla.18 it is very likely therefore, that the crater was made by a local potter familiar with the greek geometric pottery tradition working in or around the settlement on the timpone.19 owing to its formal 17. cf. the crater in the antikenmuseum Basel und sammlung ludwig (Bs 406), said to be the work of the Francavilla painter: CVA Basel 1 pl. 3,8-4,1; Martelli 2008, 10, ig. 39. a wheelmade crater similar (but smaller) to the one from grave strada 2 was found in Roggiano Gravina, grave 3: Carrara and Guzzo 1981, 451, no. 9, ig. 10,9. See also guggisberg, colombi and spichtig 2010, 112, note 31. 18. even stronger similarities exist with a handmade biconical vessel on a high foot and vertical handles found in grave uliveto 15: Zancani montuoro 1977-1979, 68, pl. 43. 19. For the graeco-oinotrian pottery production at Fracavilla marittima, see: Jacobsen et al. 2009; Jacobsen and handberg 2010. the macchiaBate necropolis in FrancaVilla marittima 163 relationship with the greek geometric pottery the vessel can be dated to the second half of the 8th century Bc. it thereby gives an important clue for the chronological setting of the whole grave.20 strada 4 grave strada 4, excavated in 2010, can be dated to the same period because of the close resemblance of the inds to the grave goods from Strada 2 (Fig. 7). it is slightly smaller than strada 2, being 3.2 m long and 2.6 m wide. again the grave is of the fossa type dug into the natural soil and has an almost oval plan. the walls of the burial chamber are again lined with riverbed stones, albeit in a slightly less careful way. like strada 2, strada 4 has a pavement of lat riverbed stones. The grave contained the remains of yet another female burial. the adult woman was dressed similarly to the woman from grave strada 2. unfortunately the preservation was again very poor. the position of the body can therefore be determined only approximately. Fragments of the skull have been found along the western wall of the grave. on account of this, but also because of the concentration of the inds in the same area, the body must have been located in the western part of the grave. in contrast, the eastern half of the grave was totaly deprived of inds. This pecularity is hard to explain at the moment. It reminds us, however, of the empty space between the body of the deceased woman and the ceramic grave goods in grave strada 2. in both cases the empty zone might have been used for the deposition of foodstuffs or other grave goods of perishable materials. contrary to strada 2, the grave goods in strada 4 were dispersed widely, both horizontally as well as vertically. The irst objects were found right below the surface of the earth. it must be assumed therefore that the original burial had been disturbed. as there was no positive evidence for recent looting and the disturbed area is situated right on top of the original burial with the eastern half of the grave still being intact, the intervention most probably took place soon after the construction of the grave, when the memory of its location was still fresh. there are two possible explanations for the disturbance: either the grave was robbed in antiquity21, or the disturbances are due to some unknown grave ritual. at present, no conclusion is possible. 20. interestingly the olla on a high foot from uliveto, grave 15, mentioned above (note 18) was found together with a corinthian late geometric skyphos: Zancani montuoro 1977-1979, 68, ig. 23, pl. 15e; Dehl 1984, 63, 103, 206, cat. 4; Jacobsen 2007. 21. For the many possible aspects of grave robbery see: kümmel 2009. 164 martin a. guggisBerg Fig. 8 impasto loom weight from grave strada 4, height 10.6 cm (photo martin guggisberg). in this grave the woman’s dress must also have been decorated with hundreds of bronze buttons.22 in addition, more than 100 amber beads were recovered; most of them may have belonged to a multiple string necklace, attested by at least one spacer. Moreover, fragments of two ibulae as well as numerous bronze inger and toe spirals and several spectacle-shaped pendants were discovered. at the feet of the deceased, three pottery vessels had been deposited: two ollae and a small one-handled cup, the latter again placed inside of one of the ollae, in line with the funerary tradition at Francavilla marittima. one of the two ollae was decorated with an “a tenda” decoration of the type called “a stile vuoto” well attested in the sibaritide, and at Francavilla marittima in particular, during the second half of the 8th century.23 one of the more extraordinary grave goods is a big impasto loomweight decorated with an incised labyrinth ornament (Fig. 8). the most exceptional ind, however, is a small gilded silver bowl of about 10-12 cm in diameter attested by a few small fragments of sheet silver which were all found in the vicinity of the skull (Fig. 9). the bowl shows traces of gilding 22. 475 Bronze buttons were recovered. 23. Ferranti 2009, 44-46, 54 style 20, LG2; Nava et.al. 2009, 271, ig. 18 ANS1.2. From the macchiabate cemeterey 8 examples of the type “a stile vuoto” are known: Quondam 2009, 153ff. ig. 3. the macchiaBate necropolis in FrancaVilla marittima 165 Fig. 9 Fragments of the gilded silver bowl from grave strada 4, diameter 10-12 cm (photo martin guggisberg). on the interior surface. on one of the fragments a circular groove has been preserved, probably marking the center of the bowl. another fragment shows traces of a ribbed gilded surface, most likely the remains of a circular ornament decorating the interior of the bowl. For obvious reasons the gilded silver vessel from grave strada 4 recalls the much better preserved bronze bowl from the neighbouring grave strada 1.24 given the rarity of silver in the material culture of the oinotrians25 as well as the technique of gilding not attested so far for local silver objects, it is very likely that 24. see note 9. 25. In the Macchiabate necropolis we know of only two silver inger rings from temparella t8: Zancani montuoro 1980-1982, 39, n. 19-20. a silver statuette of an ityphallic male igure from Cirò Marina may be of later date (6th century Bc. according to G. Genovese): Genovese 2009, 60-61, ig. 13. For the location of ancient silver mines in the area of longobucco (san pietro-argentera) see ibid. 61; furthermore cuteri 1999, 293f (non vidi); lippolis 2002, 115ff. 166 martin a. guggisBerg the vessel from strada 4, like its parallel from strada 1, is to be considered an import from the levant.26 Full information about its provenance and chronological setting will only be available after a detailed analysis of the vessel. however, we can already conclude that the woman buried in grave strada 4 belonged to the same group of women with far reaching international connections as the recipient of the bronze bowl in grave strada 1.27 conclusions after two years of research in the macchiabate necropolis many questions still remain open, especially with regard to the spatial arrangement of the cemetery as a whole and the signiicance of the grave Strada 1 in particular. however, looking more closely at the strada area, several interesting points emerge. Firstly, some remarks can be formulated with regard to the funerary architecture: both the two new graves, strada 2 and strada 4, are of the fossa type. this is a type that differs considerably from most of the graves attested so far in the macchiabate, especially from the contemporary graves in the temparella, where the dead were deposited in shallow oval pits covered with small stone tumuli. Fossa graves are known, however, in other oinotrian cemeteries, such as for instance the san teodoro necropolis at incoronata.28 contrary to the layout of the two new strada graves, at incoronata, the fossae have a rectangular shape, their walls being lined with stone slabs. it is therefore not possible to directly correlate the shape of the new graves from Francavilla with this burial tradition in neighbouring regions. still, by entrenching the graves deeply into the natural soil and by lining the walls with riverbed stones, the community burying their dead in the Strada area clearly absorbed inluences from the outside world. moreover, the two new graves from the strada area are closely related to each other by the existence of a pavement of riverbed stones. 26. In a irst provisional survey no deinite parallels for the gilded silver vessel could be found. For the decoration with a ribbed circular band, see the gold bowl in the cesnola collection of the metropolitan museum of art in new york said to come from kourion: markoe 1985, 179, cy9 ill. 260; matthäus 1985, 167, 176, pl. 38, 43, no. 435; karageorghis 2000, 184-185, no. 301. 27. Because of the absence of any skeletal remains in the grave strada 1 the determination of the sex of the person buried in it is based exclusively on the grave goods. they point to a woman. 28. chiartano (1996). the macchiaBate necropolis in FrancaVilla marittima 167 up to now this pecularity was attested in only four exceptional cases in the macchiabate necropolis.29 these four graves are among the wealthiest of the entire necropolis. the pavements, which clearly serve as a means of architectural monumentalization, consequently mark the outstanding social standing of the deceased. secondly, it is important to point out the close topographical relationship between the newly discovered graves and the grave strada 1, with which they share several more pecularities; such as the fact that strada 1 seems to be of the fossa type too, even if it is dificult to come to any safe conclusion with regard to the grave architecture because of the restoration.30 another common feature of the three strada graves is their orientation along a northwest-southeast axis at right angles of the sloping terrace of the macchiabate. despite the small number of excavated graves, the various arguments given above suggest that the burial plot in the strada area follows a coherent spatial organisation, an assumption that is further corroborated by the regular arrangement of graves with a similar orientation as revealed in the georadar survey.31 all these elements endorse the idea of a carefully arranged burial plot that differs considerably from the complex grave clusters as we know them from the temparella and other burial mounds in the macchiabate. so far there are no indications for the existence of a big mound covering the entire strada burial area. rather we get the impression of an area that was densely covered by single graves below small stone tumuli. At present it is dificult to assess the signiicance of this speciic funerary arrangement. However, given the early date of grave strada 1 it seems likely that the strada burial plot developed around this particular grave.32 29. see note 14. 30. according to Zancani montuoro 1971-1972, 12 the grave was covered by an oval tumulus of riverbed stones. Wether the fossa was lined with riverbed stones is impossible to say. on the photographs made during the excavation no stone lining can be made out: Zancani montuoro 1970-1971, pl. 1a.b. on the other hand, on the plan of the grave published by Zancani Montuoro 1970-1971, 11, ig. 1 the grave is clearly surrounded by a stone ´wall´. among the obvious differences to the layout of graves strada 2 and 4 are the two big boulders marking the southern border of strada 1. 31. the georadar survey of the strada area was carried out at the beginning of our investigations in 2009 by eastern atlas gmbh, Berlin: Burkart ullrich, rudolf kniess and Wieke de neef. 32. In order to understand the speciic chronological relationship between the graves as well as the genesis and development of the burial ground further research in the area strada is needed in particular with regard to the graves still uncovered. omnia mors aeQuat and other proBlems With processing data From a large cemetery claudia m. melisch and Jamie sewell1 Between march 2007 and January 2010, the authors were responsible for the excavation of a site in the centre of Berlin that included a cemetery containing burials dating from the thirteenth to eighteenth centuries ad.2 the purpose of this paper is to explain the more noteworthy of the circumstantial and methodological problems encountered in the documentation of these graves, and the solutions that we devised. Why has this paper found a place in this volume, the reader may justiiably ask? While the authors felt honoured to have been invited to the conference from which the papers in this volume are derived, there is a speciic purpose behind the inclusion of our contribution: to provide an alternative perspective. it is precisely the circumstantial and methodological differences between our project in Berlin and the other projects in italy represented in this volume that is of interest here. above all, the scale of the excavation at the former Petriplatz in Berlin provides the contrast since, in total, 3,124 graves were documented, containing 3,718 skeletons.3 claudian’s truism cited in the title of this paper,4 highlighting that in death everyone is equal, thus has particular relevance. it is the authors’ on-going task to look beyond this equality through the discovery of meaningful patterns and differences within a vast quantity of skeletal material that may be utilised to provide new insight into the early development of Berlin, or rather, cölln. the capital of germany to be was founded on the river spree, probably at the beginning of the thirteenth century.5 common at this time, during the so-called mittelalterlicher landesausbau in der germania slavica, 1. claudia melisch is the director of the petriplatz project (cmelisch@web.de). Jamie sewell is the vice director of the project and is currently a marie curie ieF fellow at the department of archaeology, durham university (jamiesewell@web.de). 2. melisch and Wesner 2008; melisch 2009; 2010; 2011; melisch, radetzkyi and knaut 2010; 2011. 3. around 4000 tombs dating roughly to the period 800 to 500 Bc may originally have existed around the settlement of crustumerium, so far only 10% have been excavated; nijboer and Willemsen 2012. 4. claudian, de raptu proserpinae, 2302. 5. escher 1986; schich 1987, 140-41; seyer 1969, 126. 170 claudia m. melisch and Jamie seWell was the phenomenon of the doppelstadt, meaning the founding of two towns facing each other on opposite sides of a river. in Berlin’s case, the town established on the opposing bank of the river spree was called cölln. Currently there is insuficient textual or archaeological evidence to propose that the two towns were founded simultaneously, but if not, the timelag was minimal. numerous attempts to merge into a single urban entity inally met with success from a legal standpoint in 1709 when Cölln was subsumed within Berlin. our task was to excavate cölln’s town centre, originally comprising the medieval church of st. peter (st. Petri-Kirche), its cemetery, its town hall and nearby habitation. cölln was situated on an island in the river spree, although whether it was an island at the moment of the town’s foundation or subsequently became one through human endeavour, remains a contentious issue.6 this island is notable for having had a castle built on it by the ruler of Brandenburg, Frederick ii, begun in 1442, which subsequently developed to become a palace and main residence for many of the kings of prussia, and which lastly became the imperial residence of the emperors (kaisers) of the german empire. thus the Petrikirche had royal patrons. Both the war-ruined palace and church were demolished by the gdr government in the 1950s and 1960s; however, in 2013 a foundation stone is to be laid, and the imperial palace will be reconstructed.7 today, a substantial northern section of the island is known as museum island, a unesco World Heritage site, where ive museums are situated, erected between 1830 and 1930, including the internationally renowned pergamon museum. the urban-archaeological context of the Petriplatz-site inevitably meant that occupation levels from throughout Berlin’s 800 year history were represented, meaning in real terms that stratiied deposits with a combined depth of up to 4 m were excavated in some areas (Fig. 1). all this was documented with equal diligence, but the research focus of the project was the medieval period. no contemporary documents elucidating the reasons and circumstances behind the founding of Berlin/cölln survived the medieval period. since the beginnings of the towns are so obscure, archaeological research has taken centre stage in the search for the modern german capital’s origins. the earliest surviving literary reference to imply the existence of the st. peter’s church simultaneously represents 6. Vahldiek 2005. 7. http://www.sbs-humboldtforum.de/frame.htm (viewed 23.06.11). proBlems With processing data From a large cemetery 171 Fig. 1 digital reconstruction of the site of Petriplatz (c. 1900) looking west, comprising point clouds from a laser scanner, together with points taken with a total station superimposed on a digitised town plan. the earliest known mention of cölln/Berlin; this document relates to a dispute over tithe-revenue dating to 1237 and was signed by symeon, listed as the priest of cölln.8 A document of 1285 is the irst to directly refer to the existence of the church, but we know very little about the building.9 a further reference from 1379 indicates that the church received a new choir at this time.10 Problems with the structural integrity of the church’s tower irst led to its partial demolition and, subsequently, its total replacement in the eighteenth century. Financed by the prussian king, Friedrich Wilhelm i, the new tower possessed appropriately royal proportions, being 108 m high. it was virtually complete by Whit monday 1730 when it was struck by lightning three times, starting a ire that destroyed not only the tower and the entire church, but also a large portion of the surrounding habitation, which burnt out of control for two weeks. unfazed by this portent, the king immediately ordered the construction of a new baroque church on the same spot. 8. huch and ribbe 2008, 47-48; schuchard 1987. 9. huch and ribbe 2008, 56. 10. huch and ribbe 2008, 184. 172 claudia m. melisch and Jamie seWell Fig. 2 a press conference at the Petriplatz excavation. it was also to have a tower of over 100 m in height, and the church was already nearly inished in 1734 when the tower collapsed under its own weight, for reasons not altogether clear. as a consequence, its architect, Johann Friedrich grael - whom several years previously the king had sent to numerous german cities to learn the art of constructing high towers11 was banished. With a shortened tower, the baroque church survived until 1809 when it too was devastated by ire. Its ruin stood at Petriplatz for several years. yet another church was commissioned in 1846, designed by the architect J. heinrich strack, (also known as one of the original excavators of the theatre of dionysus in athens), and was dedicated in 1853. the structure seems not to have been bombed directly during the second World War, but was set ablaze in april 1945 during the battle for Berlin, as intense house-to-house ighting took place in the vicinity. In post-war, occupied Berlin, the ruin was in the soviet Zone, and its demolition in the early 1960s by order of the gdr government enabled the widening of the street that skirted its southern side, the gertraudenstrasse. the former Petriplatz was then converted into a car park, the surface of which was removed in preparation for the archaeological investigation in 2007. 11. herz 1928, 79. proBlems With processing data From a large cemetery 173 Fig. 3 a service was held on the site prior to the excavation of the cemetery. the project was undertaken as part of the measures for redeveloping Berlin as the capital of reuniied Germany (entwicklungsmaßnahme Parlaments- und regierungsviertel). it was initiated by the town planning department of the Berlin senate (senatsverwaltung für stadtentwicklung), with archaeological supervision provided by the local government heritage department (landesdenkmalamt berlin). due to a combination of it being a government-inanced excavation, the historical signiicance of the site and the role of archaeology in its redevelopment, it was foreseen that the project should have high public proile. Part of the project’s remit was outreach work aimed at engaging the local community and the broader public. during the excavation, more than 300 tours of the site were given and c. 50 public lectures on how the work was progressing. numerous press conferences took place and multiple visits from newspaper, radio, television and internet journalists were organised, leading to the dissemination of the discoveries from Petriplatz to an international audience (Fig. 2). due to this heightened public awareness, the site seemingly enjoyed a constant stream of visitors, placing the archaeologists and their daily activities under intense public gaze. exceptional care was therefore required in the excavation, recording and handling of the skeletal material, since for many it represents some of the physical remnants of the current Berlin population’s ancestors. although without a church, the parish of st. peter still exists, 174 claudia m. melisch and Jamie seWell with a priest and parishioners, who came to the site and offered prayers before the irst grave was brought to light (Fig. 3). Liaison with churchrepresentatives continues, for they offered much needed, temporary storage facilities for the recovered human remains, and this collaboration will last as long as the research on the skeletal material continues. during the project, as is normal in urban archaeological contexts, heavy plant was present with the purpose of preparing the site for construction. this work comprised the removal of the structural remains of buildings dating to the 20th century that were destroyed during the second World War, including the rubble-illed basement of a department store. Since the cemetery occupied such a large portion of the site and given the fragility of the skeletal material, providing constant access for the machinery to relevant areas without damaging the archaeological deposits required careful negotiation. Just after the ieldwork had commenced, one of the machines used in the preparation of the construction pit drilled into a sewer erroneously, and a large trench was excavated to facilitate an emergency repair. the sides of this deep hole were cleaned and documented by the archaeologists, for they provided a chance to view the site’s entire stratigraphic sequence in section before work commenced. it revealed that an extraordinarily high number of graves had survived, packed densely together both horizontally and vertically. skeletons were present throughout a c. 2 m thick band of homogenous soil within the area of the former cemetery. yet why were human remains to be found at both the uppermost and lowermost limits of this 2 m thick stripe? surely the depth to which graves were dug within the cemetery could not have altered that much over the centuries? the skeletons found at the highest points must have originally been from graves dug more than a metre deep. so why were the earliest graves to be found at such astonishing depths? again, it is the dynamism of the urban archaeological context that provides the solution. elsewhere on the site, street surfaces and other types of pavements associated with the earliest phases of the town’s medieval history were uncovered. they were consistently c. 1.5 m lower than the 21st century street level. thus, over the period the cemetery was in use, Berlin/cölln gradually grew in height. Why this occurred within the area of the cemetery is easy to imagine, for every new burial added volume to the soil matrix comprising the cemetery. yet there is more to it than that, since street levels also increased palpably, not just in the area of the excavation but across the whole city. in fact, observable increases in surface height over time are a familiar trait of urban sites stretching back to classical antiquity, and beyond. proBlems With processing data From a large cemetery 175 From the same section it was also obvious that there was a considerable number of archaeological features belonging to settlement activity pre-dating the cemetery. considering our main research objective was to elucidate the beginnings of the city, gaining access to this early settlement phase was a priority. in addition, although the architectural redevelopment of the site was planned in very broad terms, it was not entirely clear to what depth the site would be disturbed by subsequent construction work after the archaeological ield-project was completed. These issues inluenced the decision to excavate all the accessible graves within the area of excavation, the entirety of which date from a period between the founding of the st. peter’s church and the closing of the cemetery in 1717 when it was deemed to be overilled.12 Only a single, unidentiied and disturbed grave was discovered inside the medieval church, within a side-chapel. records indicate that there were crypts within the building as a whole, but the construction of subsequent church buildings on the same spot had obliterated most of the medieval structure. the only fully intact church foundation was that of the last st. Petri-Kirche, which had no crypts. a considerable number of factors complicated the excavation of the cemetery. Because it had been in use for c. 500 years it comprised extremely homogenous soil, thanks to the countless acts of excavation and backilling undertaken by grave-diggers who had thoroughly mixed the soil. it was thus mostly impossible to identify the outlines of individual graves in plan by the usual method of cleaning the surface with a trowel. normally, the deposits of negative features, such as pits, can be recognised through some kind of differentiation in soil colour or composition. We were only able to see the outlines of graves at the lowest levels where they were found to cut into the underlying geological layers. thus our ability to excavate the graves in sequence - meaning in exactly the reverse order to their deposition - was much reduced. Each grave was identiied by gradually trowelling or hoeing the surface of the soil until its physical contents were revealed; either the outline of the decayed cofin was brought to light, or in cases where the deceased was interred without a cofin, the bones themselves were revealed. obviously, our excavation methods were inluenced by this poor visibility, and we could only compensate by going down gradually, reducing the overall thickness of the soil within the cemetery across its entire surface. this approach only partially assisted in the task of reconstructing the stratigraphic sequence, since there was less 12. Friedländer 1902, 8. 176 claudia m. melisch and Jamie seWell Fig. 4 an extremely large bone-pit in the cemetery. regularity in the depth to which graves had been deposited than we expected. some later graves had been dug deeper than earlier ones, meaning that depth could not be taken as a reliable indicator of a grave’s position in the relative chronological sequence. unlike later cemeteries, there was very little order in the overall layout of the cemetery. only in very few cases could deliberate rows of graves be identiied, and then only from the later phases. Although virtually all the graves were roughly orientated from west to east, there were countless minor variations in alignment. overall, no system for the regular spacing of burials was relected in their layout. No consistent, linear gaps existed between sets of graves, for example; normally an indicator for the presence of paths through the cemetery. This disorderliness was also relected in the condition of the majority of the graves, for they had been disturbed on multiple occasions whilst the cemetery had been in use through the actions of the grave-diggers themselves. either the locations of graves were forgotten over time, or their markers discarded. perhaps a policy existed to allow a certain amount of time to elapse before placing new graves on top of old ones. Whatever the cause, the effect was the partial destruction of the majority of the skeletons through the creation of new graves. Bone-pits were found throughout the cemetery, being holes in which grave-diggers had placed old skeletal material recovered during the creation of new grave cuts (Fig. 4). to put the scale of this problem proBlems With processing data From a large cemetery 177 Fig. 5 the skeletons were generally well preserved. in perspective, in total, twelve tonnes of individual disarticulated human bones were recovered archaeologically that could not be associated with skeletons in individual graves. due to the high degree of post-depositional disturbance, a decision was made early on to deine an individual skeleton by a minimum of two articulated bones. on the other hand, the condition of the bones themselves was generally extremely good, due to the distinct chemical composition of the soil (Fig. 5). pre-natal skeletons were found, for example, within the skeletons of females who had apparently died just before or while giving birth, and even ossicles (bones of the middle ear) were occasionally recovered. Berlin’s soil-type was responsible for a particular post-depositional formation process. Beneath the cemetery, the irst geological layer comprises almost pure sand, deposited by melting ice-age glaciers. over time, many of the skeletons within the cemetery underwent a degree of compaction, or settling due to the extremely sandy soil. the ‘shifting sands of time’ might have been an equally relevant title for this paper. sometimes only a few millimetres of sandy soil separated one skeleton from another in a grave below. thus, unavoidably, multiple skeletons in very close proximity to one another were often excavated simultaneously, making it dificult to determine whether they represented a mass-grave, or not. mass burials were not 178 claudia m. melisch and Jamie seWell Fig. 6 View looking se over the area of the cemetery and the cellar of the demolished st. Peter’s church. the homogenous soil of the cemetery (right) has been partially removed to reveal features beneath belonging to the medieval settlement of cölln (left). uncommon, with about 10 per cent of the total number of graves identiied as such, each containing between two and twelve individuals. children and young adults made up the majority of the individuals in mass graves. slowly the remains of the medieval settlement came to light, represented mostly by pits, latrines, wells and wood-lined cellars used for storage purposes (Fig. 6). One probable house was excavated with intact loor surfaces of a height that must have been very close to that of the contemporary street-surface. considering that this was found beneath the general horizon of the soil in the cemetery, it emphasises the degree of elevation the town has undergone since the medieval period. a broad strip of the cemetery was found to have structures beneath, but there were no settlement remains under the graves in an area that might be described as a halo around the medieval church. We interpret this situation as representing an originally small cemetery, with fairly dense habitation crowding its borders, which was subsequently requisitioned by the church to facilitate the cemetery’s expansion. not all the dating evidence has been processed, but our provisional interpretation is that this is likely to have occurred in the fourteenth century. uncovering the settlement remains beneath the cemetery necessitated the excavation, recording and recovery of possibly the largest skeleton-series ever retrieved archaeologically in germany from proBlems With processing data From a large cemetery 179 a single cemetery. The ongoing scientiic and osteological analysis of the skeletal material will contribute considerably to our understanding of the health and demography of the population of Berlin during the period in which the cemetery was in use. since our research focus is the earliest period of cölln’s history, it was essential to identify the graves associated with the founding years. among the earliest graves we hope to ind individuals from the irst generation of settlers at Cölln. The term ‘settler’ is fully justiied in this case, since it appears as though cölln was founded at a particular point in time with the intention that it should develop into a town. to date, all of the earliest structures documented archaeologically from the medieval town are aligned with the contemporary street system, suggesting strongly that the street-grid was created before any houses were built, thus relecting a distinct act of foundation. important questions still need to be answered: where did the irst settlers come from, and when did they arrive? As we discovered through our outreach work, not just historians but also many Berlin citizens are interested in these questions. We hope to be able to shed new light through strontium, dna and radiocarbon analyses of the bones. yet identifying the earliest of the graves was far from easy due to the above described processes that affected the archaeological record. the lack of orderliness in the deposition of the graves was a particular hindrance, since the depth of the grave pits was not a good indicator for relative chronology. a harris matrix was established for the two major excavated areas of the cemetery, one of which contained more than 3,000 burials. to be able to establish the relative chronology of the graves, during the course of the excavation, all the skeletons and grave-outlines documented each week were printed on separate sheets of transparent paper from a cad programme. this information was the graphic representation of the geo-referenced points taken by the total station. those points taken on each skeleton were joined in cad to create ‘stick men’. By superimposing the print-out from each week, it was possible to trace the entire stratigraphic sequence down to the earliest graves. all the graves over the cemetery extension that were cut into the settlement remains beneath were ignored for this purpose. Prior to the start of the excavation we developed special ield recording sheets for the project, based on the guidelines for archaeological excavations in Berlin (standard zur durchführung archäologischer ausgrabungen im land berlin). additionally, a web-enabled sQl-database was designed in order to organize, check and optimize the quality of the recorded 180 claudia m. melisch and Jamie seWell excavation data and to ensure its easy accessibility.13 this project was made possible through our acquaintance with a professional computer programmer who expressed interest in collaborating to create a bespoke database for the project. it seems to us that problems with existing archaeological database-software are its cost and its complexity. Because each excavation is unique, database software needs to be able to cope with all recording contingencies, thus leading to its complexity. in our case we were highly fortunate in being able to create a database to suit the particular character of the Petriplatz project. The programming of the software and the ieldwork commenced simultaneously. at the beginning, we had to think hard about what form the architecture of the database should have since it became clear early on that the excavation was going to produce an extremely large quantity of data. new elements still continue to be added to the database, enhancing its function as a tool in the post-excavation analysis. at the time of writing, after three years of excavation and one year of post-excavation analysis, the project has produced suficient paper documentation to ill 60 large A4 lever arch folders; more than any excavation in Berlin to date. For the database, this equates to more than 250 gB of digital data, including 53,000 photographs and the entire archaeological and anthropological ield record. We made sure that the database would not require expensive hardware in order to enjoy a high processing speed. to this end, digital photos are not integrated directly within the database, but are stored on an independent raid-system and accessed automatically and instantly by the database when required. software reliability is essential, as is an instinctive, user-friendly interface with which one can become quickly familiar. the design of the paper recording sheets is matched exactly within the database, but there are also additional masks, which one can choose for data entry. complete interconnectivity between the various registers, the photos and the digital copies of the recording sheets for the stratigraphic units and the inds is a basic element of the software architecture, and an interactive harris matrix has recently been added (developed by a. teper). to allow some user independence from the database, it has the ability to import and to export data in other formats, such as PDF-iles or Xls-tables, permitting lists to be worked on separately. one of the more important functions of the database, especially important with such a large data set, is to identify irregularities in the documentation. all errors 13. the database was programmed by andre teper, who, together with the authors, was responsible for the concept, the data-structure and the layout of the database. proBlems With processing data From a large cemetery 181 Fig. 7 a view looking s of part of the Petriplatz site comprising point clouds produced by a laser scanner integrated with structures, graves and the ind-spots of special inds recorded with a total station. have now been recognised and amended. this also means that the paper copy of the recording to be handed into the landesdenkmalamt will be free of errors. the database is designed in such a way that in the future we will have the ability to immediately compare the data from Petriplatz with the information we input from other ield projects. during the project we were able to use advanced terrestrial laser scanning devices to record the more important three dimensional archaeological features found on the site, including all the masonry. in 2007, a leica hds 3000 laser scanner (run by laserscan Berlin) was employed. With the ability to record up to 4,000 geo-referenced points per second, it produced a very detailed and true-coloured point cloud from one of the oldest timber-framed cellars ever found in Berlin. 3d laser scanning was also applied to a poorly preserved timber-lined well construction and to a mass grave containing the skeletons of children. during the course of the excavation, leica introduced the hds 6000 device, a laser scanner capable of recording up to 500,000 points per second (run by laserscan Berlin). the accuracy and high resolution of the true-colour point clouds produced by the scanner proved to be of great value for public presentations, and for the team responsible for the future redevelopment of Petriplatz. 182 claudia m. melisch and Jamie seWell laserscan Berlin produced stereoscopic prints and digital models from the point clouds, which were used in the various outreach projects connected with the excavation. From these images and videos, visitors were still able to experience vivid 3d-impressions of the site long after it was backilled. We understood the 3D-laser scanning, irst and foremost, as a tool for making the presentation of the site to the public more stimulating. Now the excavation has inished, and after much additional information has been created through work on the various inds and the samples, the 3d scans are proving themselves to be of archaeological value. the point clouds depict some of the most important contexts in their best state of excavation, deined in a level of detail unsurpassed by any other means of documentation. We regret not having had the resources to scan much more of the medieval substance of cölln, such as surfaces and pits. using the program arcgis by esri (arceditor 9.3.1), a project was undertaken to combine the point clouds with the more conventional survey data recorded with the total station, including the coordinates of the special inds (Fig. 7).14 the aim was to create a gis that organises the topographical data together with information about objects so that they may be interrogated to look for patterns. detecting patterns among the graves is one of the project’s greatest challenges, but it is important for understanding the historical development of the cemetery, as we wish to make statements regarding the demographic changes cölln underwent over time. The description, dating and restoration of the special inds will help in this regard, although this is no small task since c. 4,600 special inds and more than 220,000 ceramic sherds, animal bones and other artefacts were recovered from Petriplatz. meanwhile, the description and dating of the special inds is near completion and several researchers are working on the diverse classes of material. a high number of metal objects were recovered, often unrecognisable due to corrosion, and their ind-spots were systematically recorded with the total station. as the restorers have discovered, beneath this corrosion nearly all these inds have turned out to be recognisable objects. the museum of prehistory, Berlin-charlottenburg (museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte) was responsible for the restoration, for providing storage space for the artefacts and for providing us with a large and comfortable working space. Most of the special inds from the graves are either clothing items, such as belt buckles, or tools used for the preparation of the corpse, such as tweezers, ear-spoons and brushes. most appear to date to the medieval period. 14. Beyerle 2011. proBlems With processing data From a large cemetery 183 Ceramic sherds recovered from within the grave-ills are not a great help for dating the burials. since the limits of the cemetery were extended at a certain point to encompass part of the former medieval settlement, new graves were cut into earlier occupation layers. the work of the gravediggers over the centuries thus led to the re-deposition of medieval pottery into the homogenous soil matrix of the cemetery. not a single grave was found with ceramic grave goods. dating the graves accurately is thus a challenge. We are using a combination of the relative chronology produced by the Harris Matrix, and the dating provided by the special inds and radiocarbon samples to establish an absolute chronology. the results of this work are essential for the reconstruction of the medieval population of Cölln. It is not known from where the irst settlers originated and how many they were. in fact the earliest information concerning birth and mortality in the populations of Berlin and cölln is from the mid-sixteenth century. By establishing an absolute chronology, especially for the early phases of the cemetery’s use, we hope to shed light on the early demographic make up of the town, so that statements can be made regarding the living conditions and the quality of medical treatment available at the time. the skeletal series from Petriplatz will almost double the quantity of extant medieval and post-medieval skeletal data from Berlin/Brandenburg. yet the existing data comprises numerous small skeletal series from across the region, which cannot therefore be compared easily to the material in cölln. the skeletal series from Petriplatz comprises an unusual large sample of a population from a single locus over c. 500 years, relecting the development of the population from about 1200 to 1717.15 What we learn from this series will inluence the perception and interpretation of the previously accumulated data. It is still rather dificult to ind comparanda for such a large data set. yet through a prospective collaboration with the museum of london archaeology (mola), who are in the possession of data from a series of almost 12,000 skeletons of medieval and post-medieval date, we hope soon to be able to compare and contrast the contemporary populations of Berlin/cölln and london. 15. the more than 3000 tombs excavated from Petriplatz, were one of the reasons why we were invited to this 2011 workshop in groningen. several settlements in central italy dating to the period 950 to 500 Bc have to deal with comparable large samples. unfortunately they were excavated from the 19th century ad onwards and sadly not in such a systematic manner as the recent Petriplatz excavations. moreover most of the tombs contained various gifts making restoration and documentation even more complicated. 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