Emirati Women: Conceptions of Education and Employment
by
Fatma.M.Abdulla
_____________________
Copyright © Fatma. M. Abdulla 2005
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the
CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF HIGHER EDUCATION
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
2005
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THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
GRADUATE COLLEGE
As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation
prepared by
entitled
Fatma Abdulla
Emirati Women: Conceptions of Education and Employment
and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the
Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
__________________________________________
Dr. Gary Rhoades
Date: 03/31/2005
__________________________________________
Dr. Sheila Slaughter
Date: 03/31/2005
__________________________________________
Dr. Ann Betteridge
Date: 03/31/2005
Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the
candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College.
I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and
recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement.
____________________________________________________03/31/2005
Dissertation Director: Dr. Gary Rhoades
Date
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STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an
advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library
to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.
Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission,
provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission
for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be
granted by the copyright holder.
SIGNED: ________________________________
4
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thanks to all who have helped me through this sometimes, rough but nonetheless
rewarding journey.
To my parents, Maryam and Mohammed and my siblings, Ayesha, Zainab and Faisal
thank you for your love and prayers. I am what I am today because of Allah blessings and
your sacrifice and unwavering support.
To my beloved husband, Osman, thank you for being my strength and for always
encouraging me no matter where my dreams take us. To my daughters, Iman, Ayan and
Yasmin who are the joy of my life, thank you for cheering me on.
To my committee and the amazing faculty and staff (Sylvia Mahon) of the Center for
the Study of Higher Education, thank you for a memorable experience.
To my advisor Dr. Rhoades, I sincerely appreciate your ability to make each one of
your students’ feel that they truly matter.
To all the folks, at Torino Ave. and Nura in particular, thank you for helping us make
Tucson home.
To my mentor, Farid Ohan, thank you for all your help and support.
To the wonderful ladies at “UU and TC”, thank you for giving me the privilege of
working with you.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------7
ABSTRACT------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------8
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION------------------------------------------------------------------9
Background--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------9
Purpose of the Study--------------------------------------------------------------------------16
Theoretical Framework-----------------------------------------------------------------------17
Social Reproduction Theory--------------------------------------------------------------17
Family in the Arab World: Democratization or Neopatriarchy----------------------22
Social Network Theory -------------------------------------------------------------------25
Summary----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------28
CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF LITERATURE----------------------------------------------------30
Educational and Occupational Expectations of Women---------------------------------30
Women and Employment in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) ----------- 37
Family in the Middle East--------------------------------------------------------------------44
Social Networks and Their Use in the Arab World---------------------------------------50
Summary----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------54
CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY---------------------------- 55
Research Questions--------------------------------------------------------------------------- 55
Design------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 56
History of Higher Education---------------------------------------------------------------- 57
Diversity of Student Body--------------------------------------------------------------------58
Context: The Institutions-------------------------------------------------------------------- 59
Data Collection, Part I: Survey------------------------------------------------------------- 64
Quantitative Data Analysis Techniques--------------------------------------------------- 68
Data Collection, Part II: Interviews-------------------------------------------------------- 68
Qualitative Data Analysis Techniques-----------------------------------------------------78
Limitations-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------79
Data Presentation----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 80
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TABLE OF CONTENTS- continued
CHAPTER 4: THE PARTICIPANTS-----------------------------------------------------------82
Family Characteristics---------------------------------------------------------------------- 82
Parents Education and Occupation--------------------------------------------------------87
Educational Experiences--------------------------------------------------------------------88
Summary--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------89
CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS PART I: EDUCATIONAL AND CAREER
EXPECTATION ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------91
Why do Emirati women pursue higher education? ---------------------------------------91
What do they intend to do with their degrees? ------------------------------------------100
What factors do they identify as important for goal achievement? And what factors
do they perceive as obstacles to goal achievement? ------------------------------------113
What are Emirati women’s perceptions of how their family’s and society view their
goals? -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------116
What kinds of environments do Emirati women prefer to work in? -----------------122
CHAPTER 6: FINDINGS PART II: SOCIAL NETWORKS-------------------------------126
What role do social networks of Emirati women play on their educational
attainments and labor force participation? ---------------------------------------------- 126
Type and Influence of Networks ------------------------------------------------------126
Social Networks and Employment --------------------------------------------------- 132
Summary----------------------------------------------------------------------------------135
CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS-------------------------------------136
Summary: Educational and Career expectations----------------------------------------136
Summary: Role of Social Networks------------------------------------------------------145
Social Trends and Higher Education -----------------------------------------------------147
Implications for Research ------------------------------------------------------------------150
Implications for Practice -------------------------------------------------------------------151
APPENDIX A-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------153
APPENDIX B-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------158
REFERENCES------------------------------------------------------------------------------------159
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LIST OF TABLES
TABLE 1.1 Numbers of Emirati’s that Graduated from High School 1988/96-----------11
TABLE 1.2 Numbers of Emirati’s Enrolled in Higher Education Institutions 1993/97 -12
TABLE 1.3 Regional Working Population Age 15-64 and Female Labor Participation-14
TABLE 3.1 Questionnaire Response Rates --------------------------------------------------- 67
TABLE 3.2 Summary of Participants’ Background Characteristics ----------------------- 73
TABLE 3.3 Age Distribution of Survey Respondents --------------------------------------- 76
TABLE 3.4 Comparison of UU & TC Respondents Fathers Educational Levels -------- 77
TABLE 3.5 Comparison of UU & TC Respondents Mothers Educational Level ------- 77
TABLE 3.6 Assistance from Social Services --------------------------------------------------78
TABLE 5.1 Comparison of Fathers’ Educational Level HERI & UU --------------------- 94
TABLE 5.2 Comparison of Mothers’ Educational Level HERI & UU -------------------- 94
TABLE 5.3 Relationship between Marriage and College Degree ------------------------100
TABLE 5.4 Role of Women --------------------------------------------------------------------104
TABLE 5.5 Access to Work --------------------------------------------------------------------104
TABLE 5.6 Pay Equity---------------------------------------------------------------------------104
TABLE 5.7 Opportunity to Run Public and Private Corporations------------------------- 104
TABLE 5.8 Intention to Graduate --------------------------------------------------------------110
TABLE 5.9 Intention to Work Upon Graduation --------------------------------------------110
TABLE 5.10 Family Support for Work ------------------------------------------------------- 111
TABLE 5.11 Length of Time Planned for Work ---------------------------------------------111
TABLE 5.12 Educational Aspirations by Institution ----------------------------------------113
TABLE 5.13 Importance of Family Support for Work --------------------------------------114
TABLE 5.14 Flexible Work Environments ---------------------------------------------------114
TABLE 5.15 Importance of Childcare Provisions at Work--------------------------------- 115
TABLE 5.16 Willingness to Work Hard ------------------------------------------------------115
TABLE 5.17 Personal Drive to Succeed ------------------------------------------------------115
TABLE 5.18 Attitudes Towards Working With Men ---------------------------------------123
TABLE 5.19 Choice of Work Sector ----------------------------------------------------------124
TABLE 5.20 Sector Perceived to Be Better for Women -----------------------------------124
TABLE 6.1 Influence on Educational and Employment Decisions -----------------------130
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ABSTRACT
Using a combined quantitative, quantitative approach this study explores the
incongruence between educational attainment and labor force participation for Emirati
women by posing several questions that revolve around the issue of their motivations and
aspirations with regard to higher education and labor force participation. In interpreting
the survey and interview responses, a conceptual framework that interweaved constructs
taken from three different bodies of research was used. The three areas of research are:
the expectations of women in higher education, family in the Arab world, and the
importance of social networks in employment.
The findings of the study showed that Emirati women have high educational and
occupational aspirations but they are also ambiguous about the role of women in Emirati
society. This ambiguity arose from the conflict between what the young women in the
study believed they ought to achieve as a result of their education and what they
perceived their society expected of them as daughters, wives and mothers. The link
between education and employment for Emirati women was also found to be influenced
by the close nature of the social networks to which Emirati women belong. Emirati’s
women’s use of family or strong ties deprives them of information from distant parts of
the social system and places them at in a disadvantaged position in the labor market.
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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Background
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is situated along the southeastern tip of the
Arabian Peninsula in the Arabian Gulf region. It was formerly known as the Trucial
States, but after the British left the region in 1970, a federation was formed between the
states and in 1971 the UAE was established as a sovereign nation. It comprises the seven
states of Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Sharjah, Ajman, Umm al-Qaiwain, Ras al- Khaimah and
Fujairah. The UAE is the world’s fifth largest oil producer and has nearly 10%, of the
world's proven oil reserves and the world's fifth-largest natural gas reserves. The bulk of
the federal budget comes from Abu Dhabi and, to a lesser extent Dubai, and the
remainder of the states are dependent upon these two states in financing the federal
infrastructure.
The country has grown at an extremely rapid pace since its foundation. The
population increased from 180,000 in 1970 to about 2.4 million in 2001. This increase
has been largely due the influx of foreign workers as a result of the oil boom. Foreign
workers and their families constituted 80% of the population in 1995. The numerical
domination of foreign workers in the UAE, as a result of the oil boom and the subsequent
waves of extensive international labor migration, has led to a population imbalance. In
1995, nationals constituted only 9.1% of the workforce and constituted less than twenty
percent of the population as a whole (Ministry of Planning, 1999).
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The educational system is split into three stages, six years of primary education,
three years of middle school and three years of high school. Public higher education is
open to nationals only and is provided in two universities and eleven technical/vocational
colleges that provide certificates, diplomas and bachelors degrees. Public elementary
through high school education is provided in gender segregated schools by teachers and
staff of the same gender as students. In higher education, segregation is maintained in the
student population but not in staffing. That is, public higher education institutions employ
both male and female faculty in both men and women’s colleges and universities.
Numerous private institutions exist in the UAE that cater to the large expatriate
population that is not permitted to access pubic universities. The Ministry of Education
and Scientific Research is the federal authority that regulates both private and public
education. The majority of private institutions are for profit franchises of American,
Canadian, British and now increasingly Australian higher education institutions. Private
higher education institutions are becoming increasingly popular among young Emirati
males whom now have difficulty obtaining student visas into the United States and who
wish to obtain an American education. Yet, Emirati women are underrepresented in coeducational private institutions due to nature of the culture that discourages mixes of the
sexes.
Leaders of the UAE consider education as a key element in the social and economic
development of the country and therefore free accessible education (K through 16) is
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provided to all its citizens. This commitment has led to a dramatic rise in the literacy rate
and increasing educational attainments. In 1987, women constituted only 47% of high
school graduates but this percentage rose to 62% in 1996. A similar increase from 38% in
1977 to 79% in 1997 was noted in women enrolled in higher education institutions
compared to men (Ministry of Planning, 1999). Studies done in the Middle East have
shown that the UAE has the highest student gender ratio in post secondary education in
the region where it stood at 6.08 women for each man in 1995 compared to .94 women in
Jordan, .80 in Tunisia, .64 in Egypt, 1.35 in Kuwait and 1.87 women to every man in
Bahrain (Mazawi, 1999). Tables 1.1 and 1.2 show the dramatic increase in the number of
women that finish high school and enroll in higher education institutions. No data is
available on the numbers of women that graduate from higher education institutions in
the UAE, but in my experience as an administrator at a Technical College approximately
seventy five percent of students graduate.
Table 1.1: Numbers of Emirati’s that graduated from high school 1988/96
80/81 85/86 90/91 91/92 92/93 93/94 94/95 95/96
Female 611
1750
2773
3297
4005
4009
4953
5216
(47%) (53%) (61%) (62%) (63%) (63%) (63%) (62%)
Male
685
1547
1755
1996
2359
2340
2975
3221
Total
1296
3297
4528
5293
6364
6349
7928
8437
Figures in brackets refer to percentage of women in total
Reproduced from TANMIA report June 2001- Ministry of Education and Youth
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Table 1.2: Numbers of Emirati’s enrolled in higher education institutions 1993/97
93/94
94/95
95/96
96/97
Female
11441
13641
16641
18736
(65%)
(66%)
(67%)
(66%)
Male
6103
6898
8225
9654
Total
17544
20539
24866
28390
Reproduced from TANMIA report June 2001- Ministry of Education and Youth
Although no data are available on the graduation rates of Emirati women, it is clear
from the enrollment data that unlike their mothers’ women in the UAE now have the
potential to break the traditional boundaries imposed upon them by their culture, which
compels them to achieve social status solely through the traditional roles of marriage and
motherhood.
The vast majority of young women in higher education today are first generation
college students and it is very likely that their mothers are less educated than their fathers
because Emirati men had access to education and diverse employment opportunities well
before their female counterparts. The first school for men was established in early 1950’s
while women’s schools opened their doors approximately a decade later. Despite their
late start by 1995, 47% of the Emirati women in the labor force had completed a
university degree or some level of post secondary education compared to only 12% of
Emirati men (Abdelkarim, 2001). Although no published literature is available on the
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reasons for the lower achievement rates of men, guaranteed employment in the defense
and law enforcement sectors of society has been cited as the prime reason in the popular
press. In the past a military career offered decent pay and the ability to progress in terms
of rank without any set requirement for a minimum educational level, thus attracting a
great number of young men. Recent changes in military and other law enforcement
requirements which provide higher ranks and monetary compensation to individuals with
higher education along with limits on promotions, salaries and benefits for those that lack
educational qualifications are likely to have an impact on educational enrollments of
Emirati men.
Despite their apparent success in the educational arena, the percentage of women in
the labor workforce remains low, increasing from 9.6 % in 1985 to 11.7 % in 1995, with
the majority of women employed in the education sector as teachers or in clerical work
(Abelkarim, 2001). The unemployment rate of Emirati women was at 8.3% in 1995, the
highest among all groups in the UAE labor market, compared to 6% for Emirati men,
1.7% for non- Emirati women and 1.3% for non-Emirati men (Baud & Mahgoub, 2001).
The bleak picture of women and employment is not unique to the UAE but is a
major issue in the Middle East and North African region (MENA), which has the lowest
female labor participation rates in the world. A report published by the World Bank in
February 2004- Gender and Development in the Middle East and North Africa: Women
in the Public Sphere- stated that for the past decade, MENA governments have spent an
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average of 5.3 percent of the GDP on education – the highest in the world. This huge
investment in education has closed the gender gap with women outnumbering men in
higher education institutions in several countries and has resulted in the largest
percentage of increase in employment in the last decade. Despite this increase, the female
labor force participation in the year 2000 was at 32 percent - the lowest in the world (see
table 1.3). Various sociocultural, economic and religious reasons that will be discussed in
detail in the following chapter have been blamed for the region’s low rate.
Table 1.3 Regional Working Population Age 15-64 and Female Labor Participation
1950
East Asia
% female working
age population
Female labor
participation rate
Latin America
% female working
age population
Female labor
participation rate
Middle East &
North Africa
% female working
age population
Female labor
participation rate
South Asia
% female working
age population
Female labor
participation rate
Southeast Asia
% female working
age population
Female labor
participation rate
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
% change
between
1990 &
2000
48.4
48.6
48.5
48.3
48.4
48.6
0.2
65.7
66.8
68.5
71.7
76.3
77.3
1.0
50.0
50.1
50.2
50.3
50.6
50.7
0.1
22.3
23.6
26.7
33.3
41.4
45.2
3.8
49.5
49.6
49.8
49.1
48.5
48.8
0.3
21.2
21.9
22.8
24.6
26.3
32.3
6.0
47.4
48.0
48.2
48.1
48.1
48.2
0.2
51.2
50.3
49.1
48.0
43.9
46.5
2.6
49.9
50.1
50.2
50.2
50.1
50.1
-0.1
52.0
51.7
53.8
57.7
61.5
63.9
2.4
50.9
50.7
50.6
50.3
-0.2
64.6
63.3
62.5
62.5
0.0
Sub Sahara Africa
% female working
age population
51.1
51.0
Female labor
participation rate
66.6
65.5
Source: ILO 1996 and UN Population Prospects
2002.
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The reason for this disparity in the UAE has not been studied but it has been
explained in various ways in the popular press. Some have argued that this is due to
prevalent custom and traditional values, which do not value female employment, or that
economic prosperity also means that employment is a matter of choice, rather than of
necessity. Others argue that the educational qualifications obtained by many of the
women are not always those most in demand in the job market because of the large
numbers of women in the humanities, social sciences and education fields (Jarardhan,
2001). No concrete evidence is currently available to support these notions, but they will
be carefully explored in this study.
This inquiry aims to explore the incongruence between educational attainment and
labor force participation by posing several questions that revolve around the issue of the
motivations and aspirations of Emirati women with regard to higher education and labor
force participation. The questions posed are as follows:
a) Why do Emirati women pursue higher education?
b) What do they intend to do with their degrees?
c) What are their perceptions of how their families and society view their career
choice and future goals?
d) What factors do they identify as important for goal achievement? And what
factors do they perceive as obstacles to goal achievement?
e) What kind of work environments do they prefer to work in?
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Another set of questions revolve around the issue of social networks and the role of these
networks in the educational attainments and labor force participation of Emirati women
a) What kinds of social networks do Emirati women belong to?
b) How influential are these networks in educational and employment decision
making?
c) Whom do they approach for assistance in securing employment?
Purpose of the Study
The rationale of this study is to present and bring to life the driving forces behind the
discrepancy between education and employment for Emirati women. This study aims to
fill the existing gap in the literature in relation to the meaning of higher education for
Emirati women. The study was designed with several purposes in mind. The first is to
explore the educational and career expectations of Emirati women using their own voices
so that personal perspectives on why they enroll in higher education institutions and what
they hope to attain as a result of their education are identified. Second, the study aims to
explore and develop an understanding of perceived obstacles and enablers for Emirati
women’s goal achievement, including work environments that they consider ideal. And
the third goal is to examine the role of social networks in relation to educational and
employment decision making and access to employment. This research is important
because despite the near universal access for women to post-secondary education, they
continue to have limited presence in the labor market. Information generated from this
study in will be helpful to policy makers in the UAE and the Gulf region that are working
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on strategies to reduce dependency on expatriate workers and to increase national labor
workforces.
Theoretical Framework
I do not draw on a single framework or theoretical perspective to examine the career
and occupational expectations of Emirati women. In the United States, various
combinations of race, class and gender perspectives are generally used. However, these
perspectives cannot be easily applied to the UAE because of cultural and demographic
differences among Emirati and US populations. As a result this study will draw on and
interweave constructs taken from three different bodies of research: research on the
expectations of women in higher education, research on the family in the Arab world, and
research done on the importance of social networks in employment. The following
constructs, taken from literature, will be used in the study’s conceptual framework: the
influence of social reproduction on the lives of young college women (Holland &
Eisenhart, 1990), the changing role of family in Arab society (Barakat, 1985; Sharabi,
1988) and the strength of weak ties in increasing access to employment and career
mobility (Granovetter, 1973).
Social Reproduction Theory
Since its inception, social reproduction has been a major theme in the sociology of
education. In recent years, ideas about social reproduction have gone beyond the basic
notion that the process of schooling in capitalist societies primarily serves the interests of
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the ruling class. Since the mid 1980’s, there has been a shift in the educational literature
in the centrality of class as the primary basis for social reproduction, as other context
sensitive theories have emerged. These theories address a wider range of interconnected
social issues including race, class, gender, disability, sexuality and ability (Gewirtz &
Cribb, 2003).
Many feminist researchers have studied the impact of reproduction in terms of
gender inequalities; blaming schools for determining the fate of women in the labor force
through the feminization of professions and the lower economic returns women receive
from their education. I am particularly drawn to the construct of romance presented in
Holland and Eisenhart’s book Educated in Romance, which illustrates the importance of
peers in perpetuating existing gender roles and norms because it provides a useful and
appropriate framework from which the expectations of young Emirati women with
regards to education, marriage and work can be addressed.
In this study, the authors trace the lives of twenty-three women from 1979 to 1987,
beginning with their entry into two Southern universities, one historically black and the
other white. They expose a pervasive "culture of romance" on campus, which is defined
as a high-pressure peer system that propels women into a world where their attractiveness
to men counts most and in which most females are more interested in attracting males, or
just getting by than they are in mastering knowledge or skills. In their longitudinal study,
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the authors found three main interpretations for the reasons why the young women in
their study were pursuing higher education or “school work” as it was called in the study.
The first motivation was work for “Getting Over” which was the interpretation of
most of the Black students in the study. Students with this outlook viewed going to
college and getting through as important because it could lead to a good job. The work
done in college had no significance in and of itself. Work was merely seen as a set of
activities that need to be completed in order to obtain a college degree. These young
women came into higher education with the “getting over” view, which they carried
through, from high school. This sense of marginalization was due to their insight into the
nature of the system in which they lived. Like the “lads” in Willis’ Learning to Labor
(1977), which illustrated how the rebellion of poor and working class kids against school
authority prepared them for working class jobs, these young women did not see the link
between college performance and life after college and therefore discredited school. The
authors also used Ogbu’s cultural ecological theory to explain the existence of this
phenomenon. This theory states that Black Americans accurately perceive that success in
school will not enable them to overcome the obstacles blocking their access to societal
rewards. The authors use this theory to explain why many of the young women with the
“getting over” interpretation of schooling dropped out of school or took jobs that fall far
below their original aspirations.
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The second interpretation identified by Holland and Eisenhart was work in exchange
for “Doing Well”. Students with this interpretation were mainly White and viewed
college as a way of getting recognition for their natural abilities and skills. Education was
also viewed as important to their parents and their performance in school was linked to
wanting to please them. These young women believed in their abilities due to past
successes and assumed that college should be as easy as high school. They were
disappointed when their perceptions of their natural abilities were challenged in college,
which led them to change their majors to others that they considered easier in an attempt
to prove themselves. They also become more engrossed in the culture of romance as they
began to lose confidence in their academic abilities.
The third and final group was ascribed to by young women from both racial groups
(three White and two Black women). This group viewed college as an environment in
which skills could be acquired from experts. They focused on skill acquisition and
constantly worked to improve themselves. Although they too were drawn into the culture
of romance, they were not completed consumed by it and some actively resisted this
culture.
At the end of their period of study the women in the first two groups, work for
“getting over” and work for “doing well”, had invested very little of themselves in their
identities as learners in school, and had what the authors called “marginalized worker
identities”. Although unlike the “getting over” group who came into higher education
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with little belief that education would make a major difference in their lives, the “doing
well” group had become discouraged and distracted during their years in college and
began to reconsider their commitment to their goals. In a way, they developed an
understanding similar to that of the women in the “getting over” group. That is, they
began to doubt that they would be able to achieve what they intended to achieve. Only
the women in the “learning from experts” group who saw a relationship between their
education and future occupations and who did not buy into the culture of romance went
on to live up to their potential in the workplace.
For the purpose of this study, it is posited that due to differences in the social and
cultural context between Emirati women and the women in Holland and Eisenhart’s
study, Emirati women may not be occupied with the western concept of romance as in
dating or living with a boyfriend. However, due to the strict segregation of the sexes,
marriage may emerge as the substitute for romance among young Emirati women.
Marriage is very important in the Middle East. It is often seen as the foundation for the
continuance of the family unit and the single most important event in the lives of both
men and women. Adulthood, autonomy and self realization as achieved as a result of
marriage (Hoodfar, 1997).
It can also be hypothesized that due to the closed nature of their environments Emirati
women form close relationships with peers in the educational settings. These peers like
those in the two southern universities studied by Holland & Eisenhart could be using the
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22
construct of vulnerability imposed on them by their culture to construct similar notions of
the inevitability of marriage, perhaps with views of the husband as protector and
provider, thus reducing the need to aspire to prestigious careers.
Family in the Arab world: Democratization or Neopatriarchy
Despite the importance of family in the reproduction of gender norms, peer
relationships emerge as the single most important arena where this culture of romance is
reproduced in Holland and Eisenhart’s study. However, the importance of family as the
basic unit in traditional and contemporary Arab society cannot be ignored in any analysis
that involves gender (Joseph, 1999).
The Arab family has been undergoing significant changes in response to globalization
and the formidable challenges that it has faced and continues to face in the twenty-first
century. These changes have been discussed and theorized by different Arab researchers.
Some of these scholars have used western critiques of Arab culture and others developed
their writings as a result of intense identification with the Arab family. The constructs
that are used in this study present two conflicting sides to the issue of patriarchy and
change within the family unit in the Arab world. Barakat (1985) presents change within
the structure of the Arab family as positive in its move towards a democratization of
family relations. Sharabi (1988) is less optimistic about these changes and states that the
Arab world is in a state of neopatriarchy in which nothing has really changed in terms of
gender relations. I am drawn to Barakat’s more optimistic model as a member of an Arab
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23
society and as a witness to the changes that it has undergone. However, I was compelled
to use both constructs to analyze study findings because they represent an internal
critique of Arab society and are appropriate for this context because they may help to
explain the influence of family on the educational and career expectations of Emirati
women.
The typical or ideal type Arab may be described as the socioeconomic unit of
production at the center of Arab life. It is patriarchal, pyramidally hierarchical with
respect to age and gender and increasingly nuclear in many parts of the Arab world.
However, these characteristics are changing as a result of Western influence, the
challenges of decolonization, education and oil. It is a socioeconomic unit in the sense
that all its members cooperate to secure its livelihood and improve its standing within the
community. It was only recently that states began to provide services such as education,
welfare and defense for its citizens. Prior to these provisions, the family undertook those
responsibilities. The family constitutes the primary social institution whereby individuals
inherit their religion, social class and cultural identities. The success or failure of an
individual member becomes that of the family as whole and every member is held
responsible for the acts of every other member. Any inappropriate act on the part of a
young woman reflects on her father, brother and her family as a whole (Barakat, 1985).
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24
The Arab family is also said to be patriarchal. The term patriarchy refers to a specific
kind of socio-political structure, with a specific value system, forms of discourse and
practice and which is based on a distinct mode of economic organization (Sharabi, 1988).
In the traditional Arab family, the father held responsibility and authority even though it
was the mother that exercised power over the children and who was in charge of raising
them. This hold of authority by the father was traditionally maintained because of his role
as provider. Barakat (1985) states that changes in the socioeconomic structure of the
traditional family through the employment of women, the movement from rural to urban
areas and subsequent education and employment of children has led to the
democratization of this relationship. Sharabi’s (1988) theory of neopatriarchy refutes the
notion of democratization and states that the changes presented above have not changed
the structure of the Arab family and that Arab society is neither modern nor traditional
but neopatriarchal. The concept of neopatriarchy states that the conditions of patriarchy
in Arab society have not been displaced or comprehensively modernized. That is, its
basic pyramidal structure that places women and children at the bottom of the hierarchy
has not been dismantled. Instead, it has been reinforced and sustained in distorted,
somewhat modernized forms as a result of the rise in fundamentalism, wars and the
widening gap between the rich and the poor. For Sharabi, the concept refers both to
macrostructures such the society, state and the economy and microstructures namely the
family or the individual. Neopatriarchy has also been explained as the product of the
encounter between modernity and tradition or a form of modern patriarchy. Regardless of
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the outward modern forms of the neopatriarchal family, society or state, the internal
structures remain rooted in patriarchal values (Moghadem, 2004)
Social Network Theory
Social network theory is a branch of social science that applies to a wide range of
human organizations, from small groups of people to entire nations. The term network
refers to a set of objects, or nodes, and a mapping or description of the relationship
between the objects. In the case of social networks, the objects refer to people or groups
of people. For example, a network might consist of a person and a mapping from that
person to each of his or her friends and relatives. These mappings can be directional or
bi-directional. An example of a directional mapping would be if person A liked person B,
but person B did not like person A. This is a directional mapping from person A to person
B. An example of a bi-directional mapping would be if person A and person B both liked
each other (Kilduff & Tsai, 2003).
One of the reasons social network theory is studied is that by understanding the
mappings connecting one individual to others, one can evaluate the social capital of that
individual. The term social capital refers to the network position of the object or node and
consists of the ability to draw on the resources contained by members of the network.
Basically, the more mappings a person has in the social network and the more mappings
these people have, the more knowledge, influence, and power the original person will
control. Social capital can have a substantial influence on a person’s life, affecting such
aspects as job searches and potential for promotions (Lincoln, 1982).
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In his theory “The strength of weak ties”, Granovetter (1983) asserts that our
acquaintances (weak ties) are less likely to be socially involved with one another than are
our close friends (strong ties). Therefore, individuals with a few weak ties will be
deprived of information from distant parts of the social system and will receive news and
views only through their close friends and kin. Thus placing them in a disadvantaged
position in the labor market compared people with many weak ties. In his first article The
Strength of Weak Ties (1973), Granovetter states that
“ The overall strength of this argument can be seen by considering the situation of
some arbitrarily selected individual- call him Ego. Ego will have a collection of
close friends, most of whom are in touch with one another-a densely knit clump
of social structure. Moreover, Ego will have a collection of acquaintances, few of
whom know one another. Each of these acquaintances, however, is likely to have
close friends in his own right and therefore to be enmeshed in a closely-knit
clump of social structure, but one different from Ego’s. The weak tie between Ego
and his acquaintance therefore becomes not merely a trivial acquaintance tie but
rather a crucial bridge between the densely knit clumps of close friends. To the
extent that the assertion of the previous paragraph is correct, these clumps would
not, in fact, be connected to one another at all were it not for the existence of
weak ties” (p 1363).
Research studies done using the concept of tie strength showed that some individuals,
particularly those with less power by virtue of their social class, low socioeconomic level
or low educational level, used “strong ties” to obtain jobs because they lacked “weak
ties”. Although these ties did produce employment opportunities, these opportunities
were less likely to produce social mobility and reduce social distance because “strong
ties” are less likely to produce connections with high status individuals whom can
improve occupational status (Davern, 1999).
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Studies done on the reliance of immigrant workers on social ties have shown that
immigrant job seekers use ethnic ties to secure employment and to enhance their social
mobility within the host community. The importance of ethnic ties in the development of
ethnic enterprises is widely documented. Research shows that competitive advantages
secured by reliance on social solidarity in the ethnic community enable immigrant
entrepreneurs to dominate specialized niches and sometimes even large sectors within the
host community (Light & Karageorgis, 1994; Chua, 2003). In a study of Asian
immigrants in Los Angeles, Sanders et al (2002) confirmed the findings of other
researchers which found that ethnic ties contribute to the employment of immigrants in
metropolitan labor markets through the use of ethnic contacts that work in the larger
social system and who have a large base of ethnic and non-ethnic ties.
For women, social networks are especially important to consider because the social
roles of women limit their network composition, thus causing them to gain fewer network
benefits than men (Crowell, 2003). Studies done in the United States have found that the
social networks of women are partially defined by their roles and degree to which they
have access to the labor market. Labor force participation is a major factor which
provides social integration outside the home and neighborhood. (Thoits, 1986; Duck,
1990). Granovetter (1992) posits that women lack substantial contacts with people who
can make needed referrals or contacts. That is, the contacts often used by women lack the
ability to mediate the passage of important information. He argues that weak ties can act
as a bridge that can link women and other subgroups to unique resources.
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It can therefore be hypothesized that Emirati men have a greater potential for joining
wider networks of other Emirati and non- Emirati men, thus enabling them to have
greater access to both employment and improved occupational status. Likewise, NonEmirati women and men belong to ethnic networks that can influence their employment
opportunities. It is the Emirati woman that is disadvantaged by virtue of the restrictions
placed upon her movements which confines her to “strong network ties” in circles that do
not extend beyond the immediate family unit.
Summary
Although Emirati women constitute the majority of all college graduates in the UAE,
they continue to be underrepresented in the work force. No published study has been
done on the educational and career aspirations of Emirati women. This exploratory study
is designed to provide insight into the perceptions and aspirations of these young women
using relevant constructs from the literature.
An overview of the United Arab Emirates along with the research questions, purpose
of the study and the study’s theoretical framework were presented in Chapter One.
Chapter Two will present relevant literature used to inform the study. In Chapter Three a
detailed discussion of the data collection methods as well as the various techniques used
to analyze data will be provided. Chapter Four will present the demographic and family
characteristics of the participants. Chapters Five and Six will use the research questions
.
to present the study findings. Finally, Chapter Seven will provide a summary of the
findings along with implications for practice and future research.
29
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CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF LITERATURE
This chapter will present four areas of research relevant to the study: educational and
occupational expectations of women, women and employment in the Middle East and
North Africa (MENA), the changing role of family and social networks and their use in
the Arab world.
Educational and Occupational Expectations of Women
Educational and occupational expectations have often been linked to socioeconomic
status, gender, cultural/social capital, race and ethnicity. Anyon (1980) draws on Bowles
& Gintis Schooling in Capitalist America (1976), in which schooling is explained as a
means of reproducing the existing system of unequal social relations in society, to
illustrate what she calls the hidden curriculum in schools. In her study she explores the
“hidden curriculum”, which refers to the attitudes and values embedded in school
experiences that are often inconsistent with written curriculum and which reflect existing
class and gender structures.
Similarly, in the Middle East, schools often reflect social and gender norms and they
serve to reinforce the notion that males are achievers whereas females are destined to be
facilitators. Studies done on the “hidden curriculum” in Syria and Lebanon found that
despite government calls for sex role equality in the curriculum, textbooks continue to
convey sex role stereotypes. Males are portrayed as brave, strong, achievers and
adventurous while females are beautiful, kind and motherly (Alrabaa, 1985; Mikati,
1987).
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Despite its reproductive role, schooling in the Third World also has the appearance
of having a transformational role. That is, it brings about significant social change
particularly in societies such as in the Gulf nations where large scale education for
women is relatively recent. A study on the “hidden curriculum” in Kuwaiti girls’ schools
found that the organization of the school through sex-segregation of students from
elementary thorough high school only to integrate them at the university level serves to
reproduce gender relations within the family and other dominant social institutions such
as religion. In the school that was studied “feminine education” was introduced through
home economics but the attitudes of teachers and administrators favored academic rather
than feminine subjects. This was exhibited through better equipped and situated physics
and chemistry laboratories compared to the home economics room and the fact that home
economics did not figure in the GPA calculation for high school graduation, illustrating
the low esteem given to the subject and hence “feminine education”. The school
employed women only, which implied that women could attain complete power within
their domain, thus illustrating the reproductive function of school. The schools
potentially transformative function was demonstrated in the students’ high expectations
for both further education and employment. Although some wanted to be teachers like
their role models, many students aspired to overcome the gender differences in education
and employment. However, the majority of students wished to work in sex segregated
environments and although they valued education, they valued marriage over work.
According to the researchers, the students expressed similar contradictory attitudes
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throughout the study. For example, they stated that motherhood is highly valued, but so is
autonomy and control over one’s life (Massiaslas & Jarrar, 1991).
Studies done in the Gulf Arab states document findings similar to the study on
Kuwaiti high school students, with participants presenting ambivalent and somewhat
contradictory responses in relation to attitudes about the role of women. Sanad & Tessler
(1988) found that Kuwaiti women voiced contradictory attitudes about the family,
education and work. For example, the majority supported the economic participation of
women, but they also stated that preferential treatment should be given to men in hiring,
pay and promotion.
Other studies in Arab countries confirm the proposition presented by Massialas &
Jarrar (1991) that schools serve both transformational and reproductive functions. A
study done in the early 1970’s in Iraq showed that Iraqi women were outperforming their
male counterparts in high school examinations. They were also found to be more
optimistic about work and education than their mothers and teachers (Al Kadhi, 1978).
Even in the most conservative country in the region, Saudi Arabia, the number of women
in higher education institutions and the labor force is on the rise, albeit in traditional
occupations that do not involve contact with men (CAWTAR, 2001).
No published studies have examined differences in achievement and aspirations
between students in sex segregated versus coeducational schools in the Middle East.
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Studies done in the US have produced two opposing and contradictory arguments for and
against gender segregation. Those in favor of segregation have argued that women have
different learning styles, use different moral reasoning and develop emotionally and
physically at a different rate and should therefore be educated in feminist pedagogy. They
cite data that shows that women who attend women’s colleges have higher success rates
particularly in non-traditional areas because of the absence of stereotypes, the strong
presence of female role models and greater support from faculty (Smith, Wolf &
Morrison, 1995; Miller- Bernal, 2000). Those apposed to gender segregation state that the
segregation of the sexes leads to subsequent difficulties with intimate relationships and
that men tend to behave better in coeducational environments (Epstein, 1997).
Educational and occupational expectations have also been linked to the educational
level of parents and in turn, the levels of cultural and social capital that students possess
in the educational settings. In his article, "Forms of Capital" Bourdieu (1986) expands
the notion of capital beyond its economic notion which emphasizes material exchanges,
to include "immaterial" and "non-economic" forms of capital, specifically cultural and
symbolic capital. He explains how the different types of capital can be acquired,
exchanged, and converted into other forms. In view of the fact that the structure and
distribution of capital also represent the inherent structure of the social world, the author
argues that an understanding of the multiple forms of capital will help reveal the structure
and functioning of the social world.
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The term cultural capital represents the collection of non-economic forces such as
family background, social class, varying investments in and commitments to education
and different resources, which influence academic success. Bourdieu classifies cultural
capital into three forms. The embodied state is directly linked to and incorporated within
the individual and represents what they know and can do. Embodied capital can be
increased by investing time into self improvement in the form of learning. The objectified
state of cultural capital is represented by cultural goods, material objects such as books,
paintings, instruments, or machines. They can be appropriated both materially with
economic capital and symbolically via embodied capital. Finally, cultural capital in its
institutionalized state provides academic credentials and qualifications which create a
"certificate of cultural competence which confers on its holder a conventional, constant,
legally guaranteed value with respect to power." These academic qualifications can then
be used as a rate of conversion between cultural and economic capital. The author asserts
that an individual’s ability is largely determined by the cultural capital invested by his or
her parents.
Research in the area of college aspirations and career expectations have used the
notion of “capital” to understand and explain why students with educated parents have an
advantage over first generation students both in education and in socioeconomic
attainment. Those with college-educated parents have better access to human and
cultural capital through family relationships. Consequently, compared to their peers with
highly educated parents, first-generation students are more likely to experience difficulty
in accessing and understanding information and attitudes relevant to making the right
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decisions in relation to the importance of obtaining a college degree, which institution to
attend and what to major in (Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak &Terenzini, 2004). Other
studies done in the US found that parents’ schooling and father’s occupational prestige
have highly significant positive effects on educational attainment (Sander, 1992).
In the Middle East, socioeconomic status has been closely linked to access,
particularly in poorer, more populated countries. Studies done in Egypt have shown that
parental educational level and income are directly linked to both access and success in
schooling. In Egypt, middle and upper middle class children are more likely to be
educated in private schools and are also more likely to enroll in universities as opposed to
technical colleges and vocational schools. They were also more likely than low income
students to choose majors that lead to professional careers (Massialas & Jarrar, 1991).
Although social mobility is a universal factor in the pursuit of higher education, the
literature shows that the developing world has another factor that is perhaps unique to it
and that transcends class and gender. The concept of “greater good for all” was explored
in a study by a Swedish researcher who studied differences in the educational aspirations
of Middle Eastern high school students from Syria and Jordan and compared them to
students in Sweden. The study findings showed that the Middle Eastern students aspired
to professional degrees, such as medicine, pharmacy and engineering, irrespective of their
gender. These professions were sought, not only because they were identified as
prestigious but also because they were seen as beneficial to the country’s development
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(Rabo, 2000). The author attributes the relative recent creation of nation states in the
developing world and the close connection between education and development in these
new nations as the main reason for the existence of this phenomenon.
Regardless of their race, ethnicity, social class, nationality and rigidity of their
environment women all over the world seem to be surpassing men in education
attainment. However, even in the most industrialized nations they continue to lag behind
men in the returns that they receive from their education. Why then do women continue
to pursue higher education? A study done by Mickelson (1989) presents four hypotheses
as possible explanations.
The first hypothesis is based on reference group theory which states that women
are aware of their own diminished status in relation to men but when they evaluate what a
just return on their education might be they look to women and not men as a point of
reference. In this context, they are likely to believe that their education is rewarded. The
“Pollyanna hypothesis” is the second proposition presented by the author and it states that
young women are likely to be optimistic about their future and that although they may be
aware of the difficulties inherent in their society they attribute it to a problem of the
“older generation” such as their mothers and grandmothers. This view is reinforced by
the strides women have made in all fields. As a result young women develop a
“Pollyannaish” worldview where they believe that they will be treated like men and that
their careers will not be compromised by family responsibilities because their husbands
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will be equal partners in a dual career marriage. The “social powerlessness” hypothesis is
the third explanation for the failure of sexism to affect women’s aspirations and
motivations. This explanation posits that marriage is consciously sought as an alternative
to a career. That is, as a result of an awareness of the structural inequalities in the
occupational world women seek husbands in order to be socially and financially secure.
College viewed as a means for finding a suitable husband. Basically, women with this
view seek marriage as the return on their education. Mickelson’s fourth hypothesis with
regard to what she calls the anomaly of women’s achievement comes from sex-role
socialization theory. This theory states that boys are socialized to be motivated by the
desire for mastery and intrinsic rewards while girls are directed towards winning social
approval and extrinsic rewards. Women’s motivation for achievement evolves from the
need for love and approval from others. Therefore, girls perform well in school because
good performance is consistent with the “good girl” role into which they are socialized.
Women and Employment in MENA
Paid employment appears to be a major issue for women across the globe. In the
US, it was not until the mid- 1960’s with the advent of the civil rights and women’s
movements, and the passage of the equal employment legislation that women were able
to increase their access to both higher education and employment. Data from the 1990’s
shows that like women in UAE and various countries around the world, women in the US
constituted the majority of associate, two year and bachelor’s degree recipients. They also
constituted fifty percent of master’s degree recipients and forty percent of doctoral degree
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recipients. Despite their achievements, women in the US continue to experience a wage
gap compared to their male counterparts. They trail behind men in their presence in elite
institutions and continue to be segregated from men in the areas of study that they pursue
(Jacobs, 1999).
In most countries of the developing world, the disparity between male and female
representation in paid employment is wide. Men have unequal access to high status and
high paying executive positions while only, an insignificant number of women occupy
key decision making positions. The dearth of women in positions of power has
undermined their ability to exert influence over economic and social decision making
structures, which in turn has led to the development of polices that widen the inequality
gap because policies tend to reflect male perceptions and orientations (UNIFEM, 2003).
At the same time research done on women in the developing world, has shown that the
education of women transcends the acquisition of knowledge and skills. It allows women
to access the political/economic system thereby enabling them to recognize their
economic power. The extent to which women access higher education when opportunities
are available has been directly linked to their self- concept, ambitions and expectations
(Youssef, 1977).
Despite their access to education, the unemployment rate of Emirate women was
at 8.3% in 1995, the highest among all groups in the UAE labor market, compared to 6%
for Emirate men, 1.7% for non- Emirati women and 1.3% for non-Emirati men. The
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limited research done on the reasons for the high unemployment rates of Emirati women
cite the focus on securing federal jobs as an important factor to rising unemployment
rates. According to a study done by Baud & Mahgoub (2001) in 1997 seventy- five
percent of Emirati women were employed by federal ministries, particularly the
ministries of Education, Health & Labor. The ministry of Education has the highest
percentage of Emirati employees (both teachers and staff) because women can avoid all
contact with men in gender segregated schools. Public sector employment in general
offers Emirati women good pay, generous leave and short working hours (6-7 hours). The
competition of women for public sector employment has had an adverse effect of their
employment rates. Throughout the 1990’s, the government experienced decreased
revenues as a result of falling oil prices, which led to the introduction of policies that
limited the expansion of public sector employment, thus sharply reducing the number of
new hires and the possibility of employment in this sector. Private sector employment has
been largely dominated by male foreign workers, with only 1.3% of Emirati women and
7.3% for non-Emirati women employed by this sector in 1995 (Baud & Mahgoub, 2001).
The problem of female unemployment and the concentration of women in feminized
fields in the public sector are not unique to the UAE, but are fairly well documented in
the Middle East and North African region (MENA). A recent report by the World Bank
(2004) showed that female labor force participation in the MENA region stood at 32%the lowest in the world. The same report agrees with the above study and states that
although women in the MENA region have benefited from pubic sector employment in
the past, those benefits will not be as significant for the next generation of female
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workers because of two reasons. The first is the marked reductions in bureaucracy and
public sector employment worldwide due to privatization and automation. The second is
the shift in the demographic bulge in the MENA region, which is moving beyond school
age and will result in a declining need for teachers- traditionally an important public
sector job for women. (World Bank, 2004).
The report also presents three fundamental reasons for concentration of women in the
public sector in the region:
•
The fact that public service professions such as teaching and nursing have been
considered socially/culturally acceptable for women
•
The public sector’s egalitarian policies of hiring and firing increasing women’s
chances of gaining employment in this sector
•
Work conditions are more favorable for women than those of the private sector
The MENA region covers nineteen countries of the Middle East and North Africa:
Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco,
Oman, the Palestinian Territories, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia and the United
Arab Emirates. It is a region with diverse populations including a significant number of
ethnic and religious minority groups. Countries in the region also differ in their economic
and labor resources. Three quarters of the population in the region speak Arabic and the
majority are Muslim.
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Numerous studies have been done on the labor force participation of women in the
Middle East and North Africa region. Almost all these studies were commissioned by
international organizations such as the World Bank, United Nations Development Fund
and the Center for Arab Women Research and Training. The rationale and framework
used by these organizations in advocating the employment of women has generally been
economic in nature. That is, they advocate female employment to increase family
purchasing power and hence standard of living.
The most recent studies on the issue by the Center of Arab Women for Training and
Research (2001) and the World Bank report (2004) cite the traditional gender paradigm
in MENA as the root cause of low labor force participation rates in the region.
This paradigm is based on the notion that men and women are different biologically and
that these differences determine social function. That is, they have different but equitable
responsibilities, with men in charge of the public sphere or paid employment and women
in charge of the private sphere or the home. This paradigm assumes that women will
marry early and that their recognized contribution to the family will be that of
homemaker. Men on the other hand will retain the highest authority as the provider and
protector of women and children. According to the report the traditional gender paradigm
has four elements:
•
The first element is the centrality of the family as the primary block of society.
Family interest overrides individual interest for both men and women and the
family has a great deal of influence on the individual’s attitude and choices. A
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woman’s ability to combine both work and family responsibilities was identified
as key to increasing labor force participation.
•
The second element is the establishment of the male as the sole breadwinner
which is written into law in some MENA countries. These laws call into question
a women’s right to work and in times of high unemployment leads women to be
perceived as taking jobs away from men. Women’s work is also often viewed as a
sign of the inability of male kin to provide for the family, which puts social and
psychological pressure on men whose wives work outside the home. It also makes
some women reluctant to seek employment because they believe that accepting
responsibility for a share of the family income will worsen their condition because
of the double burden (work and home) and because of fear that employment will
decrease male responsibility for providing for the family. The authors of the
report recommend that any change in the current male breadwinner model needs
to demonstrate benefits to both men and women.
•
The third element is the imposition of social conditions on women by the “code of
modesty”, which calls for the segregation of men and women in the quest to guard
family honor. This code is adhered to in varying degrees by different countries
and by groups within the countries. Women in countries where segregation is
crucial tend to avoid areas that are predominantly male. The authors recommend
that work environments needs to be less engendered to allow for increased
participation.
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43
•
The fourth and final element identified by the study is the presence of an unequal
power structure within the private sphere through the existence of family laws that
treat men and women differently. In some countries, women can lose financial
support and custody of their children in the case of divorce and need approval
from their husband’s to obtain employment. Thereby making interaction with the
public sphere without spousal consent a serious risk.
Studies that have been done by independent researchers confirm the findings
presented by the international organizations. The two most commonly cited reasons for
the high unemployment rates include (1) the general gender ideology in the Arab world
which idealizes women as wives and mothers and places them at the center of the family
unit with men as their protectors. (2) Laws that were designed to protect indigenous men
and women workers that make it difficult for employers to dismiss them without a legal
battle and that award women a guarantee of employment even in cases of long absences
due to sickness of immediate family members and minimum of two months of paid
maternity leave (Doumato, 1992, Longva, 1993, Seikaly, 1994).
Findings from the studies presented above show that although women are
discriminated against based on the laws that govern divorce and child custody and the
“code of modesty” limits their employment opportunities, they also have rights as
indigenous workers particularly in the public sector. In the UAE civil service laws in the
public sector prevent managers from disciplining and dismissing employees, provide two
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44
months of paid maternity leave and allow women to take paid family leave to care for
sick family members. These laws do not apply to the private sector which makes the
sector a less than ideal place of employment for Emirati’s.
Family in the Middle East
The Middle Eastern family is often described as a patriarchal unit. However,
patriarchy is not unique to the Middle East. In the industrialized world, the family is
viewed as the only social institution that is natural and essential. This historical
conceptualization is bestowed on the family due to women’s reproductive capacities and
the biological basis of kin ties. The importance of kin ties and the emphasis on biology
led to functionalist perspectives like that of Talcott Parsons, who argued that the modern
family has two functions: to socialize children and to provide a stable environment to
shield the male provider from psychological damage. These functions are carried by the
wife who plays the role of nurturer and supports her husband. This Parsonian view of the
family is similar to that of a contemporary Middle Eastern family (Moghadam, 2003).
Many feminist theorists have argued that industrialized societies are also patriarchial but
that patriarchy has evolved to other forms. Walby (1996) distinguishes between what she
calls “private patriarchy” which was practiced by the pre-modern family and “public
patriarchy” which is in existence today and refers to the power exerted on the family by
the state and labor market in industrial societies. Others argue that patriarchy has its
origins in ancient times before the advent of the three monotheistic religions (Judaism,
Christianity and Islam). Tillion (1983) argues that the origins of women’s oppression can
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45
be traced to ancient times and the beginnings of patrilineal society. She identifies
endogamy, the practice of marrying within the lineage as the root cause of the oppression
of women. Endogamy kept property within the lineage and protected the rights of men.
With the advent of Islam women in endogamous societies of the Middle East were given
the right to keep their family names, own and inherit property independent of their
husbands and male kin and contract to their marriage. These rights were absent in preIslamic, Christian and Jewish societies.
Eastern feminists view patriarchy in relation to the importance of the family unit,
which is and continues to be (in the majority of societies) traditionally patriarchal. In her
book Arab Women: Between Defiance and Restraint, Sabbagh (1996) states that ancient
cultures cannot be judged in the same manner that women’s issues in the industrialized
world are judged because early on Arab culture evolved into a social system in which the
extended family offered each individual all the amenities the state currently offers its
citizens in the west, such as unemployment benefits, protection etc. and that patriarchy is
only a facet of the extended family structure.
Regardless of its origins and the meaning ascribed to it, patriarchy is undergoing
change in large urban cities such as Cairo and Istanbul and is rapidly evolving in the oil
rich Gulf States. More families are in nuclear living situations and live away from
extended family members. Women are surpassing men in academic achievement
throughout the region and outnumber men in higher education institutions in many
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46
countries. Socioeconomic development and increasing education and employment of
women have affected family size as well as women’s gender consciousness. It is
anticipated that these changes will have a serious impact on the classical patriarchal
family (CAWTER, 2001; World Bank, 2004; Moghadam, 2003).
The conflict between modernity and traditionalism in the Arab world is presented in
the form of ambiguity which was seen in the responses of Kuwaiti women in the studies
presented above. This ambiguity is more pronounced in the Gulf region because of rapid
modernization. The transition from poverty to riches and the change in the status of
women has been rapid and dramatic. Traditionalists argue that the rising educational level
and the subsequent employment of Emirati women coupled with satellite television and
the decline of family values has led to the increasing divorce rates among the national
population which is said to be at about 33%. The following passage from a local
magazine presents a traditional perspective:
“In the past ----a bride could be as young as 12 but, even at that age, she was
aware that there would be no turning back, that she was entering into a
relationship she was bound forever, in good times as well as bad. Break-ups were
rare - and, when they did occur, it had more to do with tribal and sub-tribal
conflicts than husband-wife relations. So strong was the system that even
considering divorce was looked upon as a shameful act. Then things changed,
almost overnight. With the discovery of oil and the ensuing development and
affluence, tradition started taking a back seat. People began moving to urban
areas, resulting in the near-disintegration of the joint family system; education
opened doors which were hitherto closed; and foreign influences crept into every
aspect of life. With the increasingly modern outlook to life came the hazards of
westernization as well. The fallout is there for everybody to see. What's more
upsetting is that marriage as an institution is being put to test. Divorce - a subject
that was often put on the back burner and labeled a 'Western' problem - has now
come to the forefront in the UAE. The rate of divorce among UAE nationals,
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especially among couples in their first or second year of marriage, is fast catching
up with those prevalent in the West. The estimates vary depending on reports, but
according to Dr. Saeed Abdullah Hareb, vice-president of UAE University for
Social Affairs, the divorce rate among UAE nationals is around 33 per cent
(Friday Magazine, June 2000)
Non-traditionlist’s assert that rising divorce rate is due to the apathy of the Emirati
male and the inability of the educated Emirati female to “put up and shut up”
"Generally speaking, Arab women will not break up the family, he says.
Sometimes they carry their problems with them and live with the difficulties in
the marriage in order to keep the family intact. The men, on the other hand, find it
easy to opt out, especially in a country where there is an abundance of foreign
women. They have more money and, therefore, have more options." Obaid goes
as far as to say that some national men 'use' religion to divorce and remarry for no
other reason than to fulfill their desires while some others bow to parental
pressure and marry the woman chosen for him. It is equally true that the changing
attitudes of many national women has also played a big role in the rising divorce
rate. They are resisting the social structures that render them faceless and
voiceless, and bind them socially and financially to male relatives. And although
they are less visible in public life than women in some Arab countries, they are
still making gains in employment and achieving economic independence.
Moreover, with their gains in education, they are less willing than their mother's
generation to "put up and shut up" and are instigating divorces, even though they
risk losing custody of their children”(Friday Magazine, June 2000).
The dichotomy between traditionalism and modernity and the resultant ambiguity
was demonstrated in a study by Dhaher & Al Salem (1987) on Gulf women’s attitudes
towards modernization and their perceived place in society. Data was collected through
questionnaires and interviews with women from five Gulf Arab countries (Kuwait, Saudi
Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain and the UAE) over a three year period. Participants were asked to
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rate and express their agreement or disagreement to several statements pertaining to the
status and role of women. Some of the findings of the study were as follows.
•
Age group- More women over the age of twenty expressed a greater sense of
equality with their male counterparts compared to women who were younger than
twenty years of age. The younger group believed more strongly they were able to
make their own decisions and both groups stressed that want to be financially
independent. However, they also overwhelming agreed that their families should
make educational and employment decisions for them.
•
Nationality- Emirati women indicated the strongest equality with men (75%),
followed by Kuwaiti women (70%), the Bahraini’s (67%), the Qatari’s (60%) and
Saudi’s at 50%. When asked if there was a difference between men and women in
their freedom to make decisions concerning their lives, in contrast to previous
responses the Emirati women felt the most difference (75%), followed by the
Saudi’s (70%), Bahraini’s (67%), etc. For reliability purposes a third question was
asked in relation to equality-Are women obligated to listen to their families in
personal matters such as marriage, divorce and education? The Saudi women
remained consistent in their responses and answered in the affirmative (90%). The
majority of Kuwaiti (68%) and Qatari women (66%) also answered affirmatively.
Yet, only half of the Emirati women and 33% Bahraini women agreed.
•
Marital status- married women indicated a marginally greater sense of equality
compared to single, divorced and widowed women. However, they all agreed
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regardless of martial status that decisions should be made by male heads of
household.
•
Socioeconomic status- SES was not found to be significant in terms of attitudes
•
Education- Education was found to be linked to the feeling of equality with men.
Educated women complained of greater family interference in their lives
compared to uneducated women.
The authors conclude that women in the Gulf States insist that they want more
independence but that they are also willing to accept dependence. They are dissatisfied
with some parts of their lives but that they are largely satisfied with their position in their
societies. The authors use the term “society in flux” to describe the women’s views and
they state that women in the Gulf are aware of various options but seem hesitant to
embrace them.
This article was presented in a confusing manner with participants contradicting
themselves in every turn. I am not sure if it was written in this manner to convey the
ambiguity of participant responses or whether it was poorly presented but many questions
remain unanswered. Why are Gulf women confused about their role in society? Is it false
consciousness or is it genuine ambiguity in response to the mixed messages they are
receiving from their society, that requires them to be traditional yet exposes them to
modernity?
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Social Networks and their use in the Arab world
To access information, resources, and opportunities individuals often rely on
personal contacts. These contacts comprise one’s social support network, and in turn,
constitute one’s own social system. Social scientists have used the term social network to
refer to the complex set of relationships between persons in the social system. The
network is instrumental in providing emotional and informational assistance and it can
also impact the degree to which physical, mental, social, economic, and spiritual needs
are met (Crowell, 2004). In his theory “The strength of weak ties”, Granovetter (1983)
asserts that individuals with a few weak ties are deprived of information from distant
parts of the social system and receive news and views only through their close friends
and kin. Thus placing them in a disadvantaged position in the labor market compared
people with many weak ties.
Research studies done using the concept of tie strength showed that some individuals
particularly those with less power by virtue of their social class, low socioeconomic level
or low educational level used “strong ties” to obtain jobs because the lacked “weak ties”.
Although these ties do produce employment opportunities, the opportunities were less
likely to produce social mobility and reduce social distance because “strong ties” are less
likely to produce connections with high status individuals whom can improve
occupational status (Davern, 1999).
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Others researchers have also linked Granovetter’s theory to the strength of social
resources that an individual possesses such as occupational prestige. Lin & Dumin (1986)
used the Granovetter’s theory of tie strength to posit that weak ties are helpful only to the
extent that they serve as a bridge to social resources (prestige, power, position, high
SES). For example, high status individuals possess strong ties that can provide social
resources that are as good as or better than resources available through weak ties. On the
other hand, a low status person’s weak ties should provide better social resources than
his/her strong ties can provide. Therefore, the lower the initial position the greater the
influence of weak ties over strong ties. They also suggest that women can potentially
reach more contacts through males than females.
In a study on the use of contacts to forward packets (send envelopes with information
from one person to another), it was found that reaching the target was more likely if the
packets were transmitted from male to female rather than from female to male. Reaching
the target person was also more likely if packets were transmitted from a person with
higher occupational status and prestige (Lin et al, 1978). In another study on the job
seeking behaviors of New Yorkers, the authors found that women tend to have a better
chance of finding high status jobs through males rather than females (Ensel & Lin, 1981).
The theory of weak ties has also been used to by Feld & Carter (1998) to demonstrate
the importance of interracial contacts developed in schools through desegregation in
increasing the likelihood that Blacks would interact within interracial contexts later in
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life. The authors suggest that if Black and White students do interact and become
acquaintances, then those weak ties can be important for connecting Blacks to White
employers who control most of the high paying jobs.
Although no studies related to tie strength have been published in the Middle East, it
is not uncommon for social contacts to be used for everything from securing a university
seat to getting a job. For example, in the UAE students qualify for admission to various
public higher education institutions based on their high school examination results.
Students who score below a seventy percent are denied admission into the country’s
universities but can access technical colleges. However, it is not uncommon for students
to gain admission into a university without fulfilling this requirement because of the use
of contacts both from within the university or through the ministry where all admission
papers are processed. Contacts are also used in the ministerial level to obtain scholarships
abroad or to transfer smoothly from one university to another.
Social networks in the Middle East are based on tribal, religious and familial ties.
The use of contacts to attain a set goal is known as “wasta”. In the only book published
on the topic, Wasta: The Hidden Force in Middle Eastern Society, Cunningham &
Sarayrah (1993) conduct a detailed study of the phenomenon in Jordan. The authors
claim that no research has been done on this concept by both Western and Middle Eastern
social scientists. They explain the absence of literature on the topic in the following
paragraph:
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“Except for the occasional scandal, newspaper reports ignore wasta and
respondents are reluctant to discuss their wasta involvement or practices with
interviewers because it implies personal powerlessness as well as disrespect for
the law. Perhaps, Western social scientists fail to provide a detailed treatment of
wasta because the concept does not lend itself readily to normal science
methodology. Middle Eastern social scientists can avoid writing about wasta
because the topic rarely appears in Western books and journals. As a result,
outsiders have difficulty obtaining information about this process and insiders can
avoid an emotionally difficult topic (3)”
The term wasta, is derived from the Arabic word “yatawassat” which means to
mediate or intercede. Wasta always seeks to achieve what is assumed to be unattainable
by the petitioner. According to the authors, the use of wasta is very common in Jordan
and the Arab world. Its origins can be traced to the use of mediators to settle tribal and
family disputes and even disputes between Arabs and other nations. They cite family as
the primary mediator in resolving conflict and family loyalty as the foundation of the
wasta system in the contemporary Middle East. Families provide emotional and material
support to extended members particularly those of those that are low income. For the
middle class, wasta is used among family members and friends to obtain goods and
services that are otherwise difficult to obtain and for the elite it is used to ensure their
continued advantage. Beyond the family wasta can be sought from members of the ethnic
or religious group, political parties or social clubs. Traditionally the head of the
household performed wasta services but in today’s urban society, anyone who has access
to resources can practice wasta within their sphere of influence. This sphere can
sometimes by narrow and so wasta seekers must search widely for the mediator.
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I believe wasta is not very different from the use of social networks which is
documented widely in Western literature. Wasta is viewed as sinister in the Middle East
because it is pervades the culture and is sometimes associated with corruption. However,
in theory it does not appear to be different from the use of social contacts.
Summary
Throughout the world access to education and employment are influenced by gender,
social class or income level, race etc. The literature reviewed for the purpose of this study
shows that women’s access to education and employment has increased in every region
of the world but women continue to have fewer options than men. Reasons for this
disconnect has been attributed to multiple factors, the most prominent of which is social
reproduction of women’s role in society which begins at the family level and is
reinforced in school.
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CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
The goal of this study is to explore some of the reasons for the discrepancy between
the higher education and employment of Emirati women by addressing the two key
factors discussed in the first two chapters- career expectations and social networks. The
educational and career expectations of Emirati women were explored using the following
research questions:
f) Why do Emirati women pursue higher education?
g) What do they intend to do with their degrees?
h) What are their perceptions of how their families and society view their career
choice and future goals?
i)
What factors do they identify as important for goal achievement? And what
factors do they perceive as obstacles to goal achievement?
j) What kind of work environments do they prefer to work in?
The role of social networks in educational and employment decision making was
explored using the following research questions:
d) What kinds of social networks do Emirati women belong to?
e) How influential are these networks in educational and employment decision
making?
f) Who do they approach for assistance in securing employment?
In this chapter an overview of the research design and methodology will be presented
along with a discussion of how participants were selected for inclusion in the study and a
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brief summary of the institutions from which the participants were recruited. Finally, a
discussion of the quantitative and qualitative methods used to gather and analyze data
will be presented.
Design
The study used a combined quantitative/qualitative approach to answer the research
questions. The quantitative portion involved a survey of junior and senior undergraduates
in two urban women’s educational institutions to assess the employment expectations of
young Emirati women and ascertain factors that led to the development of these
expectations. The survey also helped to identify the types of social networks they belong
to and to what degree these networks influence their educational and career decision
making. It was administered electronically and was made available to all students in their
junior and senior years at Technical College (TC) and at both sites of Urban University
(UU). The survey was followed up by twenty one in-depth phenomenological interviews
with select students from various departments within the two institutions.
The advantages of using this two step approach was as follows: 1) the questionnaire
allowed the researcher to target a larger pool of participants and to get a broader view of
the phenomenon 2) the interviews provided personal narratives that involved pursuing a
more in-depth consideration of the issues that shed light on the reasons why Emirati
women enroll in higher education institutions and what they expect to gain from their
education.
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History of Higher Education
Education (K thru16) is provided to all UAE citizens free of charge in sex segregated
environments. The educational system is split into three stages, six years of primary
education, three years of middle school and three years of high school. Public higher
education is provided in two universities and eleven technical/vocational colleges that
provide certificates, diplomas and bachelors degrees. The United Arab Emirates
University (formerly known as the Al Ain University) was established in 1976.It was
modeled after universities in the Arab World particularly the University of Cairo. Arabic
was the language of instruction of all the faculties. Today both Arabic and English are
used in most departments and English is used exclusively in the Faculty of Medicine and
Health Sciences.
The university was the only public higher education institution in the country for
twelve years until the establishment of the Higher Colleges of Technology in 1988.
Located in six of the seven Emirates, the colleges were developed in response to the
inability of the university to physically accommodate the increasing numbers of
applicants and the need to develop a technical workforce. The establishment of the
colleges allowed students to access post secondary education within their home
communities. The colleges were modeled after British colleges and English was therefore
chosen as the language of instruction.
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Zayed university the newest of the three higher education institutions in the UAE,
was established in 1998. This university was modeled after the higher education system
in the United States and was established to accommodate the disproportionately high
numbers of Emirati women seeking higher education. It has two campuses in the capital
city- Abu-Dhabi, and in the second largest and most populated city in the EmiratesDubai.
Diversity of the Student body
As discussed in Chapter one, the population of the UAE was at 2.1 million in 2001
with foreign workers and their families constituting eighty percent of the population. The
national population or the Emiratis’ as they are generally called consist of two main
groups- naturalized immigrants and indigenous tribes. Although no published information
is available on naturalized citizens, it is widely known that they are generally from the
neighboring countries of Iran and Oman. Other Arab nationals such as Palestinian’s and
Yemeni’s are also naturalized in smaller numbers.
The ruling families of the Emirates represent the major tribes in the country. The Al
Nahayan and the Al Maktoum families which rule Abu Dhabi and Dubai consecutively
are both from the Bani-Yas tribe while the two of the rulers in northern Emirates belong
to the Al Qawasim (Peck, 1986). Despite the decline of tribalism in the region as a whole
due the movement from rural to urban settings the importance of the family identities and
ties continue to have prime political and social importance. Individuals affiliated with or
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related to prominent families control a great deal of influence. In his book, The United
Arab Emirates- A Venture at Unity, Peck (1986), mentions that the majority of prominent
families in Abu Dhabi were of Arab descent, unlike Dubai where the majority of
influential families were of Iranian descent due to Dubai’s tradition of external mercantile
contacts.
Students in higher education institutions represent the diversity of the Emirati
population with the concentration of individuals of Arab descent (both tribal and
naturalized) in the Abu Dhabi and Western region and a higher percentage of individuals
of Iranian descent in Dubai and the Northern Emirates.
Context: The Institutions
Technical College (TC) and Urban University (UU) are pseudonyms used for the two
institutions in which the study was conducted. Technical College is located in the largest
city in the northern Emirates and is situated in a new educational development complex.
It is surrounded by other colleges and universities with which it shares large common
spaces, such as a women’s sports complex and a large auditorium used for special events.
Technical college is a federally funded institution that is a part of a college system that
provides technical and vocational education exclusively to Emirati men and women in
gender segregated campuses throughout the Emirates. The college system is reputed for
the employability of its graduates because of its strong connection with employers and a
focus on the development of a strong work ethic. The first college was founded in 1988
but the sector has since expanded to eleven colleges in six of the seven Emirates. The
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primary purpose of this institution is to train a cadre of technically savvy workers who
are ready for the job market through close ties with employers in their communities. This
college system was also intended to produce a vocationally and technically competent
workforce that could reduce the dependence on foreign workers.
TC is located in the largest city of the Northern Emirates and its catchment area
includes two adjacent emirates and numerous distant rural communities within its
territories. It provides over twenty five concentrations in six departments (Business,
Education, Health Sciences, Engineering Technology, Communication Technology and
Information Technology). Students have the option of various tracks depending on their
choice and their high school grade averages. Degrees offered include Certificates in
vocational programs that can be followed up with Diploma’s or more professional Higher
Diploma’s with the option of additional study to attain Bachelor’s degrees in Applied
Arts or Sciences. Enrollment at TC was at 2000 students in the 2003-2004 academic year
with a faculty of 240.
Urban University has two sites which are both located in large urban cities. It was
founded in 1999, in response to the growing number of Emirati women that were
applying to public higher education institutions. Unlike Technical College, this university
is for women only and does not have an affiliated male campus. Its mission is to prepare
students for the twenty first century, promote leadership and to help support the economic
and social advancement of the country. Like Technical College, it has a strong emphasis
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on technology. All students are required to purchase a laptop and both students and
faculty are required to use technology. For example, students submit all assignments
online and faculty post all course requirements on the university portal. Urban university
has five colleges (Arts and Sciences, Education, Social and Behavioral Sciences,
Communication and Media Sciences and Business Sciences), seven degrees and over
twenty concentrations. It has also recently begun an Executive Masters in Business
Administration program for working women. Student enrollment at UU was at
approximately 2000 students for the 2003-2004 academic year. No additional information
on graduation and employment rates are presented because the institution declined to
share this information with the researcher.
Although different in their focus and program offerings, the language of instruction in
both UU and TC is English, and the majority of faculty are non-natives. The over
representation of foreign faculty in academe is due to the lack of Emirati faculty that are
both western educated and English proficient. Western education and English proficiency
are required for employment in both the institutions studied. Both UU and TC are public
institutions in the same federal system; consequently, they have similar admission
policies and funding formulas. However, these institutions differ in attendance
requirements and in regulations governing campus life. Neither campus offers residential
facilities although TC shares a dormitory facility with a neighboring university which is
used by students from rural areas or students that chose programs not offered at their
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home technical college. At UU, all students are commuters and some students travel a
considerable distances to access the university.
Students both UU and TC are generally bused to campus by a private transport
company, unless they drive or are driven by family members or personal chauffeurs. On
observing the students at both campuses, it appeared that only a small percentage of them
drove themselves to school. The majority were driven there by family members or used
the bus to get to and from school. Both institutions had security guards at the door to
check the identification of all individuals accessing the campus. UU appeared to have
stricter rules for access. All guests had to identify the purpose of their visit, were subject
to a bag search and a form of ID had to be retained to allow the guest to access the
premises. TC was less strict about their security measures particularly with women;
however, all men were subject to the same measures applied at UU.
At TC all students were required to submit a form signed by their guardian that
provided information such as, the plate numbers and the names of all individuals
authorized to pick or drop them off. This was not the case in UU because students were
dropped off and picked up outside the university gates.
The institutions were similar in the daily routines of students. The day generally
began between eight and nine in the morning and lasted until after four in the evening,
with two short breaks that were staggered to prevent overcrowding in the eating areas.
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Students that rode the bus had to wait until after four in the evening to go home
regardless of when their classes ended. Those at TC who drove their own cars or were
picked up were not allowed to leave campus unless they used their timetable to prove that
they had no remaining classes, or if they had a note from administration that authorized
them to miss classes. This was not practiced at UU and students were free to leave when
they wanted to.
The use of mobile phones was prohibited at TC and students that used their phones on
campus ran the risk of having it confiscated. Students at UU were allowed to use their
cellular phones beyond the classroom. Students at both institutions had access to the
internet. At TC students could access the internet and other computer applications in
computer labs throughout the campus and at in the Information Commons area which
was located in the Integrated Learning Center or library. All students at UU had their own
laptops. Classrooms, lounges and eating areas were internet wired and wireless
technology was sometimes used to allow students to access both the internet and the
intranet from multiple areas throughout the campus.
Students in both institutions wore some variation of the national dress of the
Emirates which consists of the abaya’s (a long black robe made of silk or polyster that is
worn over clothes) and shala’s (a head scraf that is wrapped around the head to either
conceal the hair or is worn loosely around the head and neck area).
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A significant number of students wore fashionable skirts, slacks or jeans under flared
abaya’s with colorful shala’s that covered part of their heads and often slid down to their
shoulders. Others wore more conservative abaya’s that were loose and dress like, which
made it impossible to see what they were wearing underneath along with matching black
shaya’s that covered their hair. A few students wore conservative abaya’s and also
covered their entire faces only revealing their eyes. Since there is no government edict
(unlike in Iran or Saudi Arabia) that governs the mode of dress for both men and women
in the Emirates it can be ascertained that the conservative forms of the national dress
denotes religious conservatism.
Data Collection, Part I: The Survey
A survey is a quantitative information collection technique that is used to obtain
information from respondents. When surveys are given by a researcher they are called
researcher administered surveys and when they are administered by the respondent they
are called self administered surveys or questionnaires (Bogdan& Biklen, 2003). This
study used an online self administered questionnaire. It elicited information regarding
student demographics, reasons for their persistence, future goals and general attitudes
about women and work. The primary reason why this form of data collection was
employed was to increase the response rate by enabling respondents to complete the
questionnaire at any time and any place. This method also allowed the survey to be
administered in large numbers and in an anonymous and private manner that might elicit
more candid and honest responses. Another important advantage to online surveying is
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that it is less costly than traditional paper and pencil ones and the results can be obtained
and analyzed relatively quickly.
The survey used in this study was designed specifically for the target population and
was tailored to answer the research questions posed by the researcher using relevant
literature and the researcher’s own experience as an Emirati educator. It was divided into
three sections. In the first section of the survey, respondents were asked to provide basic
demographic information about themselves such as age, major, the degree they are
pursuing at the institution, parent’s/husband’s educational level and whether they
received financial assistance from social services—this was used as an indicator for
socioeconomic status. This section was created using literature on first generation college
students in the US and the Arab world which showed that the educational level and the
socioeconomic status of parents influence educational and career expectations in
(Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak &Terenzini, 2004; Massialas & Jarrar, 1991). Assistance
from social services was used as proxy for SES because of the researcher’s awareness of
the inappropriateness of asking questions about income in the Emirates.
In the second section of the questionnaire respondents were asked questions related to
their expectations for the future such as whether they intended to graduate from the
institution and seek employment. Respondents were also asked questions related to
influences on their decision making. Questions in this section were drawn from research
done by the World Bank (2004) that showed that women in the Middle East and North
Africa region do not seek employment after obtaining post secondary education because
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of “traditional gender paradigm” in the region that does not allow women to make their
own decisions and restricts their employment opportunities.
In the third and final section participants were asked to rate statements that measured
their general attitudes about women and work such as “a woman’s place is in the home”,
“women should not work in predominately male work environments” and “women ought
to receive the same pay as men for the same work”. A five point Likert scale was used to
rate the level of their agreement or disagreement with these statements. In this section
respondents were also asked to rate certain factors according to how important or
unimportant they believed they were to the employment and career advancement of
Emirati women. Some of the factors listed included “family support”, “flexible work
environments” and “childcare provisions at work”. Statements in this final section were
developed using information acquired through conversations with students during the
researcher’s tenure as an educator in the Emirates. For example, students often
complained that they would like to work but that their fathers or brothers forbid them
from working with men. Others had to discontinue their education or employment
because their husbands did not want them to work or because they had problems with
childcare. The questions in the final section of the questionnaire were designed to obtain
general information about Emirati’s women’s attitudes about work and to identify factors
that they might assist them in accessing and maintaining careers.
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Once the first draft of the questionnaire was developed it was reviewed and modified
repeatedly after obtaining feedback from members of the dissertation committee and
other faculty members both within the department of Higher Education and the college of
Education. The questionnaire was then translated into Arabic and reviewed for accuracy
by faculty members of the Arabic department at TC. It was then piloted online using a
group of twenty students, modifications were made upon receipt of student feedback and
it was then sent to all junior and senior students at both institutions along with
information about the study, an interview recruitment script and a disclaimer form. All
information that was sent out to students was in both English and Arabic and these
documents were reviewed by the Department of Institutional Research at UU and
approved by the Human Subjects committee at the University of Arizona. A total of 1476
students (all juniors and seniors) received the email soliciting survey completion at the
two institutions. The questionnaire response rates were 19% at UU and 29% at TC, with a
total response rate of 25%. Table 3.1 presents the number of students that received the
email and those that responded.
Table 3.1 Questionnaire Response Rates
Sent
Responded
Response Rate
Technical College (TC)
1013
289
28.5%
Urban University (UU)
436
84
19.3%
Total
1476
373
25.2%
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Quantitative data analysis techniques
Data from the questionnaire was generated in Excel format and was moved to SPSS
12.0. through which it was analyzed after all variables were identified and values were
entered and repeatedly rechecked to ensure accuracy. The researcher was able to use all
the data generated because the questionnaire was programmed so that only questionnaires
which had 60% or more of questions answered were saved. The surveys from the two
institutions were initially run separately to determine the unique characteristics and
attitudes of each student population. Descriptive statistics and Chi-squares were run to
determine if differences were of statistical significance and to gain an understanding of
the similarities and differences between the two student groups. The data were later
combined and run together to provide an overview of the entire sample.
Data Collection, Part II: Interviews
Interviews are used in research to provide in depth information about a particular
issue or answer specific research questions ((Marshall & Rossman, 1999). They can also
be described as “a conversation with a purpose” (Kahn& Cannell, 1957). The study used
a modified version of Seidman’s phenomenological interview style. This method was
modified into a single interview during which a life history, the purpose of higher
education to participant and what they hope to achieve in the future were explored. Semistructured interviews or an interview guide approach was used to gain insight into the
reasons for the disconnect between the educational levels attained versus the employment
rates of Emirati women. The use of the interview guide allowed the researcher to provide
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some structure to the interview process while remaining open to pursuing topics that the
participants brought up. (Cannell & Kahn, 1983).
The interview questions were developed by the researcher in a manner similar to that
of the survey. That is, the interview schedule was developed with the research questions
in mind and using the literature presented in Chapter Two and the researcher’s personal
experiences with young Emirati women. Literature on the importance of family in the
Middle East and the researcher personal knowledge and experience as an Emirati led to
the development of various questions related to participants perceptions about how their
families viewed educational and occupational aspirations. Literature on social networks
helped to formulate questions related to types of networks participants belong to, and the
kinds of benefits provided each network. The schedule was reviewed by committee
members and then piloted and modified to ensure that the information sought could be
obtained.
The final version of the interview instrument contained twelve basic questions. Follow
up probes varied from one interviewee to another and depended on individual responses
to questions. I refrained from stopping participants when they were speaking as that is
viewed as a sign of disrespect in Emirati culture. The first portion of the interview
involved introductions and answering any questions the interviewee had about the study
or the interview. The next step involved asking the interviewees to complete the
demographic portion of the survey, followed by a discussion of the responses. This
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allowed the interviewee to stop focusing on the tape recorder, which was a source of
anxiety for some because they felt uncomfortable with being recorded. I was able to
reassure participants that the tapes would be reviewed only by the researcher and that no
individual whom could identify them by listening to the tapes could have access to them.
I also spent the first few minutes chatting and making small talk, with the participant. I
found that this technique to be useful in building rapport and in presenting the interview
as an informal chat.
The first question on the interview guide was “tell me about yourself and your
family?” This question allowed the participant to provide the researcher with a glimpse of
their life history and family structure (Seidman, 1998). It was usually followed up with
questions relating to the number of siblings in the family, their educational levels and
whether or not they were employed. I believe this part to be the most important question
on the interview schedule because it allowed me to obtain a broad overview of the
participant’s life and their perceived position within it. For example, they always
identified their birth rank- “I’m the fourth” or mentioned if they were the only daughter
or the eldest daughter etc.
More specific questions related to expectations and social networks were explored.
Those related to expectations explored why they were in college, what they hoped to
achieve, how they thought their families and society viewed their goals etc (e.g.: “can
you explain why you decided to pursue higher education?”, “what are your goals for the
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future?”, “under what circumstances would you change your plans?”). Questions aimed
at obtaining information related to social networks were preceded by a brief definition of
social networks---“the relationships an individual has with family, friends, co-workers,
neighbors, and people in groups to which the person belongs” (Kilduff & Tsai, 2003)
(e.g.: who are the people in your social network?, can you draw a diagram of the people
in your network? Can you rank these individuals/groups depending on how influential
they are in your educational decision making? who would you ask for assistance in
securing employment?). Questions from this section were drawn from the theoretical
framework and from my experiences is an educator in the UAE where I met students who
complained about the tyrannical control that brothers had over educational and
employment decisions. Identification and ranking of individuals/groups in order of
importance could shed light on the occurrence of this phenomenon.
Due to the exploratory nature of the study and because the researcher wanted to
ensure that the interviewees’ were given the opportunity to provide any additional
information, the final question was structured to allow participants to add anything to the
discussion or to present any other question they believed I should have asked. Leading
questions were avoided and responses were clarified throughout the interview process
(Seidman, 1998).
I had initially intended to interview family members to help map the social networks
of participants and to assess family expectations for their daughters. However, the
participants objected to their families being interviewed because they didn’t feel
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comfortable permitting me into their homes. Some mentioned that they wouldn’t even
mention the interview to their families because what they did in school was irrelevant to
their lives at homes. This separation between the public realm of the university and the
private realm of the home is not uncommon in the Middle East where there is a strong
emphasis on the preserving the dignity and privacy of the family to all outsiders and
avoiding any critique of the family.
A total of twenty one participants were interviewed-eleven from TC and ten from UU.
At TC participants were recruited through classroom visits in which the researcher
presented her research project to students and selected students that were willing to be
interviewed. This technique was suggested by campus administrators who reported a low
response rate to email requests for interviews. Participants from the UU were selected by
an administrator from/through the student council because of the difficulty faced by the
researcher in gaining access to students from all colleges within the university and the
poor response rate to interview requests that went out with the questionnaire. Interviews
were all conducted in person and lasted for approximately ninety minutes. All
participants chose to speak Arabic during the interview although some English was used.
A signed Arabic/English consent was obtained from participants. All interviews were
recorded and transcribed by the researcher.
Table 3.2 provides the background characteristics of the participants. The names used
for the participants are pseudonyms chosen by them for the purpose of this study.
Assistance from social services is a proxy for socioeconomic status, which means that
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students that receive social services assistance are likely to be of lower income than those
who do not receive assistance.
Table 3.2: Summary of background characteristics
College/Major
Father’s
education/occupation
Mother’s
education/occupation
Assistance
from
social
services
Residence
Salha 21yrs
Health
Sciences/Health
Information
Management
Elementary
School/Military
Elementary School/
Homemaker
Yes
With both
parents
Azza
21 yrs
Health
Sciences/
Medical
laboratory
Technology
Elementary education/
Military
No formal
education/Homemaker
Yes
Father
deceasedlives with
mother &
siblings
Mona
20 yrs
Health
Sciences/
Health
Information
Management
No formal
education/Postal
Worker- Deceased
Elementary School/
Homemaker
Yes
Father
deceasedlives with
mother &
siblings
Shaima
22 yrs
Education
Elementary School/
Civil servant
No formal
education/Homemaker
Yesmother
gets
assistance
estranged
from
husband
who has
another
wife
Married
lives with
husband
Sara
20 yrs
Education
Some post secondary/
Businessman
Bachelor’s
degree/Homemaker
No
Married
lives with
husband
Name /Age
Technical
College
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Asma
22 yrs
Information
Technology
Intermediate
School/Civil ServantDeceased
Elementary
School/Homemaker
Yes
Father
deceased
lives with
mother
and
siblings
Yasmine
22 yrs
Information
Technology
Elementary
School/Store owner
No formal
education/Homemaker
No
Lives with
both
parents
Maryam
22yrs
Business/Fin
Services and
Banking
No formal education/
Military
Intermediate
school/Homemaker
Yes
Father has
another
wife.
Lives with
mother
and
brother
Ayesha
21yrs
Business
No formal
education/postal
worker
Intermediate
school/Homemaker
No
Lives with
both
parentsEngaged
Maitha
21 yrs
Graphic Arts
Bachelor’s
degree/owns a
advertising
&marketing firm
Some post secondary/
was a preschool teacher
No
Lives with
both
parents
Aliya
22 yrs
Graphic Arts
Some post secondary
education/administrat
or at oil company
Secondary school/Clerk
postal service
No
Lives with
motherparents
are
divorced
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75
Education
Intermediate
school/civil servant
No formal
education/Homemaker
Yesparents
receive
assistance
Married
lives with
husband’s
family
Hamda
23 yrs
Education
Intermediate
school/Policeman
Secondary school
No
Lives with
both
parents
Salma
21yrs
Information
Sciences
Bachelors
degree/Marine
Biologist
Some post
secondary/preschool
teacher
No
Lives with
both
parents
Amal
24 yrs
Information
Sciences
Elementary
school/civil servant
Elementary
school/Homemaker
No
EngagedLives with
both
parents
Shurooq
20 yrs
Family Sciences
No formal
education/civil servant
Intermediate
school/Homemaker
No
Lives with
both
parents
Hind
21yrs
Biological
Chemistry
Secondary
school/store owner
Intermediate
school/Homemaker
No
Lives with
both
parents
Maysoon
21yrs
Communication
and Media
Sciences/Integra
ted Marketing
Bachelor’s degree/self
employed
businessman
Elementary
school/Homemaker
No
Married
lives with
husband’s
family
Jawaher
21yrs
Communication
and Media
Sciences/Integra
ted Media
Secondary school/ex
military-deceased
Bachelor’s degree/
Social worker
No
Engagedlives with
motherfather is
deceased
Layla
22 yrs
Social and
Behavioral
Sciences
Elementary
school/Driver
Elementary
school/Homemaker
No
Lives with
both
parents
Lubna
21yrs
Business/Accou
nting
Graduate degree in
law/Attorney
Bachelor’s degree/high
school teacher
No
Lives with
both
parents
Urban
University
Reem
21yrs
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No published research has been found on the demographic characteristics of Emirati
college students and the institutions studied do not collect demographic data (which was
the case in TC) or they do not wish to share it with the researcher (true for UU).
However, using the survey data from this study it can be ascertained that the participants
are representative of the student populations at both institutions in terms of age, parental
educational levels. Table 3.2 shows that 74% of students were between the ages of
eighteen and twenty one and the remaining 26% were between the ages of twenty two
and twenty five. Respondents at UU were more represented in the twenty two to twenty
five age group. This was also noted in the participant group, with more UU in the older
age group.
Table 3.3: Age distribution of survey respondents
Age %TC %UU % Combined data
18-21 81
51
74
22-25 18
49
26
As presented in the tables 3.4 and 3.5, the majority of students in both institutions
were first generation college students, which was also congruent with the interviewee
sample. However, these tables also show that UU parents had higher levels of post
secondary education compared to TC parents which was also found to be the case in the
participant group.
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Table 3.4: Comparison of survey respondents fathers educational levels
Father’s educational level %UU %TC %Combined data
No formal education
31
21
23
Elementary school
13
25
23
Intermediate school
11
16
15
Secondary school
14
23
21
Some post secondary
4
6
5
Bachelor's
22
4
8
Graduate degree
5
5
5
Table 3.5: Comparison of survey respondents mothers educational level
Mother’s educational level %UU %TC % Combined data
No formal education
29 34
33
Elementary school
17 28
25
Intermediate school
8 16
14
Secondary school
30 16
19
Some post secondary
7
3
4
Bachelor's
7
2
3
Graduate degree
2
0
1
I assumed that the socioeconomic status of students at UU would be significantly
higher than those at TC, because both UU campuses are located in the two largest and
most affluent cities where as TC is located in the Northern Emirates and is the institution
of choice for students from more distant and less urban communities. However, results of
the survey revealed only a slight difference between the two institutions in terms of social
service assistance, with 20% of TC respondents receiving assistance compared to 18% at
UU (see table 3.6). The participant group reflected the predicted difference in
socioeconomic status more accurately with six of the eleven participants from TC (55%)
stating that they receive financial assistance compared to one of the ten at UU (10%).
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Table 3.6: % of respondents who receive financial assistance from social services
Assistance from social services %TC %UU %Combined data
Yes
20
18
20
No
80
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Qualitative data analysis techniques
As recommended by Lincoln and Guba (1985) data from the interviews were
analyzed inductively by reading and rereading the transcripts and underlining comments
believed to be relevant. The next step was the creation of a profile of each participant
using the research questions. The purpose of the profile was to present and maintain the
voice of the participant so that the researcher can learn from hearing and studying what
the participants are saying (Seidman, 1998). The subsequent reading and rereading of the
profile led to the identification of concepts, influences, terms and phrases used to develop
themes and categories (Charmaz, 2003). These themes and categories were ranked
according to their frequency, those that overlapped were collapsed. This study used three
of Bogdan & Biklan’s (2003) coding categories to help with coding the data. These codes
were assigned depending on the nature of the questions posed in the study. “Situation”
codes were assigned to the first group of questions relating to reasons for pursuing higher
education and what they hoped to gain from their education. The aim of situation codes
is to combine and illustrate units of data that allow the researcher to gain insight into the
participants’ worldview in relation to phenomena of interest. “Participant’ ways about
thinking about people” was the second category under which codes were assigned. This
family of codes was used to provide information about the participants’ understanding of
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how their families and society viewed their career choice and future goals. The third and
final coding category was “social structure” under which the researcher placed all
information relating to the types of social networks the participants belonged to and
whether or not they perceived these networks as important to their educational and
employment decision making.
Limitations
1. The study focused on juniors and seniors and did not include representatives from all
levels which could have been helpful to detect differences in educational and
occupational expectations throughout the undergraduate experience. Including other
groups of students could have also helped to identify the influence of schooling on
decreasing or increasing the aspirations of these young women.
2. Data was collected over a four week period in May and June, very close to the end of
the academic year (the academic year ends the last week of June). Although I do not
believe that the timing had an influence on participant responses perhaps I could have
gotten a better survey response rate if I had conducted the survey at an earlier time.
3. The fact that I am a western educated Emirati woman may have caused some
participants to question my motives. Women in the Arab world are skeptical of the
women educated in the west because they perceive that they may be pushing the western
feminist agenda. Feminism as it is known in the West does not sit well with the majority
of women in the Middle East because it is perceived as the primary method employed by
both academe and the media to demerit and tarnish Arab and Islamic culture (Ahmed,
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1992). To limit the effects of this assumption, I chose not to use feminist theories but
other constructs in the literature to attempt to explain the disconnect between education
and employment for Emirati women. I also made a conscious effort to listen very
carefully to the voices of the women who are the primary audience to whom this project
is addressed.
4. Implicit knowledge of the culture may have led me to omit or ignore details went
translating the data. On the other hand, Brayboy and Dehyle (2000) consider being an
insider as an distinct advantage and they argue that both insiders and outsiders should
guard against lack of objectivity in gathering, analyzing and reporting data by being
aware of their positionality in relation to the participants.
5. The study focused on participants from two institutions thereby limiting the ability to
generalize the results to all Emirati women in higher education.
6. Although the study used both quantitative and qualitative methods to collect data, in
both cases it relayed on self reporting which is a technique that may be problematic
because participants may not be candid in their responses.
Data Presentation
The next chapter will present a brief overview of the life histories of the participants’
to reveal the factors that shape the lives of these young women and affect their
educational and career aspirations. In Chapters Five and Six the researcher will weave the
quantitative and qualitative data together to present the reasons for the disconnect
between education and employment for Emirati women using the research questions to
organize and present findings. Constructs presented in Chapter One and literature
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presented in Chapter Two will be referred to throughout to help explain participant
responses.
Chapter Five will present findings related to the educational and occupational
expectations of participants along with their perceptions of how their families and society
view their goals and their general attitudes about work and ideal work environments.
Chapter Six will present all findings relating to the types of networks that the participants
belong to and the influence exerted by the networks in participant decision making and
access to employment. The voices of the participants will be presented throughout the
study to ensure that their voices are heard. In their article “Insider-Outsider” Brayboy &
Deyhle (2000) discuss the importance of using the participants own words because it
allows the participant to give their analysis of what is going on.
Finally, Chapter Seven will provide a discussion of the data in relation to research
questions and the theoretical framework. Research and practice implications will also be
presented.
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CHAPTER FOUR: THE PARTICIPANTS
This chapter will present a brief overview of the participants with a particular
emphasis on the demographic and family characteristics and parental educational levels.
The data was gathered to enable the researcher a glimpse into the home environment and
to determine influences on educational and occupational decision making. It is also
important because in the United States parental education and father’s job prestige are
associated with college attendance and persistence (Hout, Raffery & Bell, 1992).
Family Characteristics
The participants were between twenty and twenty-five years of age, with an average
age of twenty-one years. They had between five and fourteen siblings, with an average of
seven. The participants were particular about mentioning their birth rank which was not
unusual considering the pyramidally hierarchal nature of the family in the Arab world.
Those that were the eldest usually mentioned the importance of being role models to
younger siblings while those that had many older siblings complained of having to obtain
feedback from numerous siblings to make decisions.
“I have one brother and eight sisters of whom I’m the eldest. I want to have a
higher education degree to be successful-- And also because I ‘m the eldest in my
family and want to set a good example for my sisters----- I think that my sisters
look up to me and want to be like me”- Salha
“I’m the youngest of eleven children --------It’s difficult being the youngest in a
large family because everyone tells me what to do. I really want to get a Masters
degree in the UK but all ten of my siblings and my mom have a say in what I
should or shouldn’t do. Some of them think I’m too young and inexperienced and
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83
that I wouldn’t be able to handle being alone overseas others are supportive and
they encourage me”- Azza
The participants’ socioeconomic status was ascertained based on whether or not the
family received financial assistance from social services. In the UAE only widows, the
elderly/disabled and the working poor (particularly those that have many children)
receive such assistance. Seven of the twenty-one (30%) participants in the study stated
that their families received such assistance. In all the cases the parents’ had less than a
nine grade educational level. Six of the seven attended TC and resided in the northern
emirates. As presented in chapter one, Dubai and Abu- Dhabi are the two richest
emirates and the largest contributes to the federal budget.. The other five northern
emirates have very little oil or gas and are largely dependent on the federal government
funding for education, health and safety. They also have higher percentage of lower
income groups because of the relatively cheaper cost of housing and lower wages.
In five of the seven low income families the father was absent from the household. In
three cases the father was deceased and in the other two cases the father had another wife
and was estranged from the participant’s mother. In the two families which the father was
present the reason for receiving assistance was that the fathers did not make enough
money to support their large families which consisted of ten to twelve children.
In four of the five families in which the father was absent the male siblings took
over the responsibility of the economic upkeep of the family. Some participants felt
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guilty because they were able to get an education because of the sacrifices of their
siblings. However, the young women in this study viewed their roles as financial
contributors to their family as temporary and not viable after marriage. Two examples are
presented below:
“There are three girls and two boys in my family; I’m the fourth child. Only the
youngest who is a boy is still in school, all my other siblings have high school
diploma’s and are employed (brother and two sisters).My father died four years
ago so my brother and sister support the household. My brother is married and he
and his family live with us. I’m the first to go to college in my family--I plan to
get my higher diploma this semester and work right away because I really feel bad
about not contributing to the household and supporting myself. All my older
siblings went to work after high school and didn’t go to college so that they could
survive and so they that they could help us. I feel its time for me to contribute I’m
twenty years old now and I haven’t worked a day in my life. I really want to
complete my bachelor’s degree but I’m torn between what I want to do and what I
need to do to help my family. If my second sister gets married like the first one
then she can’t contribute to the household and help my brother out like she’s
doing right now---she’ll have her own family to take care off and maybe she
wouldn’t work anymore like my eldest sister did after she got married------because her husband wanted her to stay home and take care of their baby. But you
see my brother is married and has twin daughters, his wife doesn’t work and so he
really needs help”- Mona
“I have four brothers and I’m the only girl in our household, I’m also the eldest.
My father left my mother and married another woman many years ago. I have
four sisters and two brothers from my dad’s side. My mother had to get social
service assistance to raise us because my father gave us very little to live on. I am
the first to go to college in my family. Three of my younger brothers are working
to help my mom and the youngest one is still in elementary school. One of my
brothers got a job right after high school and the other two never finished high
school when they started working. I’m the only girl and my mother didn’t want
me to leave school and work.----she thinks it’s really important for me to get an
education. She never wants me to lead the life of dependence that she led.----- My
brothers take care of my mother and although I’ll help my mom after I start
working, they all understand that that I have my own family now”- Shaimamarried with one child
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Only one participant stated that in her family female siblings contributed more of
their earning to the household than her male siblings. She attributed that to the fact that
four of her six female siblings were not married and lived at home while the male siblings
were all married and lived outside the home. The fact that her sisters did not marry did
not sit well with this participant, she stated that her sisters were from an era when many
Emirati women placed education and employment before marriage. The economic role
for the support of the family was blamed for what the participant called “loss of
femininity”. The following paragraph presents Azza’s story:
“I’m the youngest of eleven children, my father died when I was four years old.
My mother never had any formal education other than learning to read the Koran.
My dad had some elementary school education--------- approximately three or
four years. I have four brothers and six sisters. My eldest sister has been married
for a long time, she has a high school diploma and works at a women’s
association. The second and third are also females and they both have degrees in
social work from UAEU and are both employed as social workers. The fourth is
also female and she has a degree from Kuwait University in health care
administration and she now runs the radiology dept. of a major hospital. The fifth
is a male and he went into the military after high school but is now completing a
distance degree. The sixth is also male, he didn’t finish high school—and is in the
military. Both the seventh and eighth are females—one has a bachelors degree in
the humanities and the other has a MBA from the UK. The ninth and tenth are
both males and in the military and I’m the youngest. My mother receives some
assistance from social services but it’s very little now that I’m the only one that is
not working, so my sisters contribute to household expenses. Four of six sisters
are not married----I think they were deceived by the movement towards
education. It was new at their time, women getting an education seemed very
romantic and so they put marriage aside until it was too late. They are now in
their late twenties, and late thirties. I think women can have it all----why not? I
want to be able to get married and get an education and work. I would change my
plans if my future husband didn’t want me to get a Masters from overseas. I
would try and get one here. Marriage is really important in our society and there is
no use denying that ------it’s the main reason they (my sisters) are bitter now ---they feel cheated. They are angry and they are constantly trying to be men and
they resent that. They never tell me that they are angry or bitter but I know they
are because of the aggressive way in which they behave. I’m so aware of the loss
of femininity in my sisters that I’m determined that I don’t want to be like them---
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-I don’t know perhaps it’s the hardship and the responsibility that they took on
that made them that way”- Azza
Of the twenty-one participants only four were married (19%). Two of the husbands
had bachelors degrees and the other two had high school diplomas (one of the two was
attending Community College through his employer). Of the seventeen participants that
were not married, ten lived with both parents (59 %), three lived with mother and siblings
because the fathers were deceased (18%), two lived with mothers because the father had
other wives (12%) and one lived with her mother who was divorced (6%).
Three of the four married students had lived with their in-laws in the same household
at some point. One of these three participants stated that she had a lot of problems with
her mother-in-law, who believed that she needed to stay at home and take care of her son
and grandson instead of going to college.
“My husband’s family have not been supportive, his mother in particular has not
been very happy with my husband’s willingness to allow me to continue my
education after we got married and particularly after the birth of my son. She
wanted her son to marry someone who would stay home and focus on taking care
of him. She’s not that way about her daughters----they’re all in college and she
wants them to get an education but she wouldn’t extend that to me. I had to move
out of her family’s home because she was beginning to influence my husband
negatively-----I almost had to quit school at one time. I’m so much happier now
that I don’t live with them”- Shaima
The other two stated that they did not have any problems with their in-laws and they
generally stayed out of the couple’s business.
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“I have my own quarters and so I don’t interact with them too much because I’m
at school for most of the time. They don’t really interfere in our life either so I
haven’t had any problems at all”
“My husband is the eldest and he helps to take care of his family. Unlike his
sisters who went to university right after high school, he had to work and help to
support them. He’s working on a diploma at one of the junior colleges in the
evenings ------Both my husband and his family want me to get an education and
to work----I get along well with all of them”.
Parents Education and Occupation
As presented earlier the majority (71%) of the participants were first generation
college students. Only six of the twenty-one participants (29%) had at least one parent
with some post-secondary qualification. In all but one of the six, both parents had some
post secondary qualification and only one parent (a father) had a graduate degree. Among
the remaining fifteen participants, 67% of mothers and 62% of fathers had not completed
tenth grade. Thus, the majority of participants came from homes where there was no
patterning for higher education.
It was interesting to note that the educational level of the parents’ had a direct
relationship to the educational level of male siblings. In other words, all participants
whose parents had some post secondary qualification stated that their male siblings were
either currently pursuing higher education or had obtained some post-secondary
qualification. First generation participants who were not low income had a higher number
of female siblings who were either currently enrolled in higher education institutions or
had obtained a post secondary qualifications compared to their male siblings. In
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88
comparison to both groups (second generation college students and first generation
students who were not low income) low income participants had the lowest educational
levels for siblings generally but more so for male siblings because they joined the
workforce to contribute to their households.
Eight of the twenty-one participants stated that their father’s were civil servants (38%),
six were in the military (29%), four owned their own businesses (19%), two were postal
workers (10%) and one was a policeman (5%). Only five participants (24%) stated that
their mothers worked. Of the five, three were teachers, one did clerical work and one was
a social worker at a school.
Educational Experiences
Twenty of the twenty one participants (95%) attended a public high school prior to
enrolling in higher education. Only one participant had attended a private high school and
was proficient in English upon enrolling in college. Arabic is the language of instruction
in the public school system and although English is taught as a second language from
fourth grade through high school, students in all public institutions undertake two
semesters of English instruction prior to enrolling in freshman classes. Successful
completion of English is a prerequisite for entry into the first year of college. Some of the
young women in the study were critical of the English instruction they received in high
school and believed that it did not prepare them adequately for the college experience.
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89
“I had so many years of English in school but I didn’t really benefit from it.
Everything I said or wrote in English was wrong when I first came to college. I
didn’t even understand what the English teacher was saying because he spoke
English differently from the way I’m used to hearing it-------- I think he was from
Australia” – Mona TC
“I’m hopeful that the new curriculum changes that the ministry of education is
now applying will make it easier for future generations because it’s such a waste
of time to study English for an entire year. I have friends that haven’t been able to
get the TOEFL score the university requires and who just didn’t want to keep
trying”- Hamda UU
Two participants from UU spoke of the lack of role models among faculty and a
perceived sense of insecurity about the quality of education that they were receiving
because of comments made by faculty members about their potential for graduate
education.
“-------I guess what I’m trying to say is that I’m not against working but I’m
particular about where I want to work-----for example, I’d love to teach and do
research in a university like this one but I don’t know what’s its like and I can’t
even ask anyone----you know someone like me. There are no Emirati women
faculty here at UU and I think it’s a shame because it would be nice to see an
Emirati woman teaching science and doing research at the university” – Hind –
Biological Sciences Major
“When I ask faculty about which graduate programs in the US or the UK I should
apply to. They often make comments about how difficult it will for me to go to
graduate school because what we do here is so watered down. They make it sound
like graduates from universities in the UAE can’t make it in the West because our
education is not as rigorous” – Salma- Information Sciences
Summary
The young women who volunteered to take part in this study were from large families
and had similar educational experiences prior to attending college. In the majority of the
families the father was the primary breadwinner. Only 24 % of mothers were employed
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90
and the majority worked in schools. When the fathers were absent from the household
due to death or estrangement from the family, the participants’ spoke of the sufferings of
their mothers and the sacrifices of their older mainly male siblings. A higher educational
level of male siblings was noted among participants whose parents had some post
secondary education.
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CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS PART ONE
EDUCATIONAL AND CAREER EXPECTATIONS
The next three chapters will present the findings and conclusions of this exploratory
study of the disconnect between education and employment for Emirati women. This
chapter will present findings from both quantitative and qualitative data that illustrates
the meaning/purpose of higher education to the participants along with an overview of
their career expectations and the factors that they identify as helping or hindering their
goal achievement. Chapter six will be devoted to social networks and chapter seven will
summarize findings and discuss the implications of the study for research and practice.
The researcher will use the research questions to present findings and will intersperse
both qualitative and quantitative data using relevant quotations from participants to allow
the reader to hear the voices of the participants (Bogdan & Biken, 2003).
Why do Emirati women pursue higher education?
In coding and categorizing participant responses to this question from the participant
profiles, four reasons for pursuing higher education were identified:
•
Education as a family expectation for social and economic mobility
•
Education as an “insurance policy” or “weapon”
•
Education to achieve a set goal
•
Education as an acceptable thing to do
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The most common response by the participants to the question “why did you choose
to pursue higher education?” was family expectation. Thirteen of the twenty-one (62%)
women interviewed stated that they enrolled in a higher education institution because
their families expected them to. Reasons why they believed higher education is important
to their families and particularly their mothers, can be categorized into two groups. First,
higher education is seen as an opportunity for social and economic mobility and parents
want their children to have access to education because they didn’t have access to it.
Second, mothers in particular believed higher education could ensure against future
hardship-“education as a weapon” and “education as an insurance policy”.
Education for social and economic mobility
“I felt that I was capable of doing more with my life and it (HE) was available.
I’m the first in my family to go to college because my siblings all went to work at
the age of 17 or 18 right out of high school and I didn’t want a clerical job that
didn’t pay well, so I decided to get a degree of some sort so that I’ll be more
employable and have a chance of getting better pay”- Mona- father is deceased,
had no formal education and mother has elementary school education.
“I never thought of not going to college. I guess I never had a choice because if I
said that I didn’t want to go my mother wouldn’t have let me. I don’t think that I
would want to stay at home or work with a high school diploma because people
with high school diplomas don’t make any money so I think college is a good
choice- Jawaher-father is deceased, mother has a bachelors degree
“My parents really want us to get an education. They did not have the
opportunity to get an education and so the focused on us and they encouraged us
to pursue an education”- Shurooq- father has no formal education and mother has
an intermediate school education
“In my family it was expected that I join a higher education institution upon
finishing high school. All my sisters went it higher education so I never thought
that I had an option not to pursue higher education”- Azza father deceased, had
elementary school education and mother has no formal education
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This quest for social and economic mobility and the influx of first generation
students into higher education institutions is not unique to the UAE. In the United States
the number of women, minorities, low-income and first generation students in higher
education has been on the rise. In the 1970’s a bachelor’s degree was considered a
passport into the American middle class (Bowles & Gintis, 1976). More recently in a
study by Terenzini (1995) on “First Generation College Students: Characteristics,
Experiences and Cognitive Development” showed that first generation college students
join higher education institutions to gain upward mobility and that higher education
institutions aim to influence policy towards increasing access, to improve social and
economic equity for traditionally disadvantaged groups.
The low educational level of Emirati parents and mothers in particular is an
important reason for their insistence on higher education for their daughters. The parental
education of current students in higher education institutions in the UAE is low compared
to other countries in the western hemisphere because education is relatively new to the
UAE. It was not until many years after the discovery of oil in the early 1960’s that
education became widely accessible. Emirati men had access to education and diverse
employment opportunities well before their female counterparts. Boys schools were
established many years before girls schools, which explains the gap between mothers’
and fathers’ educational levels.
Tables 5.1 and 5.2 compare the parental educational levels of freshmen women in public
four year institutions in the US in 2001(obtained from the Higher Education Institute-
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HERI) to the parents’ educational level of freshman women entering Urban University in
2003.
Table 5.1: Comparison of Father’s educational level HERI* and UU
Father’s educational level
Less than high school
High school diploma
Certificate, diploma, higher diploma
Some college
Bachelor’s degree
Graduate degree
UU
43%
18%
7%
7%
14%
10%
HERI*
12%
27%
4%
19%
23%
14%
Table 5.2: Comparison of Mother’s educational level HERI and UU
Mother’s educational level
Less than high school
High school diploma
Certificate, diploma, higher diploma
Some college
Bachelor’s degree
Graduate degree
UU
58%
20%
7%
3%
9%
2%
HERI*
10%
27%
5%
22%
24%
11%
* Freshman women, Fall 2001, Public Four-Year Colleges
These tables were published with permission from the Office of Institutional Research at UU
As shown above the educational levels of mothers’ at Urban University are much
lower than that of fathers’ compared to the US sample. However among study
respondents, Urban University has a higher percentage of parents’ with bachelors and
graduate degrees compared to Technical College. Among the participant group only six
of the twenty one participants (29%) had a parent with a bachelor’s degree, which
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indicates that most of the students both participants (71%) and respondents are first
generation college students (see tables 3.4 &3.5 in Chapter Two).
Education as an “insurance policy” or “weapon”
“My mother has always said that “your education is your weapon”. I’m lucky that
my husband as been very supportive of my education. ----Our financial situation
as I was growing up and my mom’s inability to obtain respectable employment
was always a driving force for me”-Shaima-mother has no formal education
“She (mother) sees education as really important for all of us because she says I
live at home now and all my needs are taken care off, but who knows what will
happen in the future. Perhaps it wouldn’t remain that way and there’ll be a time
when I’ll really need to depend on myself----who knows what could happen in the
future and so she says education is kind of an “insurance policy for the future”.
She always says that if she had an opportunity to be educated her life might have
been very different”- Asma – mother has an elementary school education
Only two of the twenty-one participants’ responses clearly fit the “Education as an
insurance policy or weapon” category. The lower educational attainments of Emirati
mothers (presented in the tables above) due to their lack of access to education could be
the cause for their insistence on education for their daughters. Another reason why
mothers in particular are emphasizing education, is that education could mean less
dependence on husbands’ for financial support can be very beneficial in cases of divorce,
abandonment or widowhood. With the high divorce rate (33%) among Emirati’s
documented in the literature it is surprising that only two participants provided comments
that fit this category.
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The first two categories are consistent with Holland & Eisenhart’s (1990) theme of
school work for “Getting over” which was the most common reason for pursuing and
persisting in higher education cited by women in their study. The authors used this theme
to illustrate that going to college and getting through was important because it led to a
degree that could be used to secure employment. The young Emirati women in this group
were expected to access higher education and encouraged to persist so that they could
better themselves.
Education to achieve a set goal
The second most common group of responses were related to a more personal drive
to succeed but a lack of support from families. Six of the twenty-one participants (29%)
stated that they entered higher education with a set purpose in mind, to obtain a
degree/qualification in a field that they were drawn to, or that they felt they would be
good at. All six downgraded or changed their majors to something more acceptable to
their parents. According to the participants’ the main reasons for lack of family support
were, distance from the university in which the desired major was offered,
inappropriateness of the career for the young woman’s’ future responsibilities and
financial constraints. The majority of participants spoke of not being able to leave home
to travel overseas or to live in dormitories as the primary reason for their family’s
disapproval.
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“I really wanted to be a dentist and I wanted to apply to the only dental school in
the Emirates which is a private school but my parents didn’t encourage me maybe
because it’s not public and it costs quite a bit. So then I joined (TC), my older
sister was here then so it made sense---she talked me into it. I think she had a
major role in my being here”- Aliya- Graphic Arts major
“I wanted to be a physician but I didn’t want to leave the UAE or join the Dubai
Medical College because I don’t think it has a good reputation. I guess I could
have gone to UAEU but my family encouraged me to go to (UU) and I didn’t
want to leave home either so I stayed. (UU) is close to home and it was offering
science related courses so I enrolled in it. My brother who is a physician didn’t
encourage me to go to medical school because he said-- it’s a difficult career for a
women and it takes her away from her family for long periods of the time”- HindBiological Chemistry
“I wanted to be a physician at first but when my now husband proposed I changed
my mind and decided to do something else. Arts was my second choice after
medicine but then I thought that it may be too narrow and that I might have
problems with finding suitable work so I decided to major in Communication and
Media Sciences instead”- Maysoon- Integrated Marketing Communications major
“I’ve always wanted to do chemistry but my family wouldn’t let me go to UAEU
in Al Ain and live in the dorms so I had no choice but to join (UU). I was always
been attracted to chemistry because my high school chemistry teacher really made
an impression on me and convinced me that chemistry is an important field----now I’m an education major but maybe I’ll teach chemistry”- Reem- Education
major
This group was somewhat similar to Holland and Eisenhart’s work for “Doing Well”
group, who viewed college as a way of gaining recognition for their natural abilities and
skills, but were then discouraged by the grades that they obtained which caused them to
transfer to majors that they perceived to be more manageable. However, the key
difference between the two groups is that unlike the young women in Holland and
Eisnhart’s study Emirati women were not discouraged by their grades. Instead they were
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never given the opportunity to do what they had set out to do because their families did
not permit them to leave home.
The main reason for the family’s insistence that young women remain at home is
closely related to the notion of “honor” which is paternalistic notion that is largely
determined by ones own personal behavior and by the behavior of ones kin. Women’s
behavior in daily life particularly in interactions with men beyond her immediate family
bears heavily on her own personal honor and that of her family. The main reason for
segregation of the sexes and the inability of young Arab women to leave home prior to
marriage is the preservation of the chastity of women and hence family honor (Delaney,
1987, Abu-Lughod, 1999). The following quotes illustrate this concept:
“I was always an A student and I was really good in the sciences----I really
wanted to go to medical school in Ireland. My parents never objected to that when
I was in high school but when I graduated they said that it would not be
appropriate for a young single girl to live alone away from her parents in a foreign
country. They didn’t even think it was appropriate for me to go to the American
University here because its co-educational and they didn’t want me mixing with
men”- Lubna- Accounting major
“I came into higher education wanting to be a social worker. I was really
interested in that field. I started of in the college of Family Studies and then
moved to education ------Family Studies seemed like a dead end because I was
not going to end up being a social worker. My family would never allow me to do
that kind of work, so I moved to education----they liked that because with an
education degree I’d never have to work with men”- Hamda- Education major.
Education as an acceptable thing to do
Two of the twenty-one participants (10%) indicated that higher education was the only
choice that they had since there was nothing else that they could do. One clearly stated
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that her family allowed her to enroll in a higher education institution only because she did
not receive a marriage proposal. The other participant stated that she enrolled in higher
education because she did think that she had the option of doing anything else.
“I was the only daughter that didn’t get married before getting to high school and
I always wanted to get an education so I did---My family don’t really value
education, as a girl my family wanted me to continue going to school because I
didn’t get any marriage proposals if I did I wouldn’t be here today”. Yasmine- IT
major
“Well, like I said it was not a matter of choice for me, my parents expected me to
go to college. I never really thought about not going. I couldn’t travel for a year or
work so education was the only option available to me.”- Sara- Education major
Considering the importance of marriage in the Middle East which is cited frequently
in the literature, and the fact that most participants identified marriage and motherhood
within their goals for the next five years, it is interesting that only one participant clearly
articulated that her family perceived higher education as a waiting station for marriage.
This ambiguity about the role of education in relation to marriage was also illustrated in
responses to the statement “women have a better chance of finding a husband if they have
a college degree” which was posed in the survey. Responses revealed that like in Holland
and Eisenhart’s study women from middle to upper incomes were more likely to pursue
higher education to obtain suitable husbands more so than lower income women. In the
survey 30% of total respondents agreed with the statement, 44% were neutral and 26%
disagreed. There was more agreement among UU (35%) students compared to those at
TC (27%), probably because of the higher socioeconomic status of UU respondents (see
table 3.6).
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This finding would also be consistent with literature that posits that some women
particularly those of middle class seek marriage as a consciously sought alternative to a
career. These women are generally aware of structural inequalities in the occupational
world and they seek husbands in order to be socially and financially secure. By choosing
a husband instead of a career after acquiring an education they know that they can use
their education if they need it.
Table 5.3: Relationship between marriage and college degree
Women have a better chance of finding a suitable
husband if they have a college degree
Strongly agree
Agree
Neutral
Disagree
Strongly disagree
%TC %UU
11
17
46
13
13
11
24
39
19
7
%Combined
data
11
19
44
14
12
What do they intend to do with their degrees?
Participant responses to questions related to where they saw themselves in five and ten
years can be categorized into four themes•
Want it all- want further education, a career, marriage and children. Some were
not sure they could achieve all their goals
•
Work until children- would like to work for a short time but family is the priority
•
Education for nurturing- don’t plan on working but want to continue with
schooling to raise children that can better contribute to society
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•
Work for financial gain and independence -want to work right after graduation to
contribute financially to their households and to achieve financial independence
Want it all
Of the twenty-one participants, nine (43%) said they want to further their education,
establish a career, get married and have children.
“Five year plan---- I see myself with a bachelor’s degree and a good job. I plan to
get a Masters degree after getting my bachelor’s and working for a few years. I
want to start at the bottom and work my way up because I think it’s important to
know what people are doing at the lower level if you want to become a leader. So
five years from now I hope to be in middle management at least and to be
working on my Masters. Ten year plan---- I hope to be a manager by then. In my
personal life—I’ll be married and have kids by then”- Salha- Single
“I want to get my bachelor’s and maybe a Masters degree in Animation or
Marketing. My dad really wants me to get my bachelor’s before working so I
think that’s what I want to do. Finishing my bachelor’s is my most important goal
at the moment. If I can find a job then I’ll work in the mornings and go to school
in the evening. Five year plan: Still working and married---I just don’t see myself
staying at home but who knows, I haven’t really thought about it. Ten year plan:
I’ll have a good career with a few children”- Maitha-Single
“I intend to work---- I also want to get a masters and a doctorate. Five year plan: I
hope to have at least started if not completed a Master’s degree. I hope to have
achieved a high rank in my place of employment. I should have 2.5 children by
then (laugh). Ten year plan: I’ll be working, finished with my Masters and
thinking about the Doctorate”- Sara- Married
Among this group there were some who were not sure if it would be possible for them
to achieve all they intend to achieve. They spoke of the choices they will have to make
between what they want to achieve and their roles as mothers, daughters and wives and
the societal constraints they will face.
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“I really want to get a masters degree in a technology related field but as you
know it’s not available in the UAE and the culture doesn’t really allow for women
to travel overseas, so I’m going to have to do something right here in the
Emirates. If I can get into a suitable Masters program----like maybe get a
scholarship to attend one of the private universities then I’ll go to work. I’d really
like to work in a place where I can keep my skills current because of the nature of
the field IT. Five year plan: I’ll have finished my masters I hope---perhaps I’ll be
working on my doctorate. I’ll be married and I’ll have a career that I can be proud
of. Maybe I’ll be an administrator at one of the local colleges. Ten year plan:
Maybe I’ll be a stay home mom. I mean really how realistic are my goals----sometimes I think they are not realistic for me. What I want is so different from
what my society and sometimes I want. I guess this is confusing but maybe as a
stay at home mom I can help my children achieve what I couldn’t achieve”Salma- Single
“Five year plan: I’ll be an employee but not in a bank at least not with costumers.
I want to be in corporate banking which is very different from retail banking. I
would like to do something in corporate banking but I know that I can’t because
the hours are so long and its an intense job which wouldn’t allow me to perform
all my duties as a daughter, wife, mother etc. Ten year plan: I hope to establish
my own business and work for myself which will allow me to set my own
schedule and spend more time taking care of my family. I’d love to do it
(corporate banking) but I also know it’s not feasible for me”- Ayesha- Engaged
The high expectations of Emirati women are consistent with those of other young
women in the Middle East. The literature shows women’s education in the Middle East
has both reproductive and transformative functions. A study of Kuwati high school
seniors revealed that the young women had high expectations for both further education
and employment. Although some wanted to be teachers like their role models at school,
many students aspired to overcome the gender differences in education and employment.
However, the majority of students wished to work in sex segregated environments and
although they valued education to marriage they valued marriage over work. The Kuwaiti
women continuously expressed contradictory attitudes. For example, they stated that they
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highly valued motherhood and saw motherhood as a primary role for women but that they
also valued careers and financial independence (Massiaslas & Jarrar, 1991).
This ambiguity was also seen in this study as evidenced by survey respondents’
agreement with statements related to the role of women. In response to the statement “A
woman’s place is in the home”, twenty three percent of total respondents were in
agreement, twenty nine were neutral and forty eight percent disagreed. The difference
between the institutions in response to this question was statistically insignificant (see
table 5.4). However in response to the statements “As heads of households men should
be given greater work opportunities”, seventy four percent of total respondents were in
agreement, eleven percent were neutral and only fifteen percent disagreed (see table 5.5).
This response is congruent with the gender paradigm gives males authority over the
public sphere and situates them as the primary wage earners in the family unit.
Responses to the statement “Women ought to receive the same pay as men for the same
work”, showed that the majority seventy two percent were in agreement, thirteen percent
were neutral and while fourteen percent disagreed (see table 5.6). More respondents from
TC (17%) disagreed with the notion of pay equity for men and women compared to only
6% from UU. In contrast the vast majority (67%) agreed that women should be allowed
to run public and private corporations (see table 5.7).
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Table 5.4: Role of women
A woman's place is in the home %TC %UU %Combined data
Strongly agree
14
5
12
Agree
9
17
11
Neutral
28
30
29
Disagree
18
29
20
Strongly disagree
31
19
28
Table 5.5: Access to work
Men should be given greater work opportunities %TC %UU % Combined data
Strongly agree
62
27
54
Agree
15
37
20
Neutral
10
15
11
Disagree
5
16
7
Strongly disagree
8
5
8
Table 5.6: Pay equity
Same pay as men for the same work %TC %UU % Combined data
Strongly agree
55
57
55
Agree
14
26
17
Neutral
14
11
13
Disagree
10
5
9
Strongly disagree
7
1
5
Table 5.7: Opportunity to run public and private corps
Women should run public and private corps %TC %UU % Combined data
Strongly agree
39
46
41
Agree
23
35
26
Neutral
26
13
23
Disagree
7
4
6
Strongly disagree
5
2
4
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Other studies in the Gulf Arab states document findings similar to the study of
Kuwaiti high school students with participants presenting ambivalent and somewhat
contradictory responses in relation to attitudes about the role of women. Sanad & Tessler
(1988) found that Kuwaiti women voiced contradictory attitudes about the family,
education and work. For example, the majority supported the economic participation of
women but they also stated that preferential treatment should be given to men in hiring,
pay and promotion.
The literature states that the conflict between modernity and traditionalism is the
main cause of ambiguity which is more pronounced in the Gulf region because of rapid
modernization. The transition from poverty to riches and the change in the status of
women has been rapid and dramatic. The effects of these changes were presented by
Dhaher & Al Salem (1987) in a comprehensive study on Gulf women’s attitudes towards
modernization and their perceived place in society. These authors found that among
women in the Gulf states studied Emirati women believed they had the most equality
with men but their responses to other questions indicated that they were also believed
they had the lest freedom to make decisions concerning their lives.
Work until children
Five of the twenty-one participants (23%) made responses that fit this category. That
is, they intend to work for a short time until they have children. The majority of
participants in this group didn’t see themselves in a career or work situation in the next
ten years.
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“Five year plan---I’ve not thought about it---but I’ll definitely be done with
school, I’ll be married and working. I’ll have a good career by then. Ten year
plan----I don’t plan to work for too long. When I’m done with getting as much
education as I can and I’ve worked for a few years to get some experience then
I’ll probably stay home and take care of my kids”- Asma-Single
“Five year plan: I’ll work for a few years and try and get paid time off to get a
Masters degree. I also hope to get a doctorate eventually. So in five years I’ll
probably still be working on my Masters. I also help to have my second child by
then. Ten year plan: I’ll probably have more kids and who knows where I’ll be
career wise in ten years with a family to take care off. I’ll just be doing whatever
it takes to take care of my family even if that means not working or getting a
doctorate”- Shaima- Married with one child
“Five year plan: I hope to have launched a good career by then-----maybe I’ll
have had a few promotions by then. Hopefully, I’ll be married with a few kids----I
don’t intend to sacrifice my personal life for my professional life. Ten year plan: I
don’t think I’ll be working in ten years if I’m married----I don’t want to have to
work two jobs, one at home and the other at work. Unless maybe if my husband
needed my income and in that case I wouldn’t want anything challenging or time
consuming. I’m realistic and try to be honest with myself so that I would not be
disappointed”- Lubna- Single
Caregiving is primarily a women’s responsibility in most countries of the world. The
literature presented in this study shows that the responses of the young women in this
group are consistent with the traditional gender paradigm in the Middle East identified in
the 2004 World Bank study. This paradigm is based on the notion that men and women
are different biologically and that these differences determine social function. That is,
they have different responsibilities, with men in charge of the public sphere or paid
employment and women in charge of the private sphere or the home. The following quote
illustrates the Emirati women face problems if they fail to balance their primary
responsibilities at home with work.
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“I think many people in our society respect women who work and try and support
their families while taking full responsibility for raising their children and their
households. The woman that fails to maintain her family responsibilities (taking
care of her home, her husband and her children) gets no sympathy from society. I
know that my husband’s family and some of his friends will say that I’ve been in
school for five years and now I’m off to work -----they’ll say I should spend some
time at home with my husband and my son. They ask him why he lets me go to
school, drive and do as I please. But my husband really believes in me and what I
can offer society as a teacher”- Shaima
Education enhances nurturing
Four out of twenty one participants (19%) stated that they don’t want to work or
would not be allowed to work by their families and therefore do not consider employment
as a future goal. All five want to obtain graduate degrees because they believe it will help
them to raise children who can contribute to society. This group like the latter is
consistent with the traditional norms in the Middle East that value the role of motherhood
above any other role.
“None of the women in my family work and it is not something that I can do
while I’m living at home, my family would not approve. Five year plan----I’ll
have a bachelor’s degree, I’ll be married and I’ll have children. I don’t see myself
at work, but I’ll be working on my son’s career. Ten year plan: I see myself as an
educated mother of three children who dedicates her life to helping them achieve
their goals and as an important member of the community through my status as
mother who is raising children that are aware of the world”-Yasmine
The comment made by Yasmine, pertaining to working on her son’s career is another
example of the gender paradigm in the Middle East which places the responsibility of
paid employment on the male and childrearing on the female. Yasmine sees it as her
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responsibility as a mother to ensure that her son has the means to provide for his family.
She also sees her education as an advantage to achieving her nurturing goal.
Other participants in this group also discussed the importance of obtaining an
education to raise children that can benefit society by being better citizens. These
comments are consistent with the revered role of motherhood in the Middle East and the
centrality of the mother’s role childrearing.
“I don’t want to work after I graduate I want to continue going to school. I do not
know what I will do yet but that’s what I want to do. I might even get a second
bachelor’s in something else if I can’t find a graduate program that I like in the
country. I have friends who have done that gone into another field altogether and
got another Bachelor’s. Five year plan: I’ll be married and I’ll be using
everything I learned to help my family”- Shurooq.
“I’ll will probably be a homemaker although I don’t mind working if I need to. I
do intend finish my degree--- because I’m getting married this summer and I have
three semesters to graduate. Five year plan----I’ll be married, hopefully I’ll be
done with school and maybe even go to graduate school, if it’s available in the
UAE. (why?)-- “Education is enlightenment” so I guess that’s one reason, the
other reason is that I see myself as a happy homemaker who can really be an
active member of society by affecting my children and making them better
citizens”- Amal
Work for financial gain and independence
Three participants (14%) stated that they intend to work after graduation and remain
at work for the foreseeable future to assist their families financially and to achieve a
certain degree of independence from the primary wage earner in their family. Two of the
three participants’ receive assistance from social services and in all the cases the father
was not the primary wage-earner.
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“I plan to get my higher diploma this semester and work right away because I
really feel bad about not contributing to the household and supporting myself. All
my older siblings went to work after high school, so that they could survive and
so that they could help us. I feel its time for me to contribute. I’m twenty years
old now and I haven’t worked a day in my life. I really want to complete my
bachelor’s degree but I’m torn between what I want to do and what I need to do to
help my family”- Mona- father deceased- receive assistance from social services
“I want to work right after I get my higher diploma because I need to help my
mom, she doesn’t make a lot of money and I want to help her. Five year plan---I’d like to work in education. So perhaps I’ll be at a place like this. I’m not in a
hurry to get married so I don’t see my life being very different from what it is
now. Ten year plan---Still working probably as a free lancer to give me more
flexibility. I hope to be married –maybe even have a few kids by then”- Aliyaparents divorced- mother is the primary wage earner
The responses of these participants are only partially consistent with literature on low
SES and first generation students in the United States which shows that students with
college-educated parents have better access to human and cultural capital through family
relationships. Consequently, compared to their peers with highly educated parents, firstgeneration and low SES students are more likely to enroll in community colleges, drop
out or experience difficulty in accessing and understanding information and attitudes
relevant to making the right decisions in relation to the importance of obtaining a college
degree (Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak &Terenzini, 2004). The responses are consistent in
that both the young women quoted above decided to work after obtaining a higher
diploma and would not wait for an additional three to four semesters to get a bachelor’s
degree because immediate work and financial independence was important to them.
Unlike non low SES students who were more likely to state that they intended to continue
with their education and obtain bachelors and graduate degrees. The key difference
between low SES students in the US and those in the Emirates is that unlike their
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counterparts in the US, who experience difficulty accessing higher education because of
the lack of both economic and cultural capital. Emirati women of low- income do not
have the economic barrier because higher education is provided free of charge and they
are therefore more likely to access higher education but are still disadvantaged because
they may be forced to exit prior to attaining bachelors degrees.
Data from the questionnaire confirmed interview findings and showed that majority
of respondents (89%) intend to graduate and the same percentage (89%) plan to seek
employment after graduation. Survey respondents also stated that their families supported
their choice to work (91%). As seen below in Table 5.8 a larger percentage of students at
UU intend to graduate compared to respondents for TC. However, a larger percentage of
TC students intend to work upon graduation, have greater family support for work and
plan to remain at work for the foreseeable future.
Table 5.8: Intention of graduate
Intention to graduate %TC %UU %Combined data
Yes
87
96
89
No
3
0
2
I don't know
10
4
9
Table 5.9: Intention to work upon graduation
Intention to work %TC %UU %Combined data
Yes
92
80
89
No
1
1
1
Maybe
7
19
9
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Table 5.10: Family support for work
Family support for work % TC % UU % Combined data
Yes
93
84
91
No
2
7
3
Not sure
5
9
6
Table 5.11: Length of time planned for work
Length of time planned for work %TC %UU %Combined data
For the foreseeable future
93
83
91
Only until I get married
3
8
4
Only until I have children
3
9
5
Three reasons can be found in the data to explain the difference between the two
student bodies and hence their responses. First, students at UU have slightly higher
socioeconomic status than TC students and may therefore be less likely to translate their
education into paid employment (see table 5.9). Second, TC’s strong mission to meet the
markets needs for a technical workforce may draw students that want to use their degrees
in the work place. Finally, the higher parental educational levels of UU participants could
be an important contributing factor in their intention to persist. Studies done in the United
States has shown that parents’ level of formal education was the single most powerful
predictor of persistence and degree attainment (Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak &Terenzini,
2004).
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In comparing responses from women in this study to those studied by Holland and
Eisenhart, similarities and differences emerge. In both studies the socioeconomic status
of the participant had an effect on their future goals. Women from Southern University
(predominately white- middle to upper class) were similar to the participants in the “work
until children” group, in their view that they would give up their careers to raise a family
and that men should provide primary support for the family, while women took care of
the children. Women at Bradford (predominately black and low income) were similar in
their responses to “work for financial gain and to achieve independence” group in their
need to look out for their own economic positions.
Two key differences emerge in relation to future goals between the American women
in Holland and Eisenhart’s study and Emirati women in this study. The first is the notion
of “benefiting the country”, “giving back to society” and “serving my country” which
were mentioned by participants in this study either in reference to work or in reference
for caring for the family but was not discussed by participants in Holland and Eisenhart’s
study. This philosophy of “greater good for all” was presented in the literature as a
phenomenon that is unique to new nation states like the Emirates where there was a clear
and strong link between education and development (Rabo, 2000). The second difference
between the two groups of women is the exceptionally high expectations of Emirati
women. The majority of women in the study, both interview participants and survey
respondents had high educational aspirations. Table 5.12 shows the educational
aspirations of survey respondents, UU students have significantly higher educational
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aspirations which can be explained by the higher educational levels of their parents. The
majority of TC respondents aspire to bachelors degrees because unlike UU from which
students exit with a bachelors degree, TC has numerous programs that don’t lead to a
bachelors.
Table: 5.12 Educational aspirations by institution
Aspired degree %TC %UU % of Combined data
Bachelors
46
11
38
Masters
27
39
30
Doctorate
16
45
22
Post doc
11
5
10
What factors do they identify as important for goal achievement? And what factors
do they perceive as obstacles to goal achievement?
The two most frequently cited factors were marriage and family. Family was generally
perceived to be a source of support, while marriage and childbearing were
overwhelmingly cited as a possible cause of major changes in future plans. As shown
below in table 5.13, 85% of survey respondents confirmed that family support was
important for the career advancement of Emirati women.
“I think family support is the most important thing for achieving educational and
career goals”- Salha
“Family support is really important for me. If my family sees that I’m doing well
in school they’ll encourage me to continue my education”-Asma
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Table 5.13: Importance of family support
Importance of family support for career
advancement
Very important
Important
Somewhat important
A little important
Not important
%TC %UU
72
11
8
3
6
84
10
4
1
1
%Combined
data
75
10
7
2
5
Considering the importance of the family in the Middle East participant responses
related to the importance of family support for educational and career advancement is
expected. The family is viewed as the most important unit in society. Family interests’
overrides individual interest for both men and women and the family has a great deal of
influence on the attitudes and choices of its members (World Bank, 2004)
The availability of childcare and part-time work was also cited as important for goal
achievement by the interview participants and survey respondents (Table 5.14 & 5.15).
The importance of a personal drive to succeed and the need to work hard are also
mentioned by participants as being essential. Data from the survey showed that 88% of
respondents believe in hard work and 69% agree that a personal drive to succeed is
important for career advancement (see tables 5.16 & 5.17 ).
Table 5.14: Flexible work environment
Flexible work environment %TC %UU %Combined data
Very important
60
66
61
Important
23
21
22
Somewhat important
11
11
11
A little important
2
2
2
Not important
4
0
4
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Table 5.15: Importance of childcare provisions at work
Childcare provisions at work %TC %UU %Combined data
Very important
39
45
40
Important
26
25
26
Somewhat important
20
24
21
A little important
8
5
8
Not important
7
1
5
Table 5.16: Willingness to work hard
Willingness to work hard %TC %UU %Combined data
Very important
70
69
69
Important
16
19
19
Somewhat important
4
4
4
A little important
5
4
4
Not important
5
4
4
Table 5.17: Personal drive to succeed
Personal drive to succeed %TC %UU % Combined data
Very important
37
30
36
Important
30.5
43
33
Somewhat important
21
17
20
A little important
6
8
6
Notimportant
5
1
4
Interview participants clearly believed marriage to be the main obstacle to goal
achievement. Some women narrated the stories of mothers, sisters and friends, whom
upon marriage were not able to continue with school or not able to work, either because
their husbands didn’t approve or because they voluntarily gave up their interests for the
interest of the family.
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“From my perspective I think marriage would derail my plans for achieving may
educational goals. I have a firm belief that the woman’s role is to take
responsibility for the children----childrearing is the single most important role that
women can perform in any society. I think it’s a role that’s really important for
the well being of the society as whole. I would stay home to raise my children----perhaps if my kids are older or if I have a lot of free time then I’d work outside
the home”- Yasmine
“Marriage is the one reason that would make me change my plans. I have this
opinion based on what I have seen happen around me-----friends, cousins, and
friend’s sisters all change their minds after they get married and focus on being
good mothers and wives”-Salma
“------Marriage, particularly if my husband is not understanding of my interest in
work or in completing my education. Right now my fiancée is okay with my plans
to work and complete my education but he could change his mind----and so that’s
the only circumstance under which I would change my mind”- Ayesha
Participants’ views of marriage as an obstacle to goal achievement is congruent with
the responsibilities placed on women as wives and mothers and the centrality of male
authority within the household in Middle Eastern society.
What are Emirati women’s perceptions of how their family’s and society view their
career choices and future goals?
Family
Participant responses to questions related to their perceptions of how their families
view their career choice and future goals can be grouped into two categories: Positive and
supportive and Ambivalent. For the participants, the term family was associated with all
the individuals that the participant resided with. Since the majority of participants (89%)
were single the term family is generally associated with at least one biological parent. For
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married participants (19%) the term family included husbands and in-laws. In both cases,
participant responses show that attitudes about education and employment were generally
influenced by the degree of segregation in the job environment and the educational level
of the parents.
Positive and Supportive
The majority of participants who perceived their families to be positive and
supportive of their career choice and future goals were in Education.
“My family and my husband’s prefer teaching because it does not involve any
mixing with the opposite sex”- Reem-UU Education
“My family was happy with my choice to be a teacher because it means that I never
have to work with men”-Sara-TC Education
Participant responses in this section are consistent with the literature on the
importance of gender segregation in the work environment. Studies have shown that the
inability of women to work in close proximity with men is an important factor in the low
labor force participation rates in the Middle East. The acceptability of teaching to
participant families is not surprising because girls’ schools are the only areas that provide
an all female work environment and also because teaching is a public service profession
that is considered socially and culturally acceptable for women (World Bank, 2004).
Participant responses in this category also included participants who were in non
traditional fields but who believed that their families valued higher education and were
therefore positive and supportive of the participant’s career choice and goals. These
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participants were not first generation college students, which shows that parental
educational levels play a role in the perceived value of education and hence the support
provided to participants’. Based on the literature cited in Chapter Two parental education
levels have been linked to higher levels of social and cultural capital and support for
college education (Bourdieu, 1986).
“I think I have a lot of support from my family and friends. I would have gotten a lot
more criticism if I chose not to go school or work. I always did well in school so my
family really encourages me. My dad is really into graphic arts and so he was excited
that I wanted to do that”- Maitha-TC Graphic Arts- Father’s educational level:
Bachelor’s degree- Mother’s educational level: Some post secondary
“My family and my in-laws have always been supportive of my choice of career and
my interest in employment. They value education and see it as important”- MaysoonUU Communication sciences major.- Father’s educational: Bachelor’s degree
Mother’s educational level: Elementary school- Husband’s educational level:
Bachelor’s degree
Ambivalent
Some participants in this category perceived their families as disinterested in their
education and their careers because they viewed education as something that the
participants could use if the need arises.
“My family don’t want me to work. They think since everything is provided for
me, I should have no reason to work. They just don’t see work as necessary for
women. Attitudes about education and work vary among urban and rural
populations. I’m from a rural background and so my family sees education as a
thing that I can use only if necessary”-Amal- UU Information Sciences
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Others in this category use the terms “disinterested” and “they don’t understand”.
This could be due the fact that the majority of participants are first generation college
students and their parents’ lack of knowledge about the experiences and processes of
being in college which alienates them from their daughters.
“My family has never interfered in what I want to do in terms of my education. I
don’t think its fair of me to say that they are disinterested, but I know that they
don’t really understand what I do in college, and if told them that I don’t want to
go any more, they’d be fine with it. I am the first one in my family to go to
university”-Layla- UU Social and Behavioral Sciences
Quantitative data from the survey also illustrated that respondents believed that
their families overwhelmingly support the choice to work (91%). There are differences
among the two institutions in relation to support for employment which was also seen
among participants. UU students had less family support for work compared to TC. This
can again be attributed the higher SES levels of students at UU (see table 3.6).
Society
In response to questions related to societal support it became clear from participant
responses that segregation was an important factor in how positively a career was viewed
by society. The more a career is perceived to involve working with men, the less it is
regarded positively. Teaching reemerged as a profession that is regarded positively and is
encouraged by society:
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“Education is a great profession for women in the UAE. Its encouraged by society
because its service related and women get to deal with children”- Sara- Education
major
‘Teaching is considered a noble profession and its something that he (Husband)
will never be ashamed off”- Shaima- Education major
Not supported and discouraged
Some majors such as Graphic Arts/ Design Arts, Banking and Information
Technology/Sciences were perceived by the participants as “Not supported and
discouraged” generally because of the degree of mixing between the sexes in these fields.
“My friends and particularly my family always say that it would be great if I
could find a place where I won’t have to work with men. They are concerned with
what people may say if I work with men, because it’s really likely in the IT sector.
I don’t really see it as a problem----if I respect myself and dress appropriately
then I don’t anticipate any problems at work”- Amal
“Society doesn’t see graphic arts as a serious profession; they see it as something
women do to pass time, a hobby almost. Maybe because my dad is in a field
where he works with artsy people---he appreciates the arts and understands that
it’s more diverse than people think”- Maitha
Banking in particular was not perceived to be very acceptable because of three
reasons: 1) it involves working with men 2) it involves working with interest which is
prohibited by Islam. Prohibition of interest covers all kinds of interest on money
borrowed or lent, by banks, other corporate bodies or individuals. Employment in a bank
is viewed as inappropriate because it involves assisting the bank in taking interest 3) and
it has long working hours.
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“The UAE is a conservative country and so education is a good choice for a
young woman. It’s respectable unlike a bank as an example where one would
have to deal with clients----education will allow me to practice without any rules
crowding me. I understand society’s discomfort with women being in non
segregated environments because our religion and culture prohibits it---so I
believe it is best for women to remain within the realm of what is considered
acceptable”- Sara
“I don’t think banking is considered a respectable place of employment in the
Emirates. Many families don’t like their daughters to work in banks because they
have to work on Thursday (first day of the two day weekend in the Emirates). The
fact that their income will be tainted with interest money, which is religiously
unacceptable, is another factor. It’s also a private sector job so it’s not as stable as
public sector work and the hours aren’t as good.”- Ayesha
In Transition
Participants in the fields of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Communication and
Media Sciences, Family Sciences and Accounting perceived that societal attitudes about
their career choice were in transition. Either because they were relatively new to the
country or because they believed attitudes were changing.
“Our country has changed so much in the last thirty years------norms and values
have changed that it’s bound to create an impact on the community----Social and
Behavioral Sciences is an important area of study and attitudes are going to
change as more women work in this field”- Layla
“When I first told my friends/cousins that I was doing Accounting they all told
me, it’s a male dominated profession and that I would find it difficult to attain a
career in it. But I just completed an internship at a company and they offered me a
job so I think societal attitudes sometimes lags behind what is actually happening
in real life”- Lubna
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What kinds of work environments do Emirati women prefer to work in?
Responses related to the kinds of work environments the participants prefer to work
in or those that they consider ideal showed that the majority of participants preferred to
work in female only environments or in places where there is very little contact with men
in general and Emirati men in particular. Working with Emirati men posed a unique
challenge for Emirati women because Emirati men were more likely to cause trouble for
young women by gossiping about them to friends or relatives and thus tarnishing their
honor.
“I don’t like working with national men because I’ll have to watch what I say and
wear. It just makes life easier if you don’t have people who could gossip about
you to your friends, neighbors etc. I just wouldn’t be comfortable”- Salma
Working with non Emirati men also posed challenges for women whose families want
them to work in female only environments.
“The ideal job environment for me is one in which I won’t have to work with
men. It’s really important for me because I’ll have a lot of problems with my
family if I work with men. I think this an issue for many Emirati women who
want to work but they have families like mine who forbid them from doing so”Amal
They also stated that the work environment and hours should be flexible to their
needs as wives, mothers and daughters. Government employment was preferred because
of the work hours. “Fair”, “dynamic” and “challenging” were additional adjectives used
to describe what they expected in the work environment.
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“It would be really nice if the headmistress would be understanding of the nature
of life for married women----like if she won’t mind it if I’m occasionally late, or
if I had to take time off to take care of my son if he were sick or something”Shaima
“I’m not worried about the work hours because they (schools) tend to be pretty
stable like from 8am to 3pm at the latest----which are great working hours”Hamda
“I would appreciate it if my boss could understand that differences in martial
status can have an influence on work----I don’t expect to be given less work but I
would appreciate it if they would understand that I have other responsibilities at
home, if I were married and had children”- Shurooq
Results of the survey confirmed the above findings and provided additional insight
into Emirati women’s attitudes about employment. The importance of female only work
environments were corroborated, although not in the strength in which it was stressed by
interview participants. In the response to the statement “Women should not work in
predominately male work environments”, those that agreed with the statement to some
degree (37%) had a slight margin over those that did not agree (35%) and the remaining
(29%) choose to remain neutral.
Table: 5.18: Attitudes towards working with men
Women should not work in predominately male work
%TC %UU
environments
Strongly agree
21
14
Agree
16
21
Neutral
30
23
Disagree
20
29
Strongly disagree
13
13
%Combined
data
20
17
29
22
13
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Government sector jobs were considered ideal for some participants because their
work hours are considered reasonable compared to banks and private sector jobs. This
clear partiality towards public sector employment was also seen among survey
respondents, with 77% of all respondents preferring public to private sector employment.
There were significant differences among the institutions particularly in relation to self
employment, with 13% of UU students citing self employment as a choice compared to
only 2% at TC. This difference can be explained by the lower support for employment
that exists at UU, which may cause students to look to other means of using their
education.
Table 5.19: Choice of work sector
Choice of work sector %TC %UU % Combined data
Public
79
67
77
Private
13
16
13
Self employment
2
13
4
Other- semi-government
6
3
3
Table 5.20: Sector perceived to be better for women
Public sector employment is better for women %TC %UU %Combined data
Strongly agree
26
10
23
Agree
20
29
22
Neutral
34
46
37
Disagree
11
13
12
Strongly disagree
9
1
7
The importance of sex-segregated employment and jobs in the public sectors were
also found to be important in studies done both by international organizations and other
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researchers. The World Bank report (2004) cites the “code of modesty” which calls for
the segregation of men and women in the quest to guard family honor as an important
element in the traditional gender paradigm that inhibits women’s from working.
Studies done on the reasons for female preference for public sector employment showed
that egalitarian hiring policies, liberal family and maternity leaves and the stability of
employment in the sector were the key reasons for the increased representation of women
(Doumato, 1992; Longva, 1993; Seikely, 1994).
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CHAPTER SIX: FINDINGS PART II SOCIAL NETWORKS
What role do the social networks of Emirati women play in their educational
attainments and labor force participation?
The importance of family was cited repeatedly by both interview and survey
participants as being crucial in the lives of Emirati women. Families were generally
portrayed as a source of support, but they were at times perceived as an obstacle that
limited participant career aspirations. Therefore it came as no surprise that both interview
and survey participants cited family as the single most important network they belonged
to and confirmed its importance in the educational and decision making process.
Type and influence of network
The two groups of networks most commonly referred to by interview participants
were family and friends. Family referred to only parents and siblings for single
participants and both parents and siblings and husband/in-laws for married participants.
Friends generally signified college friends which were also high school friends in some
instances. Participants used terms such as “main people in my life”, “key people” and
“influential people” to describe their families.
When asked to rank members of their networks by order of importance in
educational and employment decision making, answers varied depending on the family
situation. In the majority although not all cases in which the father was present (lives in
the household with the participant), he was seen as the most important individual in
influencing the educational and employment decisions of the participant.
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“There are some decisions that I take on my own like what grade I will teach. My
parents particularly my father is the one that influences my decisions. He is
concerned about the distance I’ll have to travel to the school I’ll be teaching at,
and he wouldn’t let me drive until I get married. He may have one of my brother’s
drop me off and pick me up. He may even get a driver for me. No one can
influence him in our household one way or the other. My brothers have no say in
any of our decisions----it’s my dad that we go to directly for everything”-Hamda
“My parents try to convince me that they are right------but my dad is the one that
makes the final decisions in our household. My mother voices her opinions just
like we do but he makes the ultimate decision”- Salma
There were two cases in which the father sought feedback from older siblings. In the
case of Yasmine who was the first of twelve siblings to go to college the father appears to
be less conservative than older siblings. She stated that the only reason she was allowed
to pursue higher education was that unlike her other sisters she had not received a
marriage proposal. She talked about her family has being very conservative so perhaps
she posed unique issues that her father never had to deal with such as field trips,
internships etc. These issues may have been perceived by her conservative older siblings
as detrimental to family honor. When asked to rate family members by importance in
decision making Yasmine placed her father first and her older siblings particularly her
brothers second.
“In terms of my family, my father is the most important figure in any decision that
I make regarding education and work. He makes all the decisions in our
household. He can be influenced by my older sister and brother whom he
discusses issues with. They tend to be more conservative and they are concerned
about what the society may think, if I do this or that. He tends to listen to my
views on the issue as well-----and I end up convincing him most of the time
particularly if the issue relates to me”- Yasmine
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In the other case, Hind, a Biological Sciences major at UU is the third of seven
siblings, the eldest of whom is a physician. Hind intended to study medicine but her
brother apposed, because he believed a career in medicine would conflict with her role as
a future wife and mother. In the following quote she explains without any bitterness how
her parents use different methods to obtain information to help them to advise her. When
Hind was asked to rate people that influenced her educational and employment decisions
she placed her brother first, father second and mother third.
“My brother didn’t encourage me to go to medical school because he said it’s a
difficult career for a woman and it takes her away from her family for long
periods of time---------My brother has a lot of influence because he influences
both my parents and his opinion is very important in our family. My father will
listen to what my brother thinks about a particular thing and then he will ask his
brother (uncle) whom he respects before he makes his decision. My mother tends
to go about things in a different manner from my dad----she believes in asking
people who have experience in a particular problem etc. For example when I told
her I wanted to study medicine she asked female physicians what the advantages
and disadvantages of being a physician were----they both told me what they found
and I had to decide what to do”- Hind- Biological Sciences major UU
Mothers, brothers and sisters emerge as the individuals with most influence in
households where the father was deceased or not living with the family.
“My older sisters are the key people in my network. They provide both
opportunities and obstacles for me depending on the situation. For example, they
don’t want me to go graduate school overseas because they think I’m too young
and that I can’t take care of myself but they don’t place stipulations on where I
work or want I major in ”- Azza- father deceased- lives with mother and sisters
“My mother are really important in both educational and employment decisionmaking. Even if my brother disagrees with me he defers to my mother for the
final decision”- Mona- father deceased- lives with mother and siblings
“He (brother) has always been the most interested in me. He gives a lot of positive
feedback and support and he trusts my judgment. No one else has any influence or
say in my life. For example I thinking of getting this really nice job in Abu Dhabi
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and its okay with my family to move, I’d take my mom with me of course”Maryam- father has another wife- lives with mother and brother
Among married participants, the husband is cited as the most influential person in the
participant’s decision making. Only one of the six married students cited her mother-inlaw as the primer source of influence on her husband and hence her decision making.
Shiama, who was also presented in chapter four spoke of the influence that her motherin-law and sisters-in-law had over her educational and employment decision making:
“If I had to rank them by importance I’d say my mother-in-law is the most
influential person when it comes to decisions about education and work. My
husband discusses all our decisions with them (his parents) but his mother has
always been the one that makes decisions about the daughter-in-laws so she works
on my husband and tries to make him more controlling of my movements. My
husband ranks second and my mother ranks third. His sisters are also very
influential in my decision-making------I’d say they rank third too----they’re
constantly trying to tell my husband what I ought to be doing”- Shiama
Some participants particularly those in the “ambivalent” group in relation to family
attitudes about career choice, spoke of other relatives who had higher educational levels
than their parents as people whom they approach for help in making decisions.
“My aunt (mother’s sister) who has been to college and who has a career helps me
and my other siblings with decisions regarding education and employment. My
parents really don’t really know the details of what my career choice entails or the
nature of the work that I do, so that makes things easier for us sometimes and in
other times it makes it more difficult because sometimes they have strong feeling
about certain things that they have preconceived ideas about”- Layla
None of the interview participants cited friends as being overtly involved in the
decision making process. Although some participants stated that friends were influential
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in steering them towards applying to a certain higher education institution or major.
Friends were mainly portrayed as providing “companionship” and “information”.
“Friends do influence my choice by providing information but I generally do what
I want to do”- Salha
“My friends provide me with companionship. There are a lot of personal things I
share with my friends and not my family”- Azza
The primacy of the family as the central unit for decision making was confirmed by
survey respondents. As presented in Table 6.1, 70% of respondents view family members
to be important in their decision making.
Table 6.1 : Influence on educational and employment decisions
Influence
%TC %UU % Combined data
Family members
70
70
70
Friends
3
8
5
Role models
17
10
15
Other (aunts, uncles) 10
12
10
As seen in table 6.1, 15% of survey respondents cite role modes as influential in the
decision making process. However, none of the participants used the term role model
when speaking of family members, although they did speak of mothers, older siblings
and aunts whom could be also be viewed as role models. The assumption I made in
Chapter Three about the importance of brothers in the decision making process and their
conservative nature that was based of my experiences with Emirati women was not
supported. There were only three instances in which brothers were mentioned as being
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involved in decision making. Only in the case of Hind, was a brother presented as more
important than the father in influencing the participant’s decisions, but even in that case
the participant had a role in making her own decisions although her brother did influence
her.
At Bradford and Southern University the peer cultures were seen as the primary
sites for social reproduction. In the two institutions studied by Holland and Eisenhart
college peer cultures suggested that a woman’s worth and social prestige was a function
of her sexual attractiveness and her ability to find a marriage partner. The role of the
family was seen as secondary to peers in perpetuating the culture of romance that was
found to be so prevalent.
However, the importance of peers in Holland and Eisenhart’s study did not prove to
hold true in this study. Emirati women view family as the central social unit to which
they belong. The Emirati family is consistent with Barakat’s view in that it is patriarchal
as evidenced by the authority and power commanded by the male head of household. It is
pyramidally hierarchical with respect to both age and gender as confirmed by participant
responses in relation to how older siblings advise parents on matters relating to them. It
also appears to be nuclear since the majority of parents did not live in extended family
situations. It is also undergoing democratization because the responses of the young
women in the study are consistent to other research done in the region which shows that
Gulf women are torn between traditionalism and modernity. This conflict is blamed for
the ambiguity that they express about their feelings of equality on one hand and
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subordination on the other. The presence of conflict indicates that the process of change
has begun. Other signs of the democratization process include participants perceived
contribution to the decision making process although the father continues to have the
ultimate authority.
Social networks and employment
In response to the question “who would you ask for help in securing employment?”the overwhelming majority of participants named close family members and not friends
or acquaintances. Almost all mentioned fathers and other male kin such as fathers-in-law
and brothers only two spoke of sisters and mothers. The term “wasta” came up
repeatedly-this term refers to use of contacts to assist with all matters of daily life from
registering a car to finding a job. As presented earlier the majority of the young women
intended to seek jobs in the public sector.
“If
I were to look for work my sisters would be the ones I would approach for
help because they are all employed and they may know of more job openings than
I would”- Azza
“My dad probably has more of an influence than my mom in my employment
choice or even access because he knows more people had he can tell a bad offer
from a good one”- Salha
“I don’t really want to use wasta but I would ask my father to follow up on my
application for me. So I think I’d use him to help to me get the job I want because
he knows a lot of people in important places”- Ayesha
“I would try to find something on my own but if I can’t find anything I’ll have to
use wasta----- public sector jobs, which are the most in demand, are so difficult to
get nowadays specially for college grads. Its seems easier for high school grads to
get clerical jobs in the government sector than it is for college grads because
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college grads have to be given hard to find grades in the civil service which
makes wasta so important. I would have to use my family for wasta because I
don’t know a lot of people outside my family. My aunt and my brother-in-law
have offered to help me look for work when I graduate but as I said I’ll look and
see if I can find anything on my own first before I ask them for help”- Asma
It is clear from their responses that the participants are aware of the importance of the
status and number of the contacts in securing employment. The importance of weak ties
and connections with high status individuals documented in the literature as crucial to
creating opportunities that increase social mobility and occupational status( Davern,
1999; Lin & Dumin, 1978; Ensel & Lin, 1981).
Two participants mentioned university job placement offices as providing support to
help secure employment. One of two stated that her family’s lack of high status contacts
made her rely on the placement office.
“The college is the main source of jobs for graduates and although they don’t
participate in making the decision for us they do locate the jobs and help coach us
for interviews and resume writing”- Salma
“I’ve applied for a job and I’ve used the job placement at the university for help
with my CV and other things because my family and my husband’s aren’t well
connected, so I don’t see them being able to get me a job through their contacts”Reem- Married- her parents receive social services assistance
It is clear from participant responses that my working hypothesis regarding Emirati
women’s use of “strong ties” is supported. The “strong ties” that Emirati women use are
not friends but family. In fact they don’t like to use friends as evidenced in the following
responses
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“I know through my friends that wasta is really important in finding work. So
although I don’t like it --realistically I think that I’d probably have to use my
father or my brother. I would never use my friends because I they may expect me
to pay them back some how or they become jealous of my success, if I were to
become successful”- Maryam
“My family are the only people I would look to help me find a job-----like my
aunt, sister, brother, uncle etc. I wouldn’t ask any friends because I’m sure that
wouldn’t want me to get a job better than theirs or if we were to work in the same
place they wouldn’t want me to move up the ladder faster then them. It would be
a source of strain on any friendship if help to get a job came into the equation”Ayesha
These finding is consistent with the literature which identifies the family as the
primary mediator in resolving conflict and family loyalty as the foundation of the wasta
system in the Middle East (Cunningham & Sarayrah, 1993). The students all qualify the
use of wasta with “only if necessary” because as stated by the authors, people are
reluctant to admit that they give or receive wasta especially outside the family. The
inability of participants’ to ask their friends for wasta could be explained by the three
following reasons:1) Participants do not have the same loyalty to friends as they do their
families and if they receive wasta they will in turn be indebted to provide it if called
upon.2) Perhaps the participants are aware that their friends do not have access to
resources (power and prestige) needed to perform wasta because as women (particularly
if they are also unemployed) they lack access to high status individuals (whom are men).
It is also unacceptable for Emirati women to approach men beyond their immediate
family for wasta because they would beholden them, which could seriously affect the
woman’s honor. 3) The issue of jealousy was mentioned by participants as a deterrent to
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asking friends for help. Fear of envy or jealousy is common among cultures that believe
in the “evil eye” or harm caused by envy of a person, possessions or accomplishments.
Summary
The dearth of women in positions of power in the Emirates presents a real dilemma
for the employment of Emirati women who have no choice but to use close contacts to
access employment, which deprives them of information from distant parts of the social
system and places them at in a disadvantaged position in the labor market. Emirati
women of low socioeconomic status are also more likely to lack prominent tribal
affiliations through their families which could further disadvantage them.
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CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS
In the previous six chapters the researcher provided an overview of United Arab
Emirates and the participants, discussed the rationale for the study and presented the
methodology and findings of this exploratory study on the disconnect between the higher
education attainments of Emirati women and their employment rates. This chapter
concludes the study by presenting a summary of the findings in relation to the theoretical
framework and literature. The research and practical implications of the study will also be
presented.
Summary: Educational and Career Expectations
Family expectation was the most commonly cited reason for pursuing higher
education (61%). Families expected their daughters to pursue higher education to enable
them to achieve greater social and economic mobility and also because it was important
to parents to have their daughters take advantage of the availability of higher education.
The majority of participants were first generation college students (71%), fathers had
higher educational levels than mothers and UU parents had higher educational levels than
TC parents. Two of the twenty one participants (10%) stated that they pursued higher
education because their mothers’ viewed higher education as an “insurance policy or
weapon” for the future. The reasons why mothers advocated this view is that education
would mean less dependence on husband’s for financial support and could be beneficial
to the young women in cases of divorce and abandonment.
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These two groups, education as a family expectation for social and economic mobility
and education as an insurance policy or weapon were similar to Holland and Eisenhart’s
(1990) theme of school as “getting over” in which a college education was sought
because it could be used to secure employment. Contrary to studies on first generation
colleges students done in the US, there were strong expectations among Emirati women
to pursue higher education regardless of socioeconomic status because of the availability
of cost free geographically and culturally accessible higher education.
29% of the young women that were interviewed cited more intrinsically motivated
reasons such as a personal drive or calling as a reason for pursuing higher education.
They intended to pursue careers in medicine and dentistry. However, this was met with
lack of family support because the science majors sought were not accessible to the
young women from their homes. This group was somewhat similar to Holland and
Eisenhart’s work for “Doing Well” group, who viewed college as a way of gaining
recognition for their natural abilities and skills, but were then discouraged by the grades
that they obtained which caused them to transfer to majors that they perceived to be more
manageable. However, the key difference between the two groups is that unlike the
young women in Holland and Eisnhart’s study, Emirati women were not discouraged by
their grades. Instead they were never given the opportunity to do what they had set out to
do because their families did not permit them to leave home. The inability of young
women to live away from home was cited as the primary reason for parental disapproval.
Parental attitudes towards the importance of having their daughters live at home is
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consistent with the literature on honor in the Arab world and the inherent pressure placed
on women to maintain family honor (Abu Lugod, 1999; Delaney, 1987).
Only two of the twenty-one participants interviewed (10%) stated that they either
viewed education as a waiting station for marriage or that they had nothing else to do and
hence sought higher education. Considering the literature on the importance of marriage
in the Middle East and the fact that most participants identified marriage and motherhood
as a goal that they hoped to achieve within five years of graduation, it was interesting that
only one of the twenty-one participants clearly articulated the link between education and
marriage. Among survey respondents 30% agreed that higher education could lead to
finding a suitable husband, 44% neutral and 27% disagreed. There was more agreement
among UU respondents compared to TC respondents, which the researcher attributes to
the higher socioeconomic status of UU respondents. This finding is consistent with the
literature and the findings of Holland and Eisenhart’s study which found that education is
viewed by middle and upper social class women as a means to finding a suitable husband.
It is clear from the findings of this study that Emirati women have very high
educational and occupational aspirations. All the participants and 89% of survey
respondents intended to graduate from the institution they were enrolled in. UU had a
higher percentage of students that intended to graduate (96%) compared to TC (87%).
But TC had a higher intention to work (92%) compared to TC (80%). These findings are
incongruent with literature on first generation students in the US who have difficulty with
both access to and persisting in higher education because in this study 71% of the
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participant group and 82% of survey respondents were first generation college students.
The high access rates among Emirati women can be attributed to the fact that higher
education is free of charge for all Emirati’s and that women even those from low income
families access higher education since the role of providing for the family falls largely on
male siblings leaving women free to access higher education in higher numbers compared
to male siblings. Parental educational levels were found to be linked to the educational
levels of siblings in general and male siblings in particular. Participants who were second
generation college students had more educated male siblings than those who were first
generation college students probably because families that were not low income did not
need their sons to work to assist with providing for the family.
The majority of both survey respondents (89%) and interview participants (81%)
intended to work. Nine of the twenty one participants (43%) stated that they want to
work, get married, have children and further their education. Some of the young women
in this group expressed doubts about achieving their goals because of marriage and
motherhood. Five (24%) stated that they intend to work until they have children. Four
(19%) stated that they never intend to work, but that they view education as important to
their future roles as mothers. Three (14%) stated that they intend to work to achieve
financial gain and independence- all three students were low-income which indicates that
low income women are more likely to translate education into work. The young women
also spoke of “benefiting the country” or “giving back to society”, which is something
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that is unique to new nation states like the Emirates where there is a strong link between
education and development (Rabo, 2000).
Survey respondents also perceived that they had strong family support for
employment (91%). However, it became clear through interviews with participants that
not all types of employment received equal support from families. There was a strong
preference for public sector employment and all female work environments. Participants
in feminized fields particularly Education perceived greater support from both family and
society than those in traditionally non feminized fields such as Information Technology,
Banking and Media Sciences. The degree of gender segregation was cited as crucial for
both family and societal acceptance of career choices. This theme was echoed by
participants in their response to the query concerning ideal work environments. Gender
segregated environments in general and environments with a few or no Emirati men were
considered ideal because of the importance of maintaining family honor. Other factors
such as the work flexibility, reasonable work hours (6-8 hours) and the availability of
childcare provisions at work were also considered important. Both the preference for
public sector employment and sex segregated work places are consistent with the
literature on women and employment in the Middle East (World Bank, 2004; CAWTER,
2001; Doumato, 1992; Longva, 1993; Seikaly,1994).
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Despite the high educational and career expectations of Emirati women, 32% of
respondents’ agreed with the statement that a woman’s place is in the home. 75% agreed
that men should be given greater work opportunities than women and 14% disagreed with
the statement that women should receive the same pay as men for the same work. While
at the same time 67% agreed that women should be given the opportunity to run public
and private corporations. All single participants cited marriage and children within their
five year plan (95%) or ten year plan (5%), and all married participants stated that they
intended to have children within the next five years. However, marriage and child bearing
were also overwhelmingly cited as barriers to goal achievement. Participants spoke of
mothers, sisters and friends who changed their plans upon marriage or motherhood to
please their husband’s or because they found it difficult to continue with their education
or career along with their responsibilities as wives and mothers. The ambiguity in
responses in relation to the role of women coupled with high educational and career
expectations is consistent with the literature on women in the Gulf region (Dhaher & Al
Salem, 1987; Sanad & Tessler, 1988; Al Kadhi, 1978; Massiaslas & Jarrar, 1991). This
ambiguity is associated with the conflict between modernity and traditionalism which
sends mixed messages to women. Society expects women to contribute to development
as evidenced by the provision of free education, yet at the same time it values
motherhood above all else and places the responsibility of economic care of the family on
the male.
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Family support was cited as the most important factor for goal achievement by both
participants (90%) and survey respondents (85%). Participants perceived that family
acceptance of their goals would increase their chances of achieving those goals.
Considering the importance of the family as the most important unit in Middle Eastern
society (Joseph, 1999; World Bank,2004; Barakat, 1985) it is not surprising that the
family unit plays in important role in the lives of the young women in this study.
Additional factors such as a personal drive to succeed (69%), hard work (78%), childcare
provisions at work (66%) and flexible work environments (83%) were also cited as
important for career advancement.
Participant responses in relation to how their families perceived their goals indicated
that family support was largely linked to two factors:
1. Parental educational levels – participants who were second generation college
students spoke of the importance of education in their families and were likely to report
higher levels of family support regardless of the career, Where as some first generation
participants used words such as “disinterested” and “they don’t understand” to explain
that their families lacked knowledge of the experiences and processes of being in college.
This finding is consistent with literature that links parental education levels to higher
levels of social and cultural capital and support for college education (Bourdieu, 1986).
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2. Degree of segregation - The type of career the participant was pursuing had an affect
on the level of perceived support. Students in the field of education perceived that their
families were supportive because teaching would not involve working with men. This
finding is congruent with literature on the importance of gender segregation in the work
place. Studies have shown that the inability of women to work in close proximity with
men is an important factor in the low labor force participation rates in the Middle East.
The acceptability of teaching to participant families is not surprising because girls’
schools are the only areas that provide an all female work environment and also because
teaching is a public service profession that is considered socially and culturally
acceptable for women (World Bank, 2004).
Societal support was also closely linked to the degree of gender segregation. Careers
that involved working with men such as Information Technology, Design Arts and
Banking were not perceived positively. While education was considered ideal because it
did not involve working with men and it also was perceived to be congruent with the role
of women as nurturers of the young. Other majors/ professions such as Accounting,
Social and Behavioral Sciences and Communication Sciences were considered to be in
transition because of the relatively recent nature of their emergence as careers in the
UAE.
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Regardless of major the majority of participants preferred to work in female only
environments or in places where they would have minimal contact with men in general
and Emirati men in particular. This feeling was not as strong among the survey
respondents with only 37% agreeing with the statement “women should not work in
predominately male environments”, compared to 35% who disagreed and 29% who
remained neutral. Participants explained that working with Emirati men could cause
problems for the young women because they would have to watch what they say, wear
and who they talk to because Emirati men are more likely to “gossip” about them to
friends and relatives thus tarnishing their honor.
Both participants and respondents (77%) preferred public sector employment because
of its short work hours. More UU respondents (16%) chose private sector employment
and self employment (13%) compared to TC (13% and 2% consecutively). The
significant difference in preference for self employment among UU respondents can be
explained by their higher socioeconomic levels and their lower family support for
employment. The strong preference for public sector employment because of the benefits,
pay and short working hours is cited in the literature as an important reason for the high
unemployment rates of women in the Middle East and North Africa (World Bank, 2004,
CAWTER, 2001)
Based on the educational and career expectations of Emirati women identified in this
study in relation to the construct of romance posed by Holland and Eisenhart (1991), it is
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clear that marriage replaces romance as the goal to which all unmarried participants
aspire and family replaces peers as the central unit of social reproduction by perpetuating
existing gender roles and norms. Although similarities exist between the two groups there
was no overt preoccupation with marriage among the participants. The lack of
longitudinal data similar to that in Holland and Eisenhart’s study, coupled with the lack
of data on student persistence in the Emirates and the ambiguity of participant responses
makes it difficult to confirm the hypothesis posed by the researcher.
It can therefore be ascertained that the Emirati women in this study are aware of their
position as caretakers within society but that they also believe that their education will be
rewarded. Their view is reinforced by the strides that Emirati women have made in the
last thirty years and their future earning potentials vis-à-vis their mothers. Unlike low
income women, those of middle and high socioeconomic status do not necessarily
translate education into work.
Summary: Role of social networks
Family was cited as the single most important network that the participants belonged
to. Friends were generally described as providing “companionship” and “information”
rather than being overtly involved in the decision making process. 70% of survey
respondents cited the family as the unit in which all decisions were made concerning
education and employment. Role models were also cited as important (15%) in the
process by respondents although they were not mentioned by participants, which lead me
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to believe that perhaps respondents may be referring to extended family members as role
models. Within the family the father emerged as the individual with the greatest influence
in the decision making process. Despite the ultimate authority of the fathers and the
participants deference to his decision, it was clear from their comments that the young
women saw themselves as partners in the decision making process.
In cases where the father was absent from the household due to death, divorce or
estrangement from the family, the mother and older siblings held the most influence.
Among this group influence was linked to their role as providers irrespective of gender
but closely linked to age. The lack of continuity of male authority following the death of
the father by brothers and other male relatives and the perceived sense of empowerment
voiced by the participant’s calls into question the theory of Neopatriarchy (Sharabi, 1983)
and supports the Barakat’s (1985) concept of Democratization. This concept is further
supported by the ambiguity of responses described above which shows that the young
women who partook in this study were torn between their traditional roles as mothers and
wives and the changes that the region as a whole has been undergoing for the last thirty
years which is reflected in their higher educational achievements.
The family was also cited by all participants as the key network that they would use
to secure employment. The majority of the participants cited fathers’, brothers or uncles
as the contact persons for the “wasta” process. Wasta refers to the use of contacts to
secure favors and it is cited in the literature as the pervasive means by which social
networks function in the Middle East. The use of friends as contacts was considered
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inappropriate by the participants who felt uncomfortable with being indebted to someone
other than a close family member. They generally cited older male kin such as fathers,
fathers-in-law, uncles and brothers as primary sources of wasta. One participant
mentioned that her family did not have any high status contacts which forced her to rely
on the university employment office to try to secure work. The majority of participants (
80%) sought jobs in the public sector which further necessitates the use of wasta because
of the size of the beaurcreary and the shortage of positions in the sector due to
automation and the decline in the numbers of school age children in the region (World
Bank, 2004).
These findings are congruent with literature on the use of contacts in the Middle East
(Cunningham & Sarayrah, 1993) and they support the hypothesis posited by the
researcher that Emirati women use close network ties to access employment, which
deprives them of information from distant parts of the social system and places them at in
a disadvantaged position in the labor market. Emirati women of low socioeconomic
status are even more disadvantaged by their lack high status contacts.
Social Trends and Higher Education
It is often argued that women’s access to higher education transcends the basic
acquisition of knowledge and skills, because it elevates the social and economic position
of women, and allows them to gain access into circles into which they would otherwise
be excluded (Youssef, 1977; CAWTER, 2001). In countries such as the United States in
which women have had access to higher education since the 1800’s reasons for pursuing
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higher education have evolved over the past two centuries. In the 1800’s only the elite
had access to higher education and for women, education was considered a form of
“social grace”. This view remained common until the late nineteenth and early twentieth
century when more women gained access into higher education and education began to
be viewed as a means for job preparation. In her book, In the company of educated
women, Barbara Miller Solomon (1986) discusses the two hundred year history of
American higher education and its impact on the lives of women in the United States.
She presents stories of women who attended college at the turn of the century and reveals
that they had the highest non-marriage rates of any group in US history. These women
were the first group to attend college with the option to use their education outside the
home and they were conflicted between family and a career. A recent study published in
the US by the Center for Research on Families (Rose, 2004), found that higher education
is no longer viewed as a impediment to marriage and motherhood as it did in the past. In
fact, both men and women who completed a college degree were more likely to be
married compared to those who didn’t complete a college degree because of the
economic returns achieved through higher education.
In contrast to the long history of higher education in the US, the UAE has achieved
a great deal in relation to the education and employment of women in its short thirty four
year history. This progress was championed by the late President and Father of the
Nation, Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahayan and his wife Sheikha Fatima Bint Mubarak
Al Nahayan.
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"Nothing could delight me more than to see the woman taking up her distinctive
position in society… Nothing should hinder her progress… Like men, women
deserve the right to occupy high positions according to their capabilities and
qualifications." –Sheikh Zayed
“I really have confidence in the future in the girls of the UAE and am sure that
what President H.H. Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahayan and Their Highnesses
the Rulers of the Emirates have done for our country's daughters and their
unstinting support for them to achieve postgraduate education will yield the fruit
expected by the community"- Sheikha Fatima from UAEU graduation 2002
The local press and research institutions like the Emirates Center for Strategic Studies
and Research (ECSSR), have attempted to identify social trends linked to the increased
educational levels of Emirati women. These trends include the high divorce rates among
Emirati’s, the drastic increase in the number of unmarried women and the increase in the
marriage age. The following quotes from media publications illustrate these trends:
“As is the case with all Arab societies, the improvement of women's educational status
and their participation in the labor market has led to the increase of the marrying age. In
fact, there's an increase in the rate of young women who have faced difficulty in finding
men suitable for marriage with appropriate age as well as the equivalent educational and
intellectual level - the most important preconditions for marriage. The divorce rate in the
UAE has risen to an extent that has worried officials. According to the 2002 statistics
from the Ministry of Planning, approximately 30% of marriages resulted in divorce in the
first year of marriage” (ECSSR, 2004).
"More national girls have been delaying their marriage plans to pursue higher education
or make a professional career." Mansoor was speaking at a conference hosted recently at
Umm Almoumineen Women's Association in Ajman on boosting childbearing in the
national family. He noted that in 1999, some 93.5 per cent of national girls aged between
15 and 19 years were unmarried compared to 47.5 per cent in 1975. The trend to delay
marriage was even higher in the older age groups. Some 62.7 per cent of those between
20 and 24 were unmarried in 1999 compared to 11.5 per cent in 1975. Moreover, around
31.6 per cent of those aged between 25 and 29 were unmarried in 1999 against 2.9 per
cent only in 1975” (Zeitoun, 2001).
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The increase in the age of first marriage is a common trend in countries where women
have access to higher education. In her study of marriage trends among Egyptians in
Cairo, Hoodfar (1997), found that educated Egyptian women marry late and often marry
men with similar or higher educational levels. She also found that Egyptian men
preferred to marry educated women because of their earning potential but they hardly
ever married women of higher socioeconomic or educational levels. Although no
published studies are available on the marriage preferences of Emirati’s, it can be
speculated that although education currently negatively effects the chances of marriage
for some Emirati women, this trend is likely to change with globalization and
consumerism which will necessitate the women’s economic contribution to the
household.
Implications for Research
1. My research encompassed only a few weeks of the lives of the young women. A
longitudinal study of the participants to follow up and identify differences
between aspired and achieved goals would be beneficial. The relationship that
could be established through such a study could also enable the researcher to
access the participants’ families to conduct a more detailed study of social
networks.
2. The present study did not include focus groups or peer group observations.
Research involving peer group observations would provide a better sense of their
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influence on participant choices and would shed more light on the importance of
marriage within the peer group.
3. No data on persistence rates were made available to the researcher by the
institutions. Such research is crucial to identifying at risk populations and
increasing graduation rates.
4. This research only touched on the influence of socioeconomic status on
educational achievement, more studies need to be done that address this issue
among both male and female students.
5. There are no published studies on the lower higher education participation rates
of Emirati men. Research in this area is vital in traditional societies such as the
Emirates which rely on the male as the primary source of economic support for
the family unit.
6. A detailed assessment of what the current generation of educated women want
for their daughters is an important area of future research because it would
chronicle the evolution of the expectations from mothers to daughters.
Implications for Practice
Since the majority of Emirati women (both participants and survey respondents) intend to
work the most significant implication is related to reducing barriers to their employment.
These barriers include the importance of gender segregated work environments, lack of
flexible work environments and childcare provisions at work, and the confinement of
women to strong network ties.
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The importance of gender segregated work environments poses a significant challenge to
the employment of women in the Emirates and the region as a whole. To address this
challenge both private and public corporations need to create environments which give
women a certain degree of space. This could include separate work spaces or sections,
sectioned off eating areas etc. The increased employment of women could help families
feel more confident that the young women are not alone or among few women in large
male dominated environments.
Countries such as Sweden and Holland that allow women to use alternative methods such
as flextime- alternative start and ending time for work, job sharing- allow two or more
employees to share the same job, compressed work weeks- allow employees to put in
total week work hours in less than five days, and telecommuting- working for a remote
site/home have higher percentage of women in the workforce. These strategies along with
child care provisions at work using women who are professionally trained in early
childhood development would lead to increased numbers of women in the workforce.
The confinement of Emirati women to strong ties can pose a significant disadvantage for
them in accessing jobs particularly in the private sector which has the lowest percentage
of Emirati’s in general and women in particular. Higher education institutions need to
play a more active role in linking graduates to alumni and other women in private
corporations to help situate graduates within networks that can enhance their employment
and career advancement opportunities.
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Appendix A
Student Questionnaire
Section I: Demographic information
1. How old are you?
a)
b)
c)
d)
18- 21
22-25
26-30
31-35
2. What is the highest degree you will earn
at this institution?
a)
b)
c)
d)
Certificate
Diploma
Higher Diploma
Bachelor’s degree
3. What will you obtain your degree in?
a) Information Technology/
Information Sciences
b) Business
c) Health Sciences
d) Graphic Arts/ Art & Design
e) Family Sciences
f) Social & Behavioral Sciences
g) Education
h) Communication Technology/
Communication & Media Sciences
i) Engineering
j) Other ____________________
4. What is the highest degree you hope to
earn in the future?
a)
b)
c)
d)
Bachelor’s degree
Master’s degree
Doctorate
Post Doctorate
.
154
Section II: Expectations: Please pick the answer that best describes your personal view
11. Do you plan to graduate from this
institution?
a) Yes
b) No
c) I don’t know
12.If you don’t plan to graduate, circle the
answer that best describes your reason
a) Not interested in obtaining a
degree
b) Plan on getting married soon
and my future husband
doesn’t want me to continue
with school
c) I have/will have children and
so I don’t intend on
graduating
d) My family won’t allow me to
work so there is no point in
completing a degree
e) I need to work to support my
family
Other____________________________
13. Do you intend to work upon
graduation?
a) Yes
b) No
c) Maybe
14. Does your family support your choice
to work?
a) Yes
a) No
b) Not sure
.
155
If you answered “Yes” to question 13 please answer questions 15, 16&17
15. How long do you plan to work?
a) For the foreseeable future
b) Only until I get married
c) Only until I have children
16. Where would you be most interested in
working?
a)
b)
c)
d)
Public sector
Private sector
Self employment
Other:______________
17.Would your family be supportive of
your choice of employment sector?
a) Yes
b) No
c) Not sure
If you answered “No” to 13 please answer questions 18 and 19
18.If you don’t intend to work circle the
answer that best describes your reason
a)
b)
c)
(d
Not interested in work
I prefer to stay home
My family don’t want me to work
Other ____________________
19. If you don’t plan on working, what could
change your mind about going out to work?
a)
b)
c)
d)
Better work opportunities
Better pay
More family support
Availability of childcare at work
.
156
e) All female work environment
f) There is nothing that would
make me change my plans
g) Other: please
specify_________________
20. Who most influences your educational and
employment decisions?
a)
b)
c)
d)
Family members
Friends
Role models
Other: _____________________
Section III: General attitudes
In responding to these questions, please indicate the extent to which you agree with the
statement
Likert scale 1 to 5
1 strongly agree, 2 agree, 3 neutral, 4 disagree, 5 strongly disagree
21. A woman’s place is in the home
22. Women should work to achieve
independence
23. Public sector employment is better for
women
24. Most Emirati women don’t work after
graduation because of family pressures
25. Emirati women do not want jobs in the
private sector
26. Women should not work in
predominately male work environments
27. As heads of households men should be
given greater work opportunities
28. Women ought to receive the same pay
as men for the same work
29. It is possible for Emirati women to
work long hours
30. Emirati women should be given the
opportunity to run public and private
corporations.
31. Women have a better chance of finding
.
157
a suitable husband if they have a college
degree.
32. Women should stay home particularly
if they have children.
Rate the following according to their importance for the career advancement of
women in the UAE
Likert scale 1 to 5
1 very important, 2 important, 3 somewhat important, 4 a little important, 5 not important
33. Family support
34. Role models
35. Willingness to work hard
36. Flexible work environment
37. Childcare provisions at work
38. Personal drive to succeed
39. Social institutions- women’s
associations
40. Career development offices
41. Adequate preparation to enter careers
42. Use of family or close contacts
43. Use of non-family or other contacts
.
158
Appendix B
Interview Schedule
Begin by asking the participant to complete the demographic portion of the questionnaire Discuss responses
1. Tell me about yourself and your family? - Where they live, number of siblings/child,
parents/husband’s employment, what educational levels the siblings are in/had and if they
are employed.
2. Can you briefly explain why you decided to pursue higher education?
3. What are your goals for the future and how did you arrive at these goals?
4. How do you intend to achieve those goals?
5. Does your family approve of your career and future goals?
6. How does your society view your career choice and future goals?
7. Under what circumstances would you change your plans?
8. What are the major factors that you believe are necessary for you to achieve these goals?
9. What are the major factors that you believe could inhibit or curtail your goal
achievement?
10. Given what you have said about your career choice and goals, where do you see yourself
in the next five years? In the next ten years?
11. Can you help me draw a diagram (visual image) of your social network?
12. How important are these individuals/groups in making decisions concerning your
educational and employment choices?
13. Is there anything you would like to add or ask me?
.
159
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