April M. Beisaw
Vassar College, Anthropology, Faculty Member
- Binghamton University, Anthropology, Alumnusadd
- Contemporary Archaeology, Zooarchaeology, Historical Archaeology, Repatriation (Archaeology), Northeastern North America (Archaeology), Cultural Memory, and 7 moreForensic Anthropology, Bioarchaeology, Skeletal Biology, Human Anatomy (Biological Anthropology), International council of Archaeozoology, Archaeology, and Iroquoian Societies (Archaeology)edit
- North American archaeologist focused on how the archaeological record of the recent American past can reveal obscured... moreNorth American archaeologist focused on how the archaeological record of the recent American past can reveal obscured truths about equality, prosperity, and freedom. Currently writing about 1) how water systems displace communities to create seemingly natural water sources, 2) how poor, sick, and elderly people are treated by institutions - especially upon their death, and 3) how protest actions reveal the continuity of struggles over time. At Vassar College, I teach courses on archaeology, forensic anthropology, and museum practice. My junior/senior archaeology seminar is on ruins and the haunting heritage they manifest.edit
- Peter Stahledit
Cover image: Gilbert Kills Pretty Enemy III (Hunkpapa Lakota-Standing Rock Sioux) illustrates the meeting of the two worlds of Indigenous people and archaeology. Original piece commissioned for this volume. American archaeology is... more
Cover image: Gilbert Kills Pretty Enemy III (Hunkpapa Lakota-Standing Rock Sioux) illustrates the meeting of the two worlds of Indigenous people and archaeology. Original piece commissioned for this volume.
American archaeology is rooted in the behaviors of our predecessors, yet our criticism of those forbearers is often disconnected from the issues of today's practice. Contributors to this volume seek to bridge that gap with a healthy dose of reflection. First, this introduction touches on some issues that are not more fully covered in the chapters that follow, specifically the #MeToo movement and field/conference safety, race, and class inequalities especially the costs of field schools and unpaid internships, and the need for inclusive practices for those who are differently abled. Then we summarize those issues that this volume does focus on, pointing out connections and interrelationships. Three major themes are explored: (1) how the identity of an archaeologist can impact their legacy; (2) how the careers of celebrated “big men” and “big projects” are often misrepresented; and (3) the relationship of archaeology to Black and Indigenous peoples, women, and other marginalized groups, including those who are archaeologists. To conclude, each editor presents a reflection of their own relationship to American archaeology and how that inspired this volume.
American archaeology is rooted in the behaviors of our predecessors, yet our criticism of those forbearers is often disconnected from the issues of today's practice. Contributors to this volume seek to bridge that gap with a healthy dose of reflection. First, this introduction touches on some issues that are not more fully covered in the chapters that follow, specifically the #MeToo movement and field/conference safety, race, and class inequalities especially the costs of field schools and unpaid internships, and the need for inclusive practices for those who are differently abled. Then we summarize those issues that this volume does focus on, pointing out connections and interrelationships. Three major themes are explored: (1) how the identity of an archaeologist can impact their legacy; (2) how the careers of celebrated “big men” and “big projects” are often misrepresented; and (3) the relationship of archaeology to Black and Indigenous peoples, women, and other marginalized groups, including those who are archaeologists. To conclude, each editor presents a reflection of their own relationship to American archaeology and how that inspired this volume.
Research Interests:
Tap water enables the development of cities in locations with insufficient natural resources to support such populations. For the last 200 years, New York City has obtained water through a network of nineteen reservoirs and controlled... more
Tap water enables the development of cities in locations with insufficient natural resources to support such populations. For the last 200 years, New York City has obtained water through a network of nineteen reservoirs and controlled lakes, some as far as 125-miles away. Engineering this water system required the demolition of rural communities, removal of cemeteries, and rerouting of roadways and waterways. The ruination is ongoing. This archaeological examination of the New York City watershed reveals the cultural costs of urban water systems. Urban water systems do more than reroute water from one place to another. At best, they redefine communities. At worst, they erase them.
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"“This manual contains detailed and concise direction to the preparation, identification, description and reporting of bone assemblages from archeological sites. Embedded within the text are easily accessible topical references and... more
"“This manual contains detailed and concise direction to the preparation, identification, description and reporting of bone assemblages from archeological sites. Embedded within the text are easily accessible topical references and beneficial ‘tools of the trade.’ Ms. Biesaw’s book, with its’ meticulously organized approach to this complex topic will certainly be a welcome addition to the libraries and laboratories of students and professionals alike.”—Mr. Bruce F. C. Thompson, Research Archaeologist
“This significant volume brings together cutting edge knowledge of the analysis of archaeological faunal remains. Discussions of broken, worked, weathered, gnawed and digested bone add new depth to analysis. The emphasis on using faunal remains from particular contexts as separate assemblages for understanding human activity areas at sites is particularly significant as archaeological specialists push to learn more from their collections.”--Mr. Jack Rossen, Professor, Department of Anthropology, Ithaca College
"While there are many scholarly books on the study of archaeologically recovered animal bones, most are aimed at advanced students and established professionals who already have a firm grounding in zooarchaeology. April Beisaw therefore makes a valuable contribution by writing a “how to” manual explicitly designed for the beginner. She takes the novice step by step through the essentials of zooarchaeology—from receipt of a faunal assemblage, to cleaning, sorting, and identifying the bones, to recording essential taxonomic and quantitative information, to writing up a preliminary report. With its many illustrations, lucid explanations, and comprehensive glossary, this book is an excellent place for the beginner to get a solid foundation in the basics of zooarchaeology.”—Dr. John D. Speth, Arthur F. Thurnau Emeritus Professor of Anthropology, University of Michigan
“Dr. Biesaw’s manual provides a clear, logical, step-by-step procedure to conduct a faunal analysis. Oh, that I had had such a tool as I began my career! Not only is it a rich and detailed map of how to perform such analyses, it is full of tidbits that most of us have learned only by hard experience. April draws our attention to what and how we can analyze our first stage results, moving the raw data into the interpretive realm of human behavior. Had I participated in a program based on this manual, I would have published a far better first paper, and could have saved myself some painful lessons. I think a student entering this field is well served by reading, and ideally, following a program built around this manual.”--Dr. Charles W. Wheeler, Vice President, WCRM"
“This significant volume brings together cutting edge knowledge of the analysis of archaeological faunal remains. Discussions of broken, worked, weathered, gnawed and digested bone add new depth to analysis. The emphasis on using faunal remains from particular contexts as separate assemblages for understanding human activity areas at sites is particularly significant as archaeological specialists push to learn more from their collections.”--Mr. Jack Rossen, Professor, Department of Anthropology, Ithaca College
"While there are many scholarly books on the study of archaeologically recovered animal bones, most are aimed at advanced students and established professionals who already have a firm grounding in zooarchaeology. April Beisaw therefore makes a valuable contribution by writing a “how to” manual explicitly designed for the beginner. She takes the novice step by step through the essentials of zooarchaeology—from receipt of a faunal assemblage, to cleaning, sorting, and identifying the bones, to recording essential taxonomic and quantitative information, to writing up a preliminary report. With its many illustrations, lucid explanations, and comprehensive glossary, this book is an excellent place for the beginner to get a solid foundation in the basics of zooarchaeology.”—Dr. John D. Speth, Arthur F. Thurnau Emeritus Professor of Anthropology, University of Michigan
“Dr. Biesaw’s manual provides a clear, logical, step-by-step procedure to conduct a faunal analysis. Oh, that I had had such a tool as I began my career! Not only is it a rich and detailed map of how to perform such analyses, it is full of tidbits that most of us have learned only by hard experience. April draws our attention to what and how we can analyze our first stage results, moving the raw data into the interpretive realm of human behavior. Had I participated in a program based on this manual, I would have published a far better first paper, and could have saved myself some painful lessons. I think a student entering this field is well served by reading, and ideally, following a program built around this manual.”--Dr. Charles W. Wheeler, Vice President, WCRM"
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"Review “Addressing a long-neglected facet of the archaeology of our modern world—our institutions—this volume reveals the interesting and insightful past of a class of sites that are deeply and inextricably tied to a core aspect of... more
"Review
“Addressing a long-neglected facet of the archaeology of our modern world—our institutions—this volume reveals the interesting and insightful past of a class of sites that are deeply and inextricably tied to a core aspect of modernity.”—Jamie C. Brandon, Arkansas Archeological Survey
Product Description
Institutions pervade social life. They express community goals and values by defining the limits of socially acceptable behavior. Institutions are often vested with the resources, authority, and power to enforce the orthodoxy of their time. But institutions are also arenas in which both orthodoxies and authority can be contested. Between power and opposition lies the individual experience of the institutionalized. Whether in a boarding school, hospital, prison, almshouse, commune, or asylum, their experiences can reflect the positive impact of an institution or its greatest failings. This interplay of orthodoxy, authority, opposition, and individual experience are all expressed in the materiality of institutions and are eminently subject to archaeological investigation. A few archaeological and historical publications, in widely scattered venues, have examined individual institutional sites. Each work focused on the development of a specific establishment within its narrowly defined historical context; e.g., a fort and its role in a particular war, a schoolhouse viewed in terms of the educational history of its region, an asylum or prison seen as an expression of the prevailing attitudes toward the mentally ill and sociopaths. In contrast, this volume brings together twelve contributors whose research on a broad range of social institutions taken in tandem now illuminates the experience of these institutions. Rather than a culmination of research on institutions, it is a landmark work that will instigate vigorous and wide-ranging discussions on institutions in Western life, and the power of material culture to both enforce and negate cultural norms.
CONTRIBUTORS: Sherene Baugher / April M. Beisaw / David R. Bush / Eleanor Conlin Casella / Lu Ann De Cunzo / Lois M. Feister / James G. Gibb / Owen Lindauer / Susan Piddock / Deborah L. Rotman / Suzanne M. Spencer-Wood / Stephen G. Warfel"
“Addressing a long-neglected facet of the archaeology of our modern world—our institutions—this volume reveals the interesting and insightful past of a class of sites that are deeply and inextricably tied to a core aspect of modernity.”—Jamie C. Brandon, Arkansas Archeological Survey
Product Description
Institutions pervade social life. They express community goals and values by defining the limits of socially acceptable behavior. Institutions are often vested with the resources, authority, and power to enforce the orthodoxy of their time. But institutions are also arenas in which both orthodoxies and authority can be contested. Between power and opposition lies the individual experience of the institutionalized. Whether in a boarding school, hospital, prison, almshouse, commune, or asylum, their experiences can reflect the positive impact of an institution or its greatest failings. This interplay of orthodoxy, authority, opposition, and individual experience are all expressed in the materiality of institutions and are eminently subject to archaeological investigation. A few archaeological and historical publications, in widely scattered venues, have examined individual institutional sites. Each work focused on the development of a specific establishment within its narrowly defined historical context; e.g., a fort and its role in a particular war, a schoolhouse viewed in terms of the educational history of its region, an asylum or prison seen as an expression of the prevailing attitudes toward the mentally ill and sociopaths. In contrast, this volume brings together twelve contributors whose research on a broad range of social institutions taken in tandem now illuminates the experience of these institutions. Rather than a culmination of research on institutions, it is a landmark work that will instigate vigorous and wide-ranging discussions on institutions in Western life, and the power of material culture to both enforce and negate cultural norms.
CONTRIBUTORS: Sherene Baugher / April M. Beisaw / David R. Bush / Eleanor Conlin Casella / Lu Ann De Cunzo / Lois M. Feister / James G. Gibb / Owen Lindauer / Susan Piddock / Deborah L. Rotman / Suzanne M. Spencer-Wood / Stephen G. Warfel"
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Despite valid criticisms, the archaeology of the Northeastern United States is still driven by culture historic taxonomies. Recent research has shown that the attributes once considered diagnostic to specific cultures or time periods may... more
Despite valid criticisms, the archaeology of the Northeastern United States is still driven by culture historic taxonomies. Recent research has shown that the attributes once considered diagnostic to specific cultures or time periods may not be reliable. This otherwise academic problem has real consequences when it comes to determinations of cultural affiliation that are a necessary part of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). Multicomponent sites, such as the Engelbert site in Nichols, New York, further complicate cultural affiliation determinations. This site contains evidence of Archaic, Middle to Late Woodland, proto-historic, and historic site use in a non-stratified context. Further, cultural materials recovered suggest that multiple contemporaneous groups, including the Iroquois, Susquehannock, and Monongahela, used the site. A taphonomic approach was used to assess the continuity of occupations that deposited a range of artifacts and both human and animal remains. The osteoarchaeology of the site suggests that it may have been a location where individuals of these groups interacted, physically or symbolically, through rituals. Evidence for ritual activities comes from the very large but unusual faunal assemblage, which contains unexpectedly high numbers of frogs, toads, and dogs. Additionally, a unique double burial mortuary ritual suggests that these cultural groups buried their dead together, possibly as an act of social memory to reify the later groups’ links to earlier inhabitants or to the land. Statistical analysis of the site’s contexts supports the hypothesis that the co-occurrence of cultural material from these two groups is not explained by feature fill or natural mixing of site contents. The Engelbert site provides Northeastern archaeology with further evidence that geographical and cultural boundaries were not rigid and that evidence for interaction between groups, whether driven by kinship, ritual, or economics, can supply the basis for a more dynamic and authentic history of Native American relationships.
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Abstract Taphonomic experiments were conducted in order to determine if the lack of faunal remains at an archaeological site, specifically the Thomas/Luckey site (SUBi-888), can be explained as the result of an extreme case of... more
Abstract Taphonomic experiments were conducted in order to determine if the lack of faunal remains at an archaeological site, specifically the Thomas/Luckey site (SUBi-888), can be explained as the result of an extreme case of differential decomposition and/or differential recovery. The experiments were designed to study the rate of post-burial decomposition of bone from three animal classes in archaeological soils and to assess the biasing affect of recovery methods on the faunal assemblage.
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Three case studies from New York State (USA) illustrate how contemporary archaeology can challenge common notions of 'development' and 'progress' as they pertain to new construction. Because contemporary approaches do not require... more
Three case studies from New York State (USA) illustrate how contemporary archaeology can challenge common notions of 'development' and 'progress' as they pertain to new construction. Because contemporary approaches do not require traditional and time-intensive excavation, archaeologists have more time to work collaboratively with students and community members to explore land use histories. Such collaborative learning enacts critical and emancipatory pedagogies. The cases described concern long-term care and respect of the poor and elderly, the forced removal of rural communities for an urban water supply, and the construction of shopping centers atop an American Revolutionary War site. Each project relied on community mapping to document concerns and findings, and convey them in ways that can educate all involved.
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Archaeologists who study the Native past have a responsibility to the Native present. But our academic training does little to prepare us for advocacy work. Personal interests, ethics, and the precariousness of employment often dictate... more
Archaeologists who study the Native past have a responsibility to the Native present. But our academic training does little to prepare us for advocacy work. Personal interests, ethics, and the precariousness of employment often dictate what can be done. Doing nothing is easier and safer than speaking out, but idleness reinforces the irrelevancy of archaeology to contemporary social issues. Recalling the advocacy decisions of two archaeological ancestors, Alanson B. Skinner and Warren K. Moorehead, helps us to consider how and when archaeologists should act beyond their own job descriptions. Skinner's attempts to educate the White-public and Moorehead's work to guide governmental policies were not flawless. But their willingness to do something helps us reconsider if we, as individual archaeologists, are doing enough. First and foremost, archaeologists should ensure that their institutions have complied with the spirit of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, not just the letter of the law. We should also ensure that we take opportunities to connect the Native past to the Indigenous present, in ways that go beyond land acknowledgements. Archaeologists can be better allies, accomplices, and co-conspirators. [advocacy, paternalism, NAGPRA, repatriation, Society of American Indians]
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American archaeology is rooted in the behaviors of our predecessors, yet our criticism of those forbearers is often disconnected from the issues of today's practice. Contributors to this volume seek to bridge that gap with a healthy dose... more
American archaeology is rooted in the behaviors of our predecessors, yet our criticism of those forbearers is often disconnected from the issues of today's practice. Contributors to this volume seek to bridge that gap with a healthy dose of reflection. First, this introduction touches on some issues that are not more fully covered in the chapters that follow, specifically the #MeToo movement and field/conference safety, race, and class inequalities especially the costs of field schools and unpaid internships, and the need for inclusive practices for those who are differently abled. Then we summarize those issues that this volume does focus on, pointing out connections and interrelationships. Three major themes are explored: (1) how the identity of an archaeologist can impact their legacy; (2) how the careers of celebrated "big men" and "big projects" are often misrepresented; and (3) the relationship of archaeology to Black and Indigenous peoples, women, and other marginalized groups, including those who are archaeologists. To conclude, each editor presents a reflection of their own relationship to American archaeology and how that inspired this volume. [ableism, identity, inclusion, publishing, racism]
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In this volume, archaeologists (and others) explain how the past lingers in places using the standard ways that academics communicate. We spend a great deal of time compiling site-specific data and then explore how theories of human... more
In this volume, archaeologists (and others) explain how the past lingers in places using the standard ways that academics communicate. We spend a great deal of time compiling site-specific data and then explore how theories of human behavior transform that data into a more universal narrative. In this chapter, I flip the script a bit to explore how hauntings themselves link specific peoples and places, creating local instances of universal narratives. To tell a compelling ghost story is to communicate a past in the present in such a way as to seemingly jeopardize the future. Perhaps the magic of the ghost story is that the listener need not have any special knowledge or expertise to learn its lesson.
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Around the time of Contact, the Native Americans of the Susquehanna Valley were met with cultural and environmental stresses unlike those they had encountered before. Europeans brought changes in raw materials, health and disease, and... more
Around the time of Contact, the Native Americans of the Susquehanna Valley were met with cultural and environmental stresses unlike those they had encountered before. Europeans brought changes in raw materials, health and disease, and social order while the Little Ice Age brought changes in agricultural prospects. These stresses combined to cause significant change in Native lives and in the objects with which archaeologists seek to understand Native identities. Through a reanalysis of existing mortuary data from several Susquehanna Valley sites, subtle shifts in Native identity are apparent in the positioning of bodies and in the artifacts selected for inclusion in graves. By identifying these shifts and placing them within a larger historical context, we can develop a greater understanding of how Native Americans saw themselves within a changing world.
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Archaeological site formation processes often are studied after a site has been excavated and the artifacts analyzed. Models of site formation processes, however, can guide excavation when based on site specific, or in this case... more
Archaeological site formation processes often are studied after a site has been excavated and the artifacts analyzed. Models of site formation processes, however, can guide excavation when based on site specific, or in this case institution specific, knowledge. These models can be created from a general understanding of the institution type and refined throughout an excavation, or as archival research dictates, to optimize sampling strategies and artifact recovery.
This paper outlines the construction of a site formation model for one-room schoolhouse sites based on previous research. This model was tested and refined during the excavation of two sites, the Blaess (pronounced Bliss) and Town Hall schools of Michigan, the results of which are summarized here. The development and use of similar models for other institution site types should lead to more productive research, and enhance archaeology’s contribution to the study of institutional life.
This paper outlines the construction of a site formation model for one-room schoolhouse sites based on previous research. This model was tested and refined during the excavation of two sites, the Blaess (pronounced Bliss) and Town Hall schools of Michigan, the results of which are summarized here. The development and use of similar models for other institution site types should lead to more productive research, and enhance archaeology’s contribution to the study of institutional life.
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Public and professional responses to the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) protests reveal a space where archaeologists can potentially connect past and present. Archaeology has already been applied to protests over labor conditions,... more
Public and professional responses to the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) protests reveal a space where archaeologists can potentially connect past and present. Archaeology has already been applied to protests over labor conditions, environment destruction, and weapons proliferation in both the United States and United Kingdom. Extending that work to Native American protests raises awareness of the legacy of broken treaties that underlie many of these actions. For example, the 1969-1971 occupation of Alcatraz Island is where contemporary Native American protest history often begins. A simple push-pin map of protests since then shows that the DAPL protest at Standing Rock was unique only in its extensive media coverage. Building greater awareness of these actions will improve how archaeologists carry out their compliance responsibilities and respond to an often-misinformed public. Working with tribal colleagues to identify protest sites would enhance existing efforts to protect ancient sites and reinforce the need for tribal input to evaluate impacts to their cultural landscapes. This is a pre-print of an article published in Historical Archaeology.
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In the nineteenth century, New York State established poorhouses in each county. By the next century, most had been converted to elder care institutions or hospitals. Patients who died without family or means for burial elsewhere were... more
In the nineteenth century, New York State established poorhouses in each county. By the next century, most had been converted to elder care institutions or hospitals. Patients who died without family or means for burial elsewhere were interred on-site in graves marked with small numbered grave stones or wooden markers. After the institutions closed, markers were lost and cemeteries were destroyed by development. This paper describes an exception, the Brier Hill cemetery of the Dutchess County Poorhouse. Approximately 300 original concrete markers are present and remote sensing suggests an additional 500 individuals are in now unmarked graves. Efforts to document, preserve, and protect the Brier Hill cemetery, without disturbing the dead, have revealed how social relationships shaped the cemetery population. While most archaeological studies of poorhouses cemeteries focus on biology of poverty, our work suggests that having friends, literally or figuratively, may have made all the difference in how and where the poor were laid to rest.
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At the turn of the twentieth century, American museums helped to legiti- mize archaeology as a scienti c discipline. By the next century, repatriation legislation had forced archaeologists to confront the dehumanization that can take... more
At the turn of the twentieth century, American museums helped to legiti- mize archaeology as a scienti c discipline. By the next century, repatriation legislation had forced archaeologists to confront the dehumanization that can take place when bodies and sacred objects are treated as scienti c specimens. Charting the future(s) of archaeology-museum relationships requires us to (1) recognize where, when, and how harm has been done, (2) confront those harmful precedents, and (3) restructure col- lections and exhibits in ways that heal wounds and advance research. Current research on the 1916 Susquehanna River Expedition, an archaeology-museum project funded by George Gustav Heye, provides insight into how our predecessors viewed their work. Using the expedition project as backdrop, an archaeology professor and an undergrad- uate student engage in a dialogue that explores the changing roles of American muse- ums as the public faces of archaeology, training grounds for young professionals, and cultural centers for us all.
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Two New York City institutions, the Board of Water Supply (BWS) and Department of Environmental Protection (DEP), have shaped rural regions far outside city boundaries. The BWS depopulated places selected for reservoir construction.... more
Two New York City institutions, the Board of Water Supply (BWS) and Department of Environmental Protection (DEP), have shaped rural regions far outside city boundaries. The BWS depopulated places selected for reservoir construction. Residents were evicted and towns were demolished then submerged. Those who remained struggled to reorganize their lives amid the landscape clearance. Once the reservoirs were complete, the DEP replaced the BWS as the institution in charge of ensuring the city’s water supply. The DEP Police patrols around the reservoirs and enforces land-use regulations. Archaeological survey of city-owned watershed lands reveals a scarred landscape of ongoing colonial conflict.
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Archaeology is a destructive science; to dig a site is to destroy it in a controlled fashion. To counteract this destruction, archaeologists are trained to document all they do with drawings, photographs, and written descriptions. As we... more
Archaeology is a destructive science; to dig a site is to destroy it in a controlled fashion. To counteract this destruction, archaeologists are trained to document all they do with drawings, photographs, and written descriptions. As we excavate we record not only what we see but also what we think about what we are seeing at that time. In this way, archaeologists record the facts but also the biases of their experience, research interests, and contemporary method and theory.
Archaeological sites are also an irreplaceable resource. Although new sites are constantly being created by ongoing human habitation, the sites of those people who came before us are in limited supply. Sites that were once visible to the untrained eye were routinely disturbed by generations of collectors, if not completely destroyed by any number of cultural or natural forces, including archaeology. The sites that remain untouched are more likely to represent small camps than large villages. Exceptions continue to be found but they are rare. To conduct new studies on the large pre-Contact villages of Native Americans, archaeologists should do their digging in the archives.
Field records provide a means of revisiting sites and asking new questions of data and data collectors. Artifacts (pot sherds, stone tools, etc.) housed in museums and other curation facilities are only one aspect of the archaeological site. The context in which these objects were found, the actual three-dimensional space in which the artifact once laid, tells its own story. Early archaeologists were more concerned with recovering objects than in documenting their context. The controlled excavation procedures that archaeologists use today only became widespread in the early 1970s. Highly controlled excavation may be a relatively new aspect of archaeology but documentation is not.
By reexamining the field records of a prehistoric site in New York State I was able to complete a dissertation2 on a site that was destroyed by road construction almost forty years earlier. Prior to my analysis, the Engelbert Site was described by Barry Kent as having the “largest concentration of clearly identifiable Susquehannock remains.”3 After my analysis, I concluded that some of the individuals previously identified as Susquehannock were probably not Susquehannock and that Susquehannock use of the site spanned a time range much greater than allowed by the Witthoft hypothesis4 of complete group migration to Lancaster by 1580. The difference in the number of Susquehannock individuals was due to several examples of grave reuse. It appears that existing non-Susquehannock graves were reopened after the buried individual had decomposed, and a Susquehannock individual was then placed within the existing grave. This pattern was not evident to the archaeologists who excavated the site although they documented the evidence for it. The burials clearly contained more than one individual, what I call a “multiple burial.” But close inspection of the field records revealed anomalies in the anatomical position of the human remains that suggested grave reuse. This interpretation was supported by soil data and by the positioning of the individuals and their artifacts within this soil
As a Scholar in Residence at the Pennsylvania State Museum, I reexamined the field records generated during the excavation of several Susquehannock sites in Pennsylvania to determine if a similar pattern of grave reuse could be found. Was grave reuse, I wondered, a way that Susquehannocks symbolically represented their links to people who had come before them? My research focused on seven sites (Table 1) that span approximately three hundred years of occupation and contained more than seven hundred human burials. Approximately 39 percent of these burials did contain more than one individual. Close examination of the field notes and photographs of these burials revealed that some, but not all, of these multiple burials are suggestive of grave reuse. The old sites were providing new data to answer my research questions.
Archaeological sites are also an irreplaceable resource. Although new sites are constantly being created by ongoing human habitation, the sites of those people who came before us are in limited supply. Sites that were once visible to the untrained eye were routinely disturbed by generations of collectors, if not completely destroyed by any number of cultural or natural forces, including archaeology. The sites that remain untouched are more likely to represent small camps than large villages. Exceptions continue to be found but they are rare. To conduct new studies on the large pre-Contact villages of Native Americans, archaeologists should do their digging in the archives.
Field records provide a means of revisiting sites and asking new questions of data and data collectors. Artifacts (pot sherds, stone tools, etc.) housed in museums and other curation facilities are only one aspect of the archaeological site. The context in which these objects were found, the actual three-dimensional space in which the artifact once laid, tells its own story. Early archaeologists were more concerned with recovering objects than in documenting their context. The controlled excavation procedures that archaeologists use today only became widespread in the early 1970s. Highly controlled excavation may be a relatively new aspect of archaeology but documentation is not.
By reexamining the field records of a prehistoric site in New York State I was able to complete a dissertation2 on a site that was destroyed by road construction almost forty years earlier. Prior to my analysis, the Engelbert Site was described by Barry Kent as having the “largest concentration of clearly identifiable Susquehannock remains.”3 After my analysis, I concluded that some of the individuals previously identified as Susquehannock were probably not Susquehannock and that Susquehannock use of the site spanned a time range much greater than allowed by the Witthoft hypothesis4 of complete group migration to Lancaster by 1580. The difference in the number of Susquehannock individuals was due to several examples of grave reuse. It appears that existing non-Susquehannock graves were reopened after the buried individual had decomposed, and a Susquehannock individual was then placed within the existing grave. This pattern was not evident to the archaeologists who excavated the site although they documented the evidence for it. The burials clearly contained more than one individual, what I call a “multiple burial.” But close inspection of the field records revealed anomalies in the anatomical position of the human remains that suggested grave reuse. This interpretation was supported by soil data and by the positioning of the individuals and their artifacts within this soil
As a Scholar in Residence at the Pennsylvania State Museum, I reexamined the field records generated during the excavation of several Susquehannock sites in Pennsylvania to determine if a similar pattern of grave reuse could be found. Was grave reuse, I wondered, a way that Susquehannocks symbolically represented their links to people who had come before them? My research focused on seven sites (Table 1) that span approximately three hundred years of occupation and contained more than seven hundred human burials. Approximately 39 percent of these burials did contain more than one individual. Close examination of the field notes and photographs of these burials revealed that some, but not all, of these multiple burials are suggestive of grave reuse. The old sites were providing new data to answer my research questions.
Research Interests:
Determinations of cultural affiliation in compliance with the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) often rely on culture history and the direct-historical approach. Both methods ignore important developments in... more
Determinations of cultural affiliation in compliance with the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) often rely on culture history and the direct-historical approach. Both methods ignore important developments in our understanding of identity. A recent NAGPRA claim illustrates an alternative. Using culture history and the direct-historical approach, it was difficult to ascribe the Engelbert Site of New York State to a federally recognized tribe because it contained material from multiple culture-historic taxa, often in the same feature. Taphonomic analyses of selected mixed deposits revealed a previously undocumented mortuary ritual that has since been found at other sites. Using memory as a framework for interpretation, this ritual appears reflective of a kinship-based shared identity between culture-historic taxa. The multivocality of this ritual provided an additional means for evaluating cultural affiliation by ascribing a consciousness of history to the subjects of this repatriation claim.
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"Port Tobacco is known as the first seat of Charles County, Maryland; an honor it held from 1727 until 1895. The town lost this status after a suspicious fire destroyed the Port Tobacco courthouse, and much of its contents. The county... more
"Port Tobacco is known as the first seat of Charles County, Maryland; an honor it held from 1727 until 1895. The town lost this status after a suspicious fire destroyed the Port Tobacco courthouse, and much of its contents. The county courthouse was quickly reconstructed but not in Port Tobacco, three miles to the east in nearby La Plata, a town on the new railroad (MAP).
The courthouse fire destroyed Port Tobacco’s future and its past. Historical records of the town are presumed to have burned. Residents whose livelihoods revolved around the county system moved to La Plata in such great numbers that the Episcopal church, which stood adjacent to the Port Tobacco courthouse, was dismantled and re-erected next to the La Plata courthouse. A segment of the population remained but their numbers dwindled and their buildings decayed.
Port Tobacco is now just a small hamlet with a population of 15. Of the nearly 100 structures that comprised Port Tobacco during its Colonial heyday, only three remain standing. A few twentieth century houses line Chapel Point Road, and a few more sit in front of the recreated 1819 courthouse. No other development has occurred.
The downfall of Port Tobacco, from bustling county seat to sleepy hamlet, can now been seen as a windfall for Maryland archaeology. Underneath 60-acres of agricultural fields and manicured lawns lie fragments of untold stories of Native American occupation, European contact, Jesuit missionaries, Colonial port development, American Revolutionary action, agricultural economics, slavery, Civil War conflict, the Lincoln assassination conspiracy, local environmental change, and the realities of the Industrial Revolution. With the cooperation of landowners and assistance of local volunteers, the Port Tobacco Archaeological Project is working to recover this rich history and tell the town’s stories, beginning with the founding of the town itself.
Whereas most stories of town founding are rather simple, consisting of a date, a name, and perhaps a plat map showing the town layout, that of Port Tobacco is not. In fact, it can be argued that Port Tobacco was never founded. Many versions of Port Tobacco existed on the banks of the Port Tobacco River, beginning over 400 years ago. The dates, the names, and the layouts changed as the town was founded and refounded with new populations and new purposes. Similarly, the face of archaeology in Port Tobacco has changed many times. Finding Port Tobacco, it seems, is as complicated as founding it.
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The courthouse fire destroyed Port Tobacco’s future and its past. Historical records of the town are presumed to have burned. Residents whose livelihoods revolved around the county system moved to La Plata in such great numbers that the Episcopal church, which stood adjacent to the Port Tobacco courthouse, was dismantled and re-erected next to the La Plata courthouse. A segment of the population remained but their numbers dwindled and their buildings decayed.
Port Tobacco is now just a small hamlet with a population of 15. Of the nearly 100 structures that comprised Port Tobacco during its Colonial heyday, only three remain standing. A few twentieth century houses line Chapel Point Road, and a few more sit in front of the recreated 1819 courthouse. No other development has occurred.
The downfall of Port Tobacco, from bustling county seat to sleepy hamlet, can now been seen as a windfall for Maryland archaeology. Underneath 60-acres of agricultural fields and manicured lawns lie fragments of untold stories of Native American occupation, European contact, Jesuit missionaries, Colonial port development, American Revolutionary action, agricultural economics, slavery, Civil War conflict, the Lincoln assassination conspiracy, local environmental change, and the realities of the Industrial Revolution. With the cooperation of landowners and assistance of local volunteers, the Port Tobacco Archaeological Project is working to recover this rich history and tell the town’s stories, beginning with the founding of the town itself.
Whereas most stories of town founding are rather simple, consisting of a date, a name, and perhaps a plat map showing the town layout, that of Port Tobacco is not. In fact, it can be argued that Port Tobacco was never founded. Many versions of Port Tobacco existed on the banks of the Port Tobacco River, beginning over 400 years ago. The dates, the names, and the layouts changed as the town was founded and refounded with new populations and new purposes. Similarly, the face of archaeology in Port Tobacco has changed many times. Finding Port Tobacco, it seems, is as complicated as founding it.
"
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Recent research on the faunal assemblage from the Engelbert Site (New York) brings to light both the need for new archaeologically derived models of prehistoric animal use as well as the limits of such models. A model of Archaic to Late... more
Recent research on the faunal assemblage from the Engelbert Site (New York) brings to light both the need for new archaeologically derived models of prehistoric animal use as well as the limits of such models. A model of Archaic to Late Woodland faunal assemblages for central New York State is presented and used to assess the composition of the Engelbert assemblage. Spearman’s correlation suggests that this assemblage is not statistically different from other faunal assemblages in the region despite the prominence of frogs, toads, and dogs at the site. A taphonomic analysis of these remains suggests that the non-subsistence roles of these animals led to their high rates of deposition. A new model, incorporating the Engelbert data, is provided to stimulate new zooarchaeological research in the region. Additional data from sites new and old are needed to move the zooarchaeology of the Northeast beyond the standard research questions of subsistence and paleoecology.
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The application of traditional archaeological survey methods to one-room schoolhouse sites often results in meager artifact assemblages dominated by architectural artifacts. As a result, many schoolhouse sites have been lost to... more
The application of traditional archaeological survey methods to one-room schoolhouse sites often results in meager artifact assemblages dominated by architectural artifacts. As a result, many schoolhouse sites have been lost to development. The archaeological investigation of two historic school sites provide examples of how the excavation of schoolhouse sites, combined with archival and architectural analyses, can be used to recover the long history of individual schools and their communities and contribute to the educational history of Michigan.
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How can a contemporary archaeology of New York's Ashokan Reservoir capture a century of dwellings on the traumatic beauty of its landscape? Where people (and nature) were forced out and lingering communities crippled, a vast lake now... more
How can a contemporary archaeology of New York's Ashokan Reservoir capture a century of dwellings on the traumatic beauty of its landscape? Where people (and nature) were forced out and lingering communities crippled, a vast lake now provides space for valued activities like bald-eagle nesting and nature recreation. The humans who reside in this nature have varied stances; some battle against their erasure, while others are resigned to it, or encourage additional land conservation. Government land takings and environmental regulations exert control from afar while local employment and affordable housing are scarce. Multi-million dollar estates sprout up to create their own traumatic beauty, and a new rail trail brings automobile problems into a forest. This reservoir landscape is so many things to so many people that it eludes both linear and palimpsestic narrative. This paper combines the landscape archaeology approaches of standpoints (Hicks, McAtackney, and Fairclough 2007) and theatre/ archaeology (Pearson and Shanks 2001, 2014), in an attempt to capture multiplicity in a way that is effective (Stahl 2020). Sites are used to create location-specific scenes that gather together artistic, scientific, and historical works on the landscape. Each scene speaks to a specific standpoint through narratives on the trauma of removal, beauty of man-made nature, and tensions inherent in having disproportionately affluent neighbors. With archaeology as the material anchor, can standpoint scenes foster an effective understanding of such contentious landscapes?
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Archaeologists who study the Native past have a responsibility to the Native present. But our academic training does little to prepare us for advocacy work. Personal interests, ethics, and the precariousness of employment often dictate... more
Archaeologists who study the Native past have a responsibility to the Native present. But our academic training does little to prepare us for advocacy work. Personal interests, ethics, and the precariousness of employment often dictate what can be done. Doing nothing is easier and safer than speaking out, but idleness reinforces the irrelevancy of archaeology to contemporary social issues. Recalling the advocacy decisions of two archaeological ancestors, Alanson B. Skinner and Warren K. Moorehead, helps us to consider how and when archaeologists should act beyond their own job descriptions. Skinner's attempts to educate the white-public and Moorehead's work to guide governmental policies were not flawless. But their willingness to do something helps us reconsider if we, as individual archaeologists, are doing enough.
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Since the occupation of Alcatraz by the Indians of All Tribes (1969-1971), Native American and First Nation protests have been well-documented through a variety of media. Unfortunately, many non-Natives lack the background necessary to... more
Since the occupation of Alcatraz by the Indians of All Tribes (1969-1971), Native American and First Nation protests have been well-documented through a variety of media. Unfortunately, many non-Natives lack the background necessary to understand and evaluate the messages being conveyed. For example, after the National Park Service began including the Alcatraz occupation in their site interpretation, I witnessed visitors discussing how inappropriate it was that a Native prison riot was being celebrated. More recently, the Standing Rock #NoDAPL protests have been a swirl of media messages and misunderstandings. Could archaeologies of contemporary Native protests help to (re)educate those who misunderstand or ignore these media? Archaeology can be used to either contextualize or to document the protests themselves; we can map the creation, expansion, and movement of protest sites, use time/date stamps and geotagged images to delineate sites and define their stratigraphic layers, we can use the contemporary juxtapositioning of people, places, and objects to re-evaluate cultural boundaries through space and time. If archaeology has no place in contemporary Native and First Nation struggles, then we must be critical of our continued role in the myth of the vanishing Indian.
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Water rights is a social issue of growing importance. Recently, the United Nations declared access to clean drinking water to be a basic human right. Yet financial groups are predicting that water is the next major commodity, to be bought... more
Water rights is a social issue of growing importance. Recently, the United Nations declared access to clean drinking water to be a basic human right. Yet financial groups are predicting that water is the next major commodity, to be bought and sold like oil. What few are talking about is the long history of water flowing towards political and social centers, and away from rural populations. As Leith Mullings stated in her presidential address, anthropology pays attention to not only that which is manifest, but also to that which is concealed. A social archaeology of New York City's water system reminds us all of the long-standing nature of urban water crises and provides a way of critiquing past decisions to inform future ones. For approximately 200 years, the city's growth necessitated the acquisition of water from more and more distant sources. But places rich in water are inhabited places. Taking water from rural communities reshaped them and continues to restrict their development. Documenting the materiality of water struggles over time and space provides opportunities to ask what (and who) we are willing to sacrifice to ensure the future of our cities.
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Archaeological sites can be haunted by past peoples if we convey the stories necessary to presence them; no paranormal powers required. The magic of a ghost story lies in its ability to conjure the emotions of the listener. Many ghost... more
Archaeological sites can be haunted by past peoples if we convey the stories necessary to presence them; no paranormal powers required. The magic of a ghost story lies in its ability to conjure the emotions of the listener. Many ghost stories are warnings of things that happened, and might happen again. Telling the tale provides listeners with worse-case scenarios and vague instructions on how to avoid a similar fate. Historic sites that contain standing ruins are ripe for such tales because when we view a ruin we automatically wonder what happened there. For example, homes are seen as safe places of loved ones. An abandoned house suggests a tragedy has occurred. Historical archaeology can recover the facts and present them as a timeline or it can seek out the more sensitive issues that captures imagination and connects past and present people to it.
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Lands around New York City’s rural reservoirs contain ruins of residences, schools, churches, farms, and other businesses, displaced by watershed creation that began in the mid-nineteenth century. But even the forests around them are... more
Lands around New York City’s rural reservoirs contain ruins of residences, schools, churches, farms, and other businesses, displaced by watershed creation that began in the mid-nineteenth century. But even the forests around them are artifacts of the abandonment. Here, the spaces in between buildings and trash piles are the places where the region’s economy flourished before the reservoir changed everything. Treating each ruin as an individual site would ignore the interconnectedness of rural economies and the contagiousness of abandonment. However, when treating these ruins as individual features within larger sites of watershed creation, their interconnectedness is prioritized. Spatial gaps between each ruin come into focus as places where economic and social activities once took place. The secondary growth forest, the dry creek beds, and the quarried cliffs are cultural features in need of interpretation. Standing and occupied structures are also integral features whose documentation allows for assessments of resilience. Together, these multiple feature types provide information on not only where but also when and why abandonment occurred across vast sites. This landscape contains 150-years of data on cultural impacts of environmental engineering that can inform future watershed projects and contribute to research on rural and urban abandonment.
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Archaeological narratives of Native Americans during the Contact period (circa 1500-1800) often focus on rates of assimilation or declines in population. Recent efforts to decolonize archeology encourage us to move away from relying on... more
Archaeological narratives of Native Americans during the Contact period (circa 1500-1800) often focus on rates of assimilation or declines in population. Recent efforts to decolonize archeology encourage us to move away from relying on European artifact counts to create chronologies - more European goods does not necessarily mean the site is more recent and the inhabitants more assimilated. Instead, these artifacts can be seen as remnants of the “cultural entanglements” that characterize the era. This paper reconsiders the archaeological narrative of the Susquehannock, a Native American group of what is now central Pennsylvania, by viewing them as a nation instead of an ethnic group. Nationality may be superior to ethnicity for understanding cultural entanglements because it is rooted in cultural not biological inheritance. All that matters in nationality is that individuals minimally participate in a shared lifestyle and do not attempt to bring down or overthrow the leadership, outside of accepted mechanisms for political change. Nationalities are also routinely adopted and shed as political landscapes change. Freed from issues of authenticity, a nationality-based archaeological narrative can focus on evidence of Native agency at a variety of scales, from individual, to village, and regional community.
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New York's Catskill region contains innumerable ruins. To outsiders, they are a reminder that rural life is a struggle. To insiders, these ruins are the debris of a government project. Millions of New York City (NYC) residents need clean... more
New York's Catskill region contains innumerable ruins. To outsiders, they are a reminder that rural life is a struggle. To insiders, these ruins are the debris of a government project. Millions of New York City (NYC) residents need clean water, and the Catskill region is their main source. The city began depopulating the Catskills over 100 years ago when towns were submerged to create the Ashokan Reservoir. Many left but those who remained reorganized their lives around the reservoir. Increasing populations and water quality concerns have spurred new land acquisitions around the reservoir, creating new ruins. This watershed protection program obscures the fact that the watershed is man-made. Symbols of legitimacy and continuity are evident in the local NYC headquarters, a complex of preserved historic homes amid the ruins. These ruins are the debris of government supported land clearance programs. Archaeological assessment documents what once was, and raises awareness of what is and what may soon be.
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New York City's population outgrew the local water supply in the late 18th century. Water brought in from elsewhere quenched the thirst of some but could not be used to fight fires that all-too-frequently destroyed sections of the city.... more
New York City's population outgrew the local water supply in the late 18th century. Water brought in from elsewhere quenched the thirst of some but could not be used to fight fires that all-too-frequently destroyed sections of the city. The solution, it seemed, was to build reservoirs in the country and aqueduct to transport their water to the city, even if thousands of rural residents would be displaced and livelihoods lost. Now, with enough rural reservoirs to hold 555 billion gallons of water, the city has shifted its focus from construction to the removal of people from "their" watershed lands. Rural people are not only consuming the local water, their presence is a source of environmental pollution. Focusing on the city-owned lands around the Ashokan Reservoir in the Catskills, this research uses historical archaeology to document past land uses. Preliminary results show that human habitation and use was extensive despite the "vacant" label often applied to these properties. House foundations, community cemeteries, and artifact scatters are often encircled by extensive networks of stone walls (indicative of agricultural fields and pastures). Many landscape features post-date reservoir construction and some, such as family cemeteries, reflect continued ties to the land despite ongoing removal. By dating the construction and abandonment of these features and mapping them on the landscape using GIS, it is possible to see how one-hundred years of water acquisition by the city has reshaped this rural landscape. Such data may help minimize the cultural impacts of future environmental land acquisitions.
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The Ashokan Reservoir was constructed at the turn of the 20th century to provide clean water New York City (NYC) residents, living 100miles to the south. Since then, NYC has used a land acquisition program to protect this natural... more
The Ashokan Reservoir was constructed at the turn of the 20th century to provide clean water New York City (NYC) residents, living 100miles to the south. Since then, NYC has used a land acquisition program to protect this natural resource; purchasing land around the reservoir from willing sellers and allowing recreational use of those lands by permit. For the city, the program is an excellent example of environmental conservation. For the Catskill communities, this program has drastically altered the cultural landscape by changing land use patterns. Three waves of impact are clear: 1) reservoir and aqueduct construction, which led to resettlement of people, restructuring of towns, and loss of community heritage, 2) land acquisitions since construction - which have caused continued abandonment of areas designated as high priority for water conservation, and 3) future land acquisitions - which will depopulate regions outside of designated hamlets and negotiated hamlet expansion zones. This research uses historical archaeology as a means of documenting the sociocultural impacts of the second wave. The purchased properties contain remnants of the lives of those who once lived and worked there, and show how lands that appeared "vacant" to outsiders were actually part of the social and economic systems of the surrounding communities. Together with archival records that document the more concentrated first wave, the data generated from this research will allow for the creation of social models that can inform land acquisition programs of the third wave to help minimize the cultural impacts of environmental conservation programs.
Numerous environmental histories of the Hudson Valley have been compiled. While each has its own focus, together they help us envision the natural and cultural changes that have taken place over the past few hundred years. A next step is... more
Numerous environmental histories of the Hudson Valley have been compiled. While each has its own focus, together they help us envision the natural and cultural changes that have taken place over the past few hundred years. A next step is to integrate these data under a uniform paradigm such as historical ecology. Historical ecology takes a longer view than environmental history and sees the world as composed of landscapes, not ecosystems. Landscapes are forever altered by the human actions associated with them, they can not return to a pre-altered state for no such thing exists. Landscapes are also much smaller than the regions of environmental history. Humans interact with local geology, hydrology, and biology to create distinctive landscapes,through the selective harvesting or alteration of native resources and the addition of non-local resources. Anthropological approaches, especially archaeology, provide a means for studying past environmental decisions at the local level and throughout time. Elsewhere, such historical ecology research has shown how seemingly minor differences in landscape use produce significant environmental impacts over time. With a more holistic understanding of Hudson Valley landscapes we can consider the lessons and legacies of the past when making environmental decisions for the future.
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The archaeology of town formation is often guided by the use of historic maps; regional maps narrow down the location of lost towns, and local maps match archaeological finds to documented structures. The Port Tobacco Archaeological... more
The archaeology of town formation is often guided by the use of historic maps; regional maps narrow down the location of lost towns, and local maps match archaeological finds to documented structures. The Port Tobacco Archaeological Project used both regional and local maps to interpret one 60-acre town site, with mixed results. Are the Native American deposits the remnants of Captain John Smith's Potopaco? Do the identified foundations correspond to the buildings on historic maps? Precision field mapping and spatial analyses of recovered artifacts needed to consider two biasing factors: 1) site formation processes (abandonment of dilapidated structures and clean-up of their debris), and 2) the imprecise and inaccurate methods of those who constructed historic maps (they were not meant to be accurate representations of long gone places). Mapping town formation, therefore, requires appreciation for and acceptance of the limitations of maps for recalling the past as it was.
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Around the time of Contact, the Native Americans of the Susquehanna Valley were met with cultural and environmental stresses unlike those they had encountered before. Europeans brought changes in raw materials, health and disease, and... more
Around the time of Contact, the Native Americans of the Susquehanna Valley were met with cultural and environmental stresses unlike those they had encountered before. Europeans brought changes in raw materials, health and disease, and social order while the Little Ice Age brought changes in agricultural prospects. These stresses combined to cause significant change in Native lives and in the objects with which archaeologists seek to understand Native Identities. Through a reanalysis of existing mortuary data from several Susquehanna Valley sites, subtle shifts in Native identity are apparent in the positioning of bodies and in the artifacts selected for inclusion in graves. By identifying these shifts and placing them within a larger historical context, we can develop a greater understanding of how Contact period Native Americans saw themselves within a changing world.
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The analysis of animal bones is often focused on the identification of species present and quantification of their relative contributions to the diet of site inhabitants. As a result, many projects do not “waste time” analyzing their... more
The analysis of animal bones is often focused on the identification of species present and quantification of their relative contributions to the diet of site inhabitants. As a result, many projects do not “waste time” analyzing their animal bones; believing that they have a good idea of what past inhabitants of this region consumed. Yet, animal bones can provide archaeologists with data on so much more. This presentation will illustrate how the analysis of animal bones helped to reinterpret one archaeological site, and, as a result, the archaeology of a region. Here, these bones provided new evidence on ritual practices of Native Americans, before and around the time of contact with Europeans.
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Media representations of forensic science, such as those found in the FOX television series Bones (2005- ), cause students to have misconceptions about the practice, techniques, and limits of the field. This failure to exercise media... more
Media representations of forensic science, such as those found in the FOX television series Bones (2005- ), cause students to have misconceptions about the practice, techniques, and limits of the field. This failure to exercise media literacy, to analyze critically these crime procedurals, leads students to pursue coursework, majors, and even careers based on these inaccurate (i.e., “Hollywood-ized”) depictions. This workshop presents collaborative approaches – between communication and anthropology departments – to counter such misconceptions, including a survey to measure perceptions of forensic science and media accuracy, multi-perspective scene analyses of Bones (including viewers’ uses and gratifications in regard to the selected episodes/series, shot framing and narrative development , genre conventions and limitations, and “real-life” re-creation of forensic techniques used in the show), and a courtroom simulation related to a selected episode to put the televised “evidence” on trial. In addition, this workshop allows for a discussion of additional interdisciplinary methods that can be employed to increase media literacy in regard to scientific content.
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The Port Tobacco Archaeological Project has been engaged in public outreach since day 1. We maintain a daily research blog that we post to even when we are not actively working on the project. We have a You Tube Channel and a Flickr site... more
The Port Tobacco Archaeological Project has been engaged in public outreach since day 1. We maintain a daily research blog that we post to even when we are not actively working on the project. We have a You Tube Channel and a Flickr site so that everyone and anyone can see what we are up to. We include volunteers in the field and the lab and are often outnumbered by them. Several independently pursue archival research and contribute high quality material to the project database. We constantly reach out to the public; they just don’t often reach back. By presenting our challenges, and failures, we hope to help others create realistic expectations for public outreach.
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The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act challenges archaeologists to make determinations of cultural affiliation in consultation with Native Americans. To determine affiliation, identity is reduced to a checklist of... more
The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act challenges archaeologists to make determinations of cultural affiliation in consultation with Native Americans. To determine affiliation, identity is reduced to a checklist of evidential sources. One loophole is given, expert opinion, but never defined. Archaeologists often rely on culture history and its labels of identity while Native Americans often rely on oral traditions and its identity labels. A case study provides a context for considering the genealogy of knowledge inherent in such a claim and the imbalance of power that may lead to epistemic injustice.
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One of those hanged for the Lincoln Assassination was George Atzerodt, a resident of Port Tobacco, Maryland. There, Atzerodt ran a carriage shop before becoming involved in smuggling. The bustling port town, just south of Washington, D.C.... more
One of those hanged for the Lincoln Assassination was George Atzerodt, a resident of Port Tobacco, Maryland. There, Atzerodt ran a carriage shop before becoming involved in smuggling. The bustling port town, just south of Washington, D.C. and across the Potomac from Richmond, Virginia, was a hotbed of Confederate activity. Several other residents may have been involved in the conspiracy. Archival and archaeological research has produced a list of suspects who will never go on trial. For that reason, the archaeology of a conspiracy cannot be apolitical.
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Adherence to culture historic taxonomies has stagnated research on the late prehistoric cultures of the Northeast. Here, cultural identity is largely based on a combination of geographic territories at Contact and ceramic types found... more
Adherence to culture historic taxonomies has stagnated research on the late prehistoric cultures of the Northeast. Here, cultural identity is largely based on a combination of geographic territories at Contact and ceramic types found within those territorial areas. This approach overlooks the fluidity of individual and cultural identities and the permeability of geographical and cultural boundaries. This research explores the potential for burial rituals, as preserved acts of social memory, to provide a new means of understanding the late prehistoric landscape in the Susquehanna Valley of New York and Pennsylvania.
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New research on old collections suggests that the Susquehannocks did not completely abandon their northern territory in the late sixteenth century. Burials from Tioga County, New York contain artifacts that postdate the believed A.D.... more
New research on old collections suggests that the Susquehannocks did not completely abandon their northern territory in the late sixteenth century. Burials from Tioga County, New York contain artifacts that postdate the believed A.D. 1550-1575 southward migration to Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Grave characteristics in Tioga County also resemble those of seventeenth century Susquehannock burials in Lancaster County. With these and other archaeological and archival data we can begin to create a more authentic history of the Susquehannocks and of the Susquehanna River Valley
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Historical maps of Port Tobacco, Charles County, Maryland document the town's nineteenth-century layout. A central courthouse and church front on a public square of offices and businesses, including two hotels, one on the north and one on... more
Historical maps of Port Tobacco, Charles County, Maryland document the town's nineteenth-century layout. A central courthouse and church front on a public square of offices and businesses, including two hotels, one on the north and one on the south side of the square. Other "paired" structures include one-room schools and social halls in the north and south ends of town. Archaeological and archival research provide a means of understanding the apparent north-south spatial division of life in Port Tobacco.
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Double burials, defined here as two complete individuals interred in one grave, are not common in Northeastern archaeology, although they do occur with some frequency in along Susquehanna River in southern New York and northern... more
Double burials, defined here as two complete individuals interred in one grave, are not common in Northeastern archaeology, although they do occur with some frequency in along Susquehanna River in southern New York and northern Pennsylvania. The analysis of five double burials found at the Engelbert site, Nichols, New York, suggest that the individuals within each burial were not deposited at the same time. Evidence from adjacent burials at the site suggest that older single burials may have been carefully selected to become double burials. This included excavation of the existing burial, interment of the second individual, and the inclusion of additional grave goods before the grave was resealed. Statistical analysis supports the interpretation that these burials have a unique depositional history and that they are not contaminated by feature fill. The possible meanings of this burial ritual are explored within the context of memory and identity.
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Seven of the over 100 burials at the Engelbert Site contain the remains of more than one individual. These double burials are clustered in an area interpreted as a Susquehannock cemetery. Reanalysis of the cemetery has revealed evidence... more
Seven of the over 100 burials at the Engelbert Site contain the remains of more than one individual. These double burials are clustered in an area interpreted as a Susquehannock cemetery. Reanalysis of the cemetery has revealed evidence that other Late Woodland cultures also used this area and that the double burials may contain individuals that were not interred at the same time. Taphonomic analysis of burial and non-burial contexts, and their faunal assemblages, seeks to evaluate the contemporaneity of these individuals and assess their potential to be evidence of a cultural link between Iroquois, Susquehannock, and Monongahela cultures
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Excellent faunal preservation at the Engelbert Site may provide a unique look at the use of frogs and toads by New York's prehistoric cultures. Recovered from a variety of contexts at the site, their MNI count places them second only to... more
Excellent faunal preservation at the Engelbert Site may provide a unique look at the use of frogs and toads by New York's prehistoric cultures. Recovered from a variety of contexts at the site, their MNI count places them second only to deer within an assemblage of over 30,000 specimens. Originally dismissed as natural inclusions, new data now suggests that frogs and toads may have played both subsistence and ritual roles. Particularly intriguing are two burial vessels that contained a number of charred, near complete anuran remains. A combined ethnographic and taphonomic analysis will reevaluate the role of anurans at this multicomponent site.
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Common schools, often comprised of a single room with one or two teachers, taught millions of children from the 1850s through the 1930s. They have provided source material for objective historical writings on education and inspired... more
Common schools, often comprised of a single room with one or two teachers, taught millions of children from the 1850s through the 1930s. They have provided source material for objective historical writings on education and inspired subjective literature on the school experiences of teachers and students. But as prominent as one-room schools have been in the North American experience, and in perceptions of rural 19th and early 20th-century life, these ubiquitous structures have not found a place in the archaeological literature. This paper examines the archaeological potential of schoolhouse sites for providing useful information not otherwise available to historians, poets, and playwrights.
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Schoolhouse archaeology in the United States, Canada, and the Caribbean has operated outside of any explicit theoretical schema and has relied on the use of data collection methods developed for domestic sites. The authors review the... more
Schoolhouse archaeology in the United States, Canada, and the Caribbean has operated outside of any explicit theoretical schema and has relied on the use of data collection methods developed for domestic sites. The authors review the kinds of information that have been recovered from school sites in the past ten years and explore theoretical approaches that identify critical types of information and the means by which those data might best be collected.
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Excavation within a building’s foundation can provide important information on the life history of the structure. Construction, habitation, repair, renovation, abandonment, and demolition processes contribute to the creation of these... more
Excavation within a building’s foundation can provide important information on the life history of the structure. Construction, habitation, repair, renovation, abandonment, and demolition processes contribute to the creation of these assemblages, as do post-abandonment processes. What is often overlooked is the potential for building foundations to serve as habitats for a variety of non-human species. Below the floorboards animals find ample space to burrow and/or den and scavengers enjoy a reliable food source in the inhabitants’ refuse. These commensal animals can heavily influence deposition and transformation of subfloor assemblages. Taphonomic analysis is therefore a vital tool for interpreting these assemblages.
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The archaeologist, more often endured than welcomed, steps on many toes when excavating a rural schoolhouse. After all, with oral histories, reminiscences, and photographs in hand, why entrust further work to an outsider? Archaeological... more
The archaeologist, more often endured than welcomed, steps on many toes when excavating a rural schoolhouse. After all, with oral histories, reminiscences, and photographs in hand, why entrust further work to an outsider? Archaeological investigations at the Blaess School in Michigan and Oella School in Maryland cast very different lights on institutions that long-time residents thought they knew. The research in each case yielded more complex, more interesting stories in which the respective communities might pride themselves.
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Developments in the field of Artificial Intelligence bring the promise of educational web sites past their current hypertext links and towards a truly interactive learning environment. Currently, many archaeology web sites assume a level... more
Developments in the field of Artificial Intelligence bring the promise of educational web sites past their current hypertext links and towards a truly interactive learning environment. Currently, many archaeology web sites assume a level of knowledge of their likely visitors and cater their content toward that audience. Through intelligent tutoring systems and knowledge bases, the web can be used to guide users along a path of higher learning by storing a model of that user's current knowledge. Knowledge bases can also be used to provide a new form of searchable database that would allow for professionals to conduct "real research" using the Internet. This paper will explore the impact of these technologies on the value of the data that archaeological web sites can present to both the public and professional arenas.
Research Interests:
Due to the numerous environmental and behavioral biasing factors at work within and between archaeological sites, comparative analyses of household faunal assemblages are plagued by uncertainties. Baselines need to be established which... more
Due to the numerous environmental and behavioral biasing factors at work within and between archaeological sites, comparative analyses of household faunal assemblages are plagued by uncertainties. Baselines need to be established which provide an expected assemblage composition so that variation between household assemblages can be evaluated with confidence. One proposed source of this baseline data is the colonial tavern. Catering to the taste of the local residents and relying on the resources that were available in their region, a tavern faunal assemblage should represent those foods most commonly prepared in that region with variations suggesting economic status and/or ethnic preferences. A reconstruction of how food was prepared, consumed, and discarded in a colonial tavern can therefore provide us with an average dietary reconstruction of the locality in which that tavern resides. This reconstruction, however, must consider all those taphonomic factors which may have contributed to the biasing of tavern related assemblages.
Research Interests:
In the 1960s, highway construction caused the grading of a knoll in New York State. That knoll contained over 200 human burials and artifacts spanning 5,000 years. The rushed nature of the excavation led to substandard record keeping and... more
In the 1960s, highway construction caused the grading of a knoll in New York State. That knoll contained over 200 human burials and artifacts spanning 5,000 years. The rushed nature of the excavation led to substandard record keeping and the artifacts sat virtually unstudied for 35 years. With the passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, interest in the site was renewed. The Onondaga Nation of the Iroquois Confederacy sought to claim the remains for repatriation but the site may have been home to another group, the Susquehannock. Pottery and stone tool analysis failed to discern which culture the site belonged to but the bones provided a convincing answer, without DNA.
Research Interests:
Technical report of the weekend excavations at two historic houses in Tiffin, Ohio.
Research Interests:
Early research concluded that the Susquehannocks abandoned the North Branch of the Susquehanna River (the Upper Susquehanna Valley) by 1570, forming one large community in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania by 1580 (Witthoft 1959). Theories... more
Early research concluded that the Susquehannocks abandoned the North Branch of the Susquehanna River (the Upper Susquehanna Valley) by 1570, forming one large community in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania by 1580 (Witthoft 1959). Theories regarding the reason for this move include their being driven out by the Five Nations and being drawn to Lancaster for its superior trade opportunities. En route to Lancaster, the Susquehannocks encountered villages of the Shenks Ferry people.
Research Interests:
In April 2003, archaeological survey and testing of the Kempf House property was undertaken. The primary goals of this testing were to 1) locate the original privy for the house and 2) to determine if intact subsurface archaeological... more
In April 2003, archaeological survey and testing of the Kempf House property was undertaken. The primary goals of this testing were to 1) locate the original privy for the house and 2) to determine if intact subsurface archaeological deposits existed on the property. The 1853 Kempf House is currently run as a Greek Revival house museum and Local History Center and is a City of Ann Arbor Recreation Facility. The museum interprets Ann Arbor history, architecture, interior decoration, Victorian lifestyles and landscapes
from the period of 1850 to 1910. As such, the identification of the original privy location and intact archaeological deposits has the potential to add to the interpretive value of the museum.
Phase I testing included surface survey and subsurface sampling in the form of tube auger samples taken in the rear yard on a 5-foot grid, and the excavation of three 2 by 2-ft test units in selected areas of positive auger results. The artifacts recovered from the site
include a slate pencil, a marble, a portion of a folding bone ruler, a stove lid lifter, a furniture caster, buckles, buttons, tobacco pipes, machine cut and wire nails, window and vessel glass including a complete 19th century medicine bottle, stoneware and whiteware
ceramics, and animal bone. Most of these artifacts were recovered from a coal pile located behind the Kempf House. One test unit appeared to contain demolition debris of an unknown source, mostly low-fired brick and mortar with machine cut nails.
Based on the results of the 2003 fieldwork, further excavation is recommended to 1) sample the potential privy location, 2) further evaluate the area of demolition debris to determine its source, 3) further test the coal pile to better determine the relative ages of
the deposits.
from the period of 1850 to 1910. As such, the identification of the original privy location and intact archaeological deposits has the potential to add to the interpretive value of the museum.
Phase I testing included surface survey and subsurface sampling in the form of tube auger samples taken in the rear yard on a 5-foot grid, and the excavation of three 2 by 2-ft test units in selected areas of positive auger results. The artifacts recovered from the site
include a slate pencil, a marble, a portion of a folding bone ruler, a stove lid lifter, a furniture caster, buckles, buttons, tobacco pipes, machine cut and wire nails, window and vessel glass including a complete 19th century medicine bottle, stoneware and whiteware
ceramics, and animal bone. Most of these artifacts were recovered from a coal pile located behind the Kempf House. One test unit appeared to contain demolition debris of an unknown source, mostly low-fired brick and mortar with machine cut nails.
Based on the results of the 2003 fieldwork, further excavation is recommended to 1) sample the potential privy location, 2) further evaluate the area of demolition debris to determine its source, 3) further test the coal pile to better determine the relative ages of
the deposits.
In October 2002 and June 2003, archaeological survey and testing of the Town Hall School site was undertaken. The primary goals of this survey was to 1) locate architectural remains of the original 1852 brick school house and 2)... more
In October 2002 and June 2003, archaeological survey and testing of the Town Hall
School site was undertaken. The primary goals of this survey was to 1) locate
architectural remains of the original 1852 brick school house and 2) determine if intact
subsurface archaeological deposits existed on the property.
The 1852 Town Hall School was demolished in 1895, after the construction of a new
frame schoolhouse on the same property. No known photographs, drawings, or detailed
descriptions of the 1852 school exist. What is known about the school is largely
contained within the recently compiled history of the 1895 frame school (Wright 1996).
Phase I survey included surface survey and subsurface sampling in the form shovel test
pits excavated on a 20-foot grid. Phase II testing included the excavation of three 5 by 5-
ft excavation units, which were judgmentally placed based on the results of the Phase I
survey. The artifacts recovered from the site include slate pencils, a marble, buttons,
machine cut and wire nails, window and vessel glass including portions of at least two
late 19th to early 20th century medicine bottles, whiteware ceramics, nails and hardware
and animal bone. Most of these artifacts were recovered from a layer of demolition debris
(brick and mortar) and a coal dumping area. One excavation unit contained a segment of
fieldstone foundation, directly beneath a layer of demolition debris, believed to be
remnants of the eastern wall of the 1852 school.
School site was undertaken. The primary goals of this survey was to 1) locate
architectural remains of the original 1852 brick school house and 2) determine if intact
subsurface archaeological deposits existed on the property.
The 1852 Town Hall School was demolished in 1895, after the construction of a new
frame schoolhouse on the same property. No known photographs, drawings, or detailed
descriptions of the 1852 school exist. What is known about the school is largely
contained within the recently compiled history of the 1895 frame school (Wright 1996).
Phase I survey included surface survey and subsurface sampling in the form shovel test
pits excavated on a 20-foot grid. Phase II testing included the excavation of three 5 by 5-
ft excavation units, which were judgmentally placed based on the results of the Phase I
survey. The artifacts recovered from the site include slate pencils, a marble, buttons,
machine cut and wire nails, window and vessel glass including portions of at least two
late 19th to early 20th century medicine bottles, whiteware ceramics, nails and hardware
and animal bone. Most of these artifacts were recovered from a layer of demolition debris
(brick and mortar) and a coal dumping area. One excavation unit contained a segment of
fieldstone foundation, directly beneath a layer of demolition debris, believed to be
remnants of the eastern wall of the 1852 school.
Research Interests:
In June 2002, the Saline Area Historical Society was involved in the relocation of a historic one-room schoolhouse structure from its original site on Ellsworth Road (near Gensely) in Lodi Township. In its new location, the schoolhouse,... more
In June 2002, the Saline Area Historical Society was involved in the relocation of a
historic one-room schoolhouse structure from its original site on Ellsworth Road (near
Gensely) in Lodi Township. In its new location, the schoolhouse, known as the Blaess,
Weber-Blaess, or Downer School, is slated serve as a museum and educational museum
for Saline students. The owners of the original school site plan to incorporate the school
site into the existing farmland that surrounds the site. April M. Beisaw, Archaeological
Consultant, undertook archaeological excavation in cooperation with the Saline Area
Historical Society and the Saline Area Schools Historic Preservation Committee in order
to evaluate the potential for archaeological deposits at the site to contribute to the history
of the Blaess School. Volunteers from the Saline Area Historical Society, Pittsfield
Township Historical Society, School for Outdoor Leadership, Adventure & Recreation
(SOLAR) and the Huron Valley Chapter of the Michigan Archaeology Society assisted
with field and laboratory work for this project.
Previous research indicated that the School was constructed circa 1871. The local
environment consists of rural farmland and approximately several historic farm structures
are located with a 2-mile radius of the project area. No known archaeological sites exist
within 2-miles of the Blaess School Site; three prehistoric sites (20WA73, 20WA74,
20WA171) are located just over 2-miles south of the Blaess site.
Phase I testing included surface survey and subsurface sampling in the form of the
excavation of 5-shovel test pits on a 25-foot grid at the front, back, and north side of the
School foundation, and the excavation of one 5 by 1-ft test unit within the foundation.
Phase II/III efforts examined the charred remains an earlier school structure, which
burned on the Site in 1867. Fieldwork for this phase consisted of the excavation of seven
25-square foot units and one 16-square foot unit within the foundation. The artifacts
recovered from the site include stoneware inkwells, slate pencils, slate tablet fragments,
school desk parts, stove parts, buttons and other sewing items, one complete and several
fragmentary medicine bottles, a key, a front door plate, nails, charred wood, glass,
whiteware and yellowware ceramics, and animal bone.
historic one-room schoolhouse structure from its original site on Ellsworth Road (near
Gensely) in Lodi Township. In its new location, the schoolhouse, known as the Blaess,
Weber-Blaess, or Downer School, is slated serve as a museum and educational museum
for Saline students. The owners of the original school site plan to incorporate the school
site into the existing farmland that surrounds the site. April M. Beisaw, Archaeological
Consultant, undertook archaeological excavation in cooperation with the Saline Area
Historical Society and the Saline Area Schools Historic Preservation Committee in order
to evaluate the potential for archaeological deposits at the site to contribute to the history
of the Blaess School. Volunteers from the Saline Area Historical Society, Pittsfield
Township Historical Society, School for Outdoor Leadership, Adventure & Recreation
(SOLAR) and the Huron Valley Chapter of the Michigan Archaeology Society assisted
with field and laboratory work for this project.
Previous research indicated that the School was constructed circa 1871. The local
environment consists of rural farmland and approximately several historic farm structures
are located with a 2-mile radius of the project area. No known archaeological sites exist
within 2-miles of the Blaess School Site; three prehistoric sites (20WA73, 20WA74,
20WA171) are located just over 2-miles south of the Blaess site.
Phase I testing included surface survey and subsurface sampling in the form of the
excavation of 5-shovel test pits on a 25-foot grid at the front, back, and north side of the
School foundation, and the excavation of one 5 by 1-ft test unit within the foundation.
Phase II/III efforts examined the charred remains an earlier school structure, which
burned on the Site in 1867. Fieldwork for this phase consisted of the excavation of seven
25-square foot units and one 16-square foot unit within the foundation. The artifacts
recovered from the site include stoneware inkwells, slate pencils, slate tablet fragments,
school desk parts, stove parts, buttons and other sewing items, one complete and several
fragmentary medicine bottles, a key, a front door plate, nails, charred wood, glass,
whiteware and yellowware ceramics, and animal bone.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Native Americans have been in North America for at least the last 10,000 years. From the archaeological record of their cultures, we can see how they farmed in the scorching desert, hunted in the frozen tundra, and traded resources... more
Native Americans have been in North America for at least the last 10,000 years. From the archaeological record of their cultures, we can see how they farmed in the scorching desert, hunted in the frozen tundra, and traded resources between groups over thousands of miles. Native creativity and resiliency is evident in their past and their present, as indigenous archaeologists and community archaeology programs are changing how archaeology is done, who it is done by and for, and what questions are asked of the past. This course will survey the archaeology of two distinct geographical culture areas, the Southwest and the Northeast. The Southwest, centered on the four-corners of Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah, is characterized by elaborately painted pottery and standing stone ruins. The Northeast, from Maryland to Maine, is characterized by an unpainted pottery and architectural remnants that are visible as stains in the soil. Because of its greater aesthetic appeal, the Southwest has received much more attention. This contrast will allow us to examine how knowledge of the past is constructed by archaeologists, museum professionals, descendant communities, and public interest.
Research Interests:
Collecting Native American objects and human remains was once justified as a way to preserve vanishing cultures. Instead of vanishing, Native Americans organized and asked that their ancestors be returned, along with their sacred objects.... more
Collecting Native American objects and human remains was once justified as a way to preserve vanishing cultures. Instead of vanishing, Native Americans organized and asked that their ancestors be returned, along with their sacred objects. Initially, museums fought against the loss of collections and scientists fought against the loss of data. Governments stepped in and wrote regulations to manage claims, dictating the rights of all parties. Twenty-five years after the passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) repatriation remains a controversial issue with few who are truly satisfied with the adopted process. This course examines the development of American museums and the ethics of collecting cultures to anchor our study of repatriation. Perspectives of anthropology, art, history, law, museum studies, Native American studies, philosophy, and religion are considered. Recent U.S. cases are contrasted with repatriation cases in other parts of the world, for repatriation is not just a Native American issue.
Research Interests:
Forensic anthropology is the application of physical anthropology to medical or legal issues, such as murder. This course introduces students to the basic methods of forensic anthropology, including how age, sex, race, and height of an... more
Forensic anthropology is the application of physical anthropology to medical or legal issues, such as murder. This course introduces students to the basic methods of forensic anthropology, including how age, sex, race, and height of an individual can be determined from their bones. Recognition of skeletal anomalies can also reveal past health conditions and the cause and manner of death. Students gain experience in applying these methods by working with real and synthetic human bones. Special attention is given to the accuracy of each method and how to develop a biological profile that would stand up in a court of law.
Research Interests:
History tells us a version of the past that is knowable through written records. Historical archaeology provides alternative histories based on the things people left behind. This course begins with the archaeological record of colonial... more
History tells us a version of the past that is knowable through written records. Historical archaeology provides alternative histories based on the things people left behind. This course begins with the archaeological record of colonial America and ends with the archaeology of today. Throughout, we focus on sites and artifacts of those who are often left out of American history books: the young, the poor, the working class, and a variety of marginalized groups. The remains of their lives help us to see how the past continues to function in the present. Objectives By the end of this course students will have; 1) Explored how historical archaeology challenges common understandings of America's past and present, 2) Developed an understanding of how archaeological theory provides context for interpreting the material record, 3) Gained experience critiquing primary sources, compiling annotated bibliographies, and writing book reviews.
Research Interests:
Maps are used to document relationships between peoples, places, and the spaces in between. This course examines both the practical and hegemonic uses of maps while providing students with hands-on experiences creating maps from... more
Maps are used to document relationships between peoples, places, and the spaces in between. This course examines both the practical and hegemonic uses of maps while providing students with hands-on experiences creating maps from archaeological and historical data. The central case study focuses on the megalithic monument of Stonehenge. This site seems quite mysterious when considered alone, but when Stonehenge is placed within the landscapes of its past, its meaning(s) and purpose(s) become clearer. Nonetheless, most people insist on seeing Stonehenge as an isolated place within the contemporary landscape of England, for that image is central to their worldview, cultural identity, and/or political agenda. If Stonehenge's landscape is as important as the individual site, there are real implications for the rights of local landowners, the obligations of heritage management and tourism, and the patrimony of cultures who see Stonehenge as a sacred site. Additional case studies will include community networks in the Native American southwest, the development of Euro-American towns in Maryland, and the layout of present-day Poughkeepsie.
Research Interests:
Collecting Native American objects and human remains was once justified as a way to preserve vanishing cultures. Instead of vanishing, Native Americans organized and asked that their ancestors be returned, along with their grave goods,... more
Collecting Native American objects and human remains was once justified as a way to preserve vanishing cultures. Instead of vanishing, Native Americans organized and asked that their ancestors be returned, along with their grave goods, and other sacred objects. Initially, museums fought against the loss of collections and scientists fought against the loss of data. Governments stepped in and wrote regulations to manage claims, dictating the rights of all parties. Twenty years after the passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) repatriation remains a controversial issue with few who are truly satisfied with the adopted process. This course will examine the ethics and logistics of repatriation from the perspectives of anthropology, art, history, law, museum studies, Native American studies, philosophy, and religion. Recent U.S. cases will be contrasted with repatriation cases in other parts of the world, for repatriation is not just a Native American issue.
This course covers the general method and theory of historical archaeology and students receive significant hands-on experience analyzing artifacts from one or more sites. History provides us with a version of the past as recorded... more
This course covers the general method and theory of historical archaeology and students receive significant hands-on experience analyzing artifacts from one or more sites. History provides us with a version of the past as recorded through documents. The perspective is that of those who maintained such records. Historical archaeology provides us with versions of the past that were often unintentionally recorded through material remains, such as trash deposits and spatial relationships among buildings. It therefore provides us with a means of testing and adding to the documentary record. For example, historical archaeology allows us to reconstruct the daily lives of common people and the disenfranchised as well as evaluate whether the privileged groups actually followed their own documented rules and regulations.
Popular media depicts archaeology as a search for lost treasures of an explicit or implied monetary value. In reality, an artifact's value lies not in its gold or gemstone content but in the information that object provides about the... more
Popular media depicts archaeology as a search for lost treasures of an explicit or implied monetary value. In reality, an artifact's value lies not in its gold or gemstone content but in the information that object provides about the past. This academic archaeology is a scientific pursuit with artifacts, things made or modified by people, as the primary data source. Instead of searching for ancient astronauts and the lost city of Atlantis, academic archaeologists are searching for evidence about how past communities were organized and how they dealt with cultural or environmental change. The answers to such questions allow us to learn from the past as we face our own changes. This is the true value of archaeology. This course will examine both popular and academic archaeology, critiquing them against the scientific method.
Maps are used to document relationships between peoples, places, and the spaces in between. This course examines both the practical and hegemonic uses of maps while providing students with hands-on experiences creating maps from... more
Maps are used to document relationships between peoples, places, and the spaces in between. This course examines both the practical and hegemonic uses of maps while providing students with hands-on experiences creating maps from archaeological and historical data. The central case study focuses on the megalithic monument of Stonehenge. This site seems quite mysterious when considered alone, but when Stonehenge is placed within the landscapes of its past, its meaning(s) and purpose(s) become clearer. Nonetheless, most people insist on seeing Stonehenge as an isolated place within the contemporary landscape of England, for that image is central to their worldview, cultural identity, and/or political agenda. If Stonehenge's landscape is as important as the individual site, there are real implications for the rights of local landowners, the obligations of heritage management and tourism, and the patrimony of cultures who see Stonehenge as a sacred site. Additional case studies will include community networks in the Native American southwest, the development of Euro-American towns in Maryland, and the layout of present-day Poughkeepsie.
Research Interests:
The accidental discovery of an isolated human bone or entire human body occurs more frequently than most people think. How these discoveries are dealt with is often a decision that involves local law enforcement, medical officials,... more
The accidental discovery of an isolated human bone or entire human body occurs more frequently than most people think. How these discoveries are dealt with is often a decision that involves local law enforcement, medical officials, archaeologists, and physical anthropologists. This course examines several such cases, following them from initial discovery to final conclusion. What clues do bones and bodies reveal? What evidence was found on or near these individuals? How do we piece together a narrative? Who decides what happens next? Contrary to what we see on television and in the movies, these cases require patience and cultural awareness and do not always lead to a clear happy ending.
This course examines how archaeology can be used to understand the cultural elements of natural disasters, such as hurricane Katrina, as well as cultural disasters, such as terrorist attacks. Natural and cultural disasters often leave us... more
This course examines how archaeology can be used to understand the cultural elements of natural disasters, such as hurricane Katrina, as well as cultural disasters, such as terrorist attacks. Natural and cultural disasters often leave us wondering why the event happened and how we can either prevent it from happening again or be better prepared when it does. These questions are hard to answer without the perspective of time. The archaeological record is replete with examples of how cultures have dealt with disaster in the past and affords us the ability to see how their decisions played out over time. Archaeological methods also provide us with a means of learning from the remains of a disaster to piece together the events that led up to it and unfolded during it. In this course special attention will be paid to mass disasters but smaller scale ones will also be considered through the archaeology of crime scenes.
Humans have relied on animals as sources of food, transportation, and companionship, used them as symbols in folklore and religion, and attempted to control their numbers through selective breeding or extermination. Some animals have been... more
Humans have relied on animals as sources of food, transportation, and companionship, used them as symbols in folklore and religion, and attempted to control their numbers through selective breeding or extermination. Some animals have been domesticated by us and others seem to have domesticated us. Both forms of domestication are evident in our extensive nurturing of our pets. Through archaeology we can examine the history of the human-animal relationship - from the earliest evidence of competition for food to contemporary death rituals for pets. The methods of zooarchaeology allow archaeologists to extract significant amounts of information from the bones of animals. Taphonomy, the laws of burial, allow for detailed analysis of the context in which the bones were deposited and ultimately recovered. Students will gain hands-on experience identifying and analyzing animal bone from a selected archaeology site.
Russell, Nerissa (2012) Social Zooarchaeology: Humans and Animals in Prehistory. Cambridge University Press. 978-0-521-14311-0 Paperback - Required.
Russell, Nerissa (2012) Social Zooarchaeology: Humans and Animals in Prehistory. Cambridge University Press. 978-0-521-14311-0 Paperback - Required.
The archaeology of North America is often divided up into several culture areas. The Southwest is centered on the four-corners of Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah and may include northern Mexico. The archaeology of this area is... more
The archaeology of North America is often divided up into several culture areas. The Southwest is centered on the four-corners of Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah and may include northern Mexico. The archaeology of this area is characterized by elaborately painted pottery and standing stone ruins. In contrast, the Northeast is characterized by a more crude and unpainted pottery and architectural remnants that are visible only as soil stains below the ground surface. This culture area ranges from Maryland or Pennsylvania to Maine. Because of its greater aesthetic appeal, the Southwest has received much more attention than the Northeast. This course will survey the archaeology of both regions with the goal of examining how our knowledge of the past is constructed by archaeologists, museum professionals, descendant Native communities, and public interest.
Cordell, Linda (2012) Archaeology of the Southwest. 3rd edition. Left Coast Press. 978-1598746754 Paperback - Required
Colwell-Chanthaphonh, Chip (2010) Living Histories: Native Americans and Southwestern Archaeology. Alta Mira Press 978-0-7591-1196-7 Paperback - Required
Cordell, Linda (2012) Archaeology of the Southwest. 3rd edition. Left Coast Press. 978-1598746754 Paperback - Required
Colwell-Chanthaphonh, Chip (2010) Living Histories: Native Americans and Southwestern Archaeology. Alta Mira Press 978-0-7591-1196-7 Paperback - Required
In honor of the late Dienje M. E. Kenyon, a fellowship is offered to support a female archaeologist in the early stages of graduate zooarchaeology training, Kenyon’s specialty. An award of $1,000 will be made. To qualify for the award,... more
In honor of the late Dienje M. E. Kenyon, a fellowship is offered to support
a female archaeologist in the early stages of graduate zooarchaeology training, Kenyon’s specialty. An award of $1,000 will be made. To qualify for the award, applicants must be enrolled an M.A. or Ph.D. degree program focusing on archaeology. Strong preference will be given to applicants in the early stage of research project development and/or data collection,
under the mentorship of a zooarchaeologist.
a female archaeologist in the early stages of graduate zooarchaeology training, Kenyon’s specialty. An award of $1,000 will be made. To qualify for the award, applicants must be enrolled an M.A. or Ph.D. degree program focusing on archaeology. Strong preference will be given to applicants in the early stage of research project development and/or data collection,
under the mentorship of a zooarchaeologist.
Research Interests:
The committee solicits nominations and selects recipients for the Dienje Kenyon Memorial Fellowship. The fellowship is presented in support of research by women students in the early stages of their archaeological training. It is... more
The committee solicits nominations and selects recipients for the Dienje Kenyon Memorial Fellowship. The fellowship is presented in support of research by women students in the early stages of their archaeological training. It is presented in honor of Dienje Kenyon.
Research Interests:
The Society for American Archaeology recently announced the call for nominations for the 2016 Dienje Memorial Fellowship in Zooarchaeology. In honor of the late Dienje M. E. Kenyon, a fellowship is offered to support a female... more
The Society for American Archaeology recently announced the call for nominations for the 2016 Dienje Memorial Fellowship in Zooarchaeology. In honor of the late Dienje M. E. Kenyon, a fellowship is offered to support a female archaeologist in the early stages of graduate zooarchaeology training, Kenyon’s specialty. An award of $1,000 will be made. To qualify for the award, applicants must be enrolled in an M.A. or Ph.D. degree program focusing on archaeology. Strong preference will be given to applicants in the early stage of research project development and/or data collection, under the mentorship of a zooarchaeologist.
The deadline for applications and supporting letters is December 15. 2015.
For complete information please see the SAA Website: http://www.saa.org/AbouttheSociety/Awards/tabid/123/Default.aspx
The deadline for applications and supporting letters is December 15. 2015.
For complete information please see the SAA Website: http://www.saa.org/AbouttheSociety/Awards/tabid/123/Default.aspx
Research Interests:
In the nineteenth century, New York State established poorhouses in each county. By the next century, most had been converted to elder care institutions or hospitals. Patients who died without family or means for burial elsewhere were... more
In the nineteenth century, New York State established poorhouses in each county. By the next century, most had been converted to elder care institutions or hospitals. Patients who died without family or means for burial elsewhere were interred onsite in graves marked with small numbered grave stones or wooden markers. After the institutions closed, markers were lost and cemeteries were destroyed by development. This paper describes an exception, the Brier Hill cemetery of the Dutchess County Poorhouse. Approximately 300 original concrete markers are present and remote sensing suggests an additional 500 individuals are in now unmarked graves. Efforts to document, preserve, and protect the Brier Hill cemetery, without disturbing the dead, have revealed how social relationships shaped the cemetery population. While most archaeological studies of poorhouses cemeteries focus on biology of poverty, our work suggests that having friends, literally or figuratively, may have made all the difference in how and where the poor were laid to rest.