Papers by Michalis Kontos
In Depth, 2024
This article discusses US foreign policy after US 2024 election. The main argument is that limita... more This article discusses US foreign policy after US 2024 election. The main argument is that limitations stemming from the international system and great power relations will bring about re-adjustments to the candidates' pre-election rhetoric. Although the two candidates may seem to represent opposing viewpoints, their foreign policy decisions are likely to align more closely than their campaign rhetoric currently reveals.
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The Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Review, 2024
The Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Review (BSEMR) is an open-access peer-reviewed e-journal ... more The Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Review (BSEMR) is an open-access peer-reviewed e-journal focusing on the Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean (BSEM), co-founded by the Laboratory for Black Sea and Mediterranean Studies (Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki) and the School of Law of the University on Nicosia. It aims to publish and promote original research pertinent to the BSEM on a variety of disciplines, including politics and international relations, history, social and economic issues, energy, sustainable development, governance, culture and education. The broader purpose is to shape the discussion of regional issues through a rigorous scholarship selection and editing process. Meeting the highest international standards, the BSEMR aims to widely disseminate its content and engage in an international dialogue on regional issues.
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Digest of Middle East Studies
This article discusses the changing relations between the United States and Turkey in light of Tu... more This article discusses the changing relations between the United States and Turkey in light of Turkey's contemporary foreign policy that often challenges American interests. More specifically, it adopts a comparative approach to examine the variables that determine the course of US reaction when unwanted policy shifts take place in the Middle East. To this end, apart from Turkey, the article examines two more cases: US relations with Egypt in the 1950s, and with Iran right before, during and after the 1979 revolution. The comparative analysis reveals that the case of contemporary Turkey has been more similar to the historical case of Egypt, which explains why Washington has been adopting (and is more likely to continue doing so) a “wait‐and‐see” approach vis‐à‐vis Ankara. However, domestic changes in Turkey, though not as abrupt and radical as in Iran, remain significant and may have a deeper impact on US–Turkish relations in the future.
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This article discusses the changing relations between the United States and Turkey in light of Tu... more This article discusses the changing relations between the United States and Turkey in light of Turkey's contemporary foreign policy that often challenges American interests. More specifically, it adopts a comparative approach to examine the variables that determine the course of US reaction when unwanted policy shifts take place in the Middle East. To this end, apart from Turkey, the article examines two more cases: US relations with Egypt in the 1950s, and with Iran right before, during and after the 1979 revolution. The comparative analysis reveals that the case of contemporary Turkey has been more similar to the historical case of Egypt, which explains why Washington has been adopting (and is more likely to continue doing so) a “wait‐and‐see” approach vis‐à‐vis Ankara. However, domestic changes in Turkey, though not as abrupt and radical as in Iran, remain significant and may have a deeper impact on US–Turkish relations in the future.
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The Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Review, 2023
In March 2022, the Laboratory for Black Sea and Mediterranean Studies (Faculty of P... more In March 2022, the Laboratory for Black Sea and Mediterranean Studies (Faculty of Political and Economic Sciences, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki) and the School of Law of the University ofNicosia announced their new partnership for the operation of the Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Review (BSEMR).
The BSEMR is an open access peer reviewed e-journal focusing on the Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean (BSEM)and it is the first of this kind. It aims to publish and promote original research pertinent to the BSEM on a cross-sectionof disciplines, including politics and international relations, history, social and economic issues, energy, sustainable development, governance, culture, mediaand education.
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In Depth
Since the eruption of the Aegean dispute in 1976 four dangerous standoffs between Turkey and Gree... more Since the eruption of the Aegean dispute in 1976 four dangerous standoffs between Turkey and Greece in the Aegean Sea brought the two NATO members to the brink of war. In all these cases though, the standoffs ended with a détente and a promising diplomatic initiative to ease tensions and solve the dispute. In 1976 and 1987, a few years after Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus and the de facto division of the island, the two Sismik 1 (a Turkish research ship dispatched in the Aegean, offshore Greek islands) incidents ended after US and NATO mediating interventions and the two parties returned to the negotiations table, in both cases with promising perspectives. In 1996 the two countries got very close to military conflict due to the crisis in Imia islet and Turkey’s dispute of Greece’s sovereignty. Three years later, following a persisting US diplomatic initiative and mutual assistance shared by the two neighboring countries after the deadly earthquakes in Marmara and Athens, Turkey and Greece achieved the Helsinki consensus that paved the way for Turkey’s membership negotiations with the European Union (EU).
However, and despite the settlement mechanism agreed in Helsinki, the dispute carried on. In 2020, another standoff with very similar attributes seems to be followed by a period of détente and diplomatic efforts to solve the dispute. Apparently, the pattern lives on. This article examines the origins and the evolution of this recent crisis and tries to estimate the future trends, given the repeating nature of these spirals of tension.
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This paper examines the case of the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC's) quest for exploring natural g... more This paper examines the case of the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC's) quest for exploring natural gas reserves in its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) amidst Turkey’s threats, under the lens of coercion and deterrence theory. In particular, it evaluates the effectiveness of Turkey’s threats in an effort to force the RoC to cancel its exploratory drilling in the Eastern Mediterranean. It hypothesizes that the international oil and gas companies that are exploring the Cypriot EEZ suggests an intervening variable that modifies the power distribution in a game where Turkey attempts to coerce the RoC and thus to impose its will on it as a result of mutual rational power calculations. In the framework of our analysis, we focus on Alexander George's ‘coercive diplomacy’ in evaluating Turkey’s strategy.
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The Laboratory for Black Sea and Mediterranean Studies (Faculty of
Political and Economic Science... more The Laboratory for Black Sea and Mediterranean Studies (Faculty of
Political and Economic Sciences, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki),
the School of Law of the University on Nicosia (UNIC) and the Black
Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Academic Network (BSEMAN) cordially
invite you to submit your abstracts for the conference titled
“THE BLACK SEA AND EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN IN
TRANSITION: ENERGY GEOPOLITICS, SECURITY AND
DEVELOPMENT IN A CHANGING WORLD ORDER”
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In Depth, 2021
US military withdrawal from Afghanistan was not a surprise, at least not to US foreign policy obs... more US military withdrawal from Afghanistan was not a surprise, at least not to US foreign policy observers. The thunderous return of the Taliban caused harsh criticism against President Joe Biden’s decision for full withdrawal, but the endgame was visible a long time ago. Like in most cases in political history, every development of such proportions has a significant degree of uniqueness stemming from its own special characteristics which are formed by (inherently unique) complex human interactions. This makes prediction in political science almost inevitable at the levels of human and state decision-making. In my view though, in the case of US withdrawal from Afghanistan there is one profound historical lesson that can hardly be disputed, and which had to be taken into account when the decisions to engage in state-building enterprises were made: great powers tend to overstretch and, fatally, pay a painful price, despite noble intentions, leadership skills or evidence analysis capacity. In the case of the United States this historically solid theoretical hypothesis can be even more narrowed-down: great powers with unilateral hegemonic aspirations tend to overstretch and pay a painful price.
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In Depth, 2020
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In Depth, 2020
The issue aims to discuss the potential repercussions that the COVID-19 outbreak may bring about,... more The issue aims to discuss the potential repercussions that the COVID-19 outbreak may bring about, in relation to the EU, the global economy, and international relations in general.
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Φιλελεύθερος, 2020
Το ξέσπασμα της πανδημίας του COVID-19 έχει καταδείξει μια σειρά από αδυναμίες σε όλα τα επίπεδα ... more Το ξέσπασμα της πανδημίας του COVID-19 έχει καταδείξει μια σειρά από αδυναμίες σε όλα τα επίπεδα της παγκόσμιας κοινωνίας. Η παγκόσμια κρίση, αποτέλεσμα της εν λόγω πανδημίας, έρχεται σε μια εποχή κατά την οποία, αφ’ ενός, τα κύματα μετανάστευσης και προσφυγικών ροών προκαλούν έντονες συζητήσεις σχετικά με τη βιωσιμότητα του καθεστώτος προστασίας των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. αφ’ εταίρου, οι πάλαι ποτέ στέρεοι πυλώνες της διεθνούς φιλελεύθερης τάξης (Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και Ηνωμένο Βασίλειο) φαίνεται να υποχωρούν από τον κεντρικό ρόλο παγκόσμιας πολιτικής και οικονομικής ηγεσίας στον οποίο βρέθηκαν κατά τη μεταπολεμική και μεταψυχροπολεμική περίοδο. Σε κάποιες περιπτώσεις, οι αδυναμίες αυτές φαίνεται να υπογραμμίζουν σημαντικές τάσεις αλλαγής στο διεθνές σύστημα, οι οποίες προϋπήρχαν αλλά πιθανόν να επιταχυνθούν μέσα στα επόμενα χρόνια λόγω και των συνεπειών της πανδημίας.
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Journal of Law and Administration, 2019
Relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Cyprus have been traditionally close... more Relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Cyprus have been traditionally close. However, some recent systemic developments seem to undermine their solid foundations. This article examines the contemporary international system and, especially, the regional subsystem of the Eastern Mediterranean in order to trace systemic changes that may affect relations between the countries under examination. The analysis of the Russian-Cypriot relations focuses on the potential effects of the international systemic changes on each one of their three main pillars: economic, diplomatic and cultural relations.
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In Depth Vol. 16 Issue 5, 2019
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Call for papers for the 4th EMSI Annual Conference (September 19-20, 2019)
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The Cyprus Review, 2018
The general aim of this paper is to examine the case of the Republic of Cyprus’ quest for explori... more The general aim of this paper is to examine the case of the Republic of Cyprus’ quest for exploring natural gas reserves in its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) amidst Turkey’s threats and mobilisation
of naval military means, under the lens of coercion and deterrence theory. Particularly, the paper aims to evaluate the effectiveness of Turkey’s use of threats towards the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), in an
effort to force the latter to cancel its programme of exploratory drills in the Eastern Mediterranean. A variable that must be examined in this case is the presence and engagement of international oil and
gas companies which the RoC has licensed to explore the Cypriot EEZ, despite Turkey’s dispute of Nicosia’s authority. In this context, the paper’s special objective is to outline the impact of these
companies’ presence on Turkey’s strateg y and the RoC’s efforts to overcome Turkish revisionism and to accomplish its goals. The main hypothesis is that the engagement of the oil and gas companies
suggests an intervening variable that modifies the power distribution in a game where the militarily stronger party (Turkey) attempts to coerce the weaker party (RoC),-which actually lacks sufficient military means,-and thus to impose its will on it as a result of mutual rational power calculations. In the framework of our analysis, we pay particular attention to the concept of ‘coercive diplomacy’, which has been developed by Alexander George. In order to evaluate Turkey’s strategy in the case under examination, we refer to Ankara’s ultimatum which led to the cancellation of the deployment of the S-300 system in Cyprus in December 1998 as an example of successful Turkish coercive diplomacy towards the RoC.
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In this article we analyze the evolution of US-Turkish relations by examining two determinants of... more In this article we analyze the evolution of US-Turkish relations by examining two determinants of Turkey's geostrategic value to the West: geography and political orientation. The main objective is to outline the main reasons of the ongoing diplomatic rift between the two NATO allies.
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Με την ανάλυση αυτή επιχειρούμε να σκιαγραφήσουμε τις καταβολές και την εξέλιξη των αμερικανοτουρ... more Με την ανάλυση αυτή επιχειρούμε να σκιαγραφήσουμε τις καταβολές και την εξέλιξη των αμερικανοτουρκικών σχέσεων με έμφαση στους παράγοντες που καθορίζουν τη σημασία της Τουρκίας για την αμερικανική εξωτερική πολιτική και στρατηγική ασφαλείας. Μέσα σε αυτό το πλαίσιο αναδεικνύεται η σημασία του πολιτικού προσανατολισμού της Τουρκίας ως παράγον-κλειδί που καθορίζει τόσο τις κυρίαρχες αντιλήψεις, όσο τις πολιτικές επιλογές της Ουάσιγκτον. Μεθοδολογικά, η ανάλυση επιχειρεί να απαντήσει σε τρία ερωτήματα: Ποιοι παράγοντες αναδεικνύουν τη σημασία της Τουρκίας για τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες; Πώς επηρεάστηκαν οι αμερικανοτουρκικές σχέσεις επί ημερών Ερντογάν; Και ποιο το μέλλον των αμερικανοτουρκικών σχέσεων; Ποιοι παράγοντες αναδεικνύουν τη σημασία της Τουρκίας για τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες; Προκειμένου να αντιληφθεί κανείς η διαμόρφωση των αμερικανοτουρκικών σχέσεων και το υπόβαθρό τους θα πρέπει να ανατρέξει στις απαρχές της περιόδου του Ψυχρού Πολέμου, η έναρξη της οποίας σηματοδότησε την οριστική εγκατάλειψη του παραδοσιακού απομονωτισμού και την υιοθέτηση μιας σταθερά εξωστρεφούς εξωτερικής πολιτικής από την Ουάσιγκτον. Η ανάδειξη του παγκόσμιου διπολισμού και της σοβιετικής απειλής οδήγησε στη δημιουργία του ευρωατλαντικού στρατηγικού σχήματος και στην διασύνδεση των αμερικανικών με τα δυτικοευρωπαϊκά συμφέροντα ασφαλείας στα πλαίσια ενός μεγάλου δυτικού συνασπισμού, ακρογωνιαίος λίθος του οποίου ήταν το ΝΑΤΟ. Τρεις αλληλένδετοι παράγοντες ανέδειξαν τη γεωστρατηγική αξία της Τουρκίας για τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και το δυτικό συνασπισμό κατά την εν λόγω περίοδο: ο ξεκάθαρος δυτικός προσανατολισμός της κεμαλικής Τουρκίας και η ένταξή της στο ΝΑΤΟ το 1952, η γεωγραφική της εγγύτητα με τη Σοβιετική Ένωση και η θέση της στην ευρύτερη Μέση Ανατολή. Ταυτόχρονα, η μεγάλη της γεωγραφική μάζα και ο ισχυρός και έμπειρος στρατός της (δεσμευμένος έναντι του δυτικού προσανατολισμού της χώρας) καθιστούσαν την Τουρκία ένα πολύτιμο σύμμαχο στα πλαίσια του εξοντωτικού ψυχροπολεμικού ανταγωνισμού. Χαρακτηριστική είναι η αναφορά σε απόρρητο έγγραφο με τίτλο «National Intelligence Estimate-9», ημερομηνίας 26 Φεβρουαρίου 1951, το οποίο είναι διαθέσιμο στο αρχείο αποχαρακτηρισμένων εγγράφων του State Department (σειρά Foreign Relations of the United States). Έχει σημασία να τονίσουμε ότι οι αναφορές αυτές έγιναν πριν ακόμα η Τουρκία ενταχθεί στο ΝΑΤΟ: «Η ευθυγράμμιση της Τουρκίας με τη Δύση είναι πρωταρχικής στρατηγικής σημασίας για τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες λόγω της πολιτικής και στρατιωτικής της ισχύος και της γεωγραφικής της θέσης. Η Τουρκία γειντιάζει με τη Σοβιετική Ένωση και με περιοχές των σοβιετικών δορυφόρων και απλώνεται κατά μήκος της γραμμής της σοβιετικής διείσδυσης στις αδύναμες και ασταθείς χώρες της Μέσης Ανατολής (δημοσιεύτηκε στην ηλεκτρονική έκδοση της εφημερίδας «Φιλελεύθερος», στις 23/08/2018).
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Ένα βασικό ερώτημα που πλανήθηκε αρκετά κατά τη διάρκεια της τρέχουσας κρίσης στην κορεατική χερσ... more Ένα βασικό ερώτημα που πλανήθηκε αρκετά κατά τη διάρκεια της τρέχουσας κρίσης στην κορεατική χερσόνησο ήταν το κατά πόσον οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες θα εκτελούσαν ένα πρώτο (πυρηνικό ή συμβατικό) κτύπημα κατά του καθεστώτος της Πιον Γιαγκ, με στόχο την καταστροφή του πυρηνικού της οπλοστασίου πριν αυτό καταστεί απειλητικό για την Ουάσιγκτον και τους συμμάχους της στον Ασιατικό Ειρηνικό. Το κατά πόσον ένα τέτοιο κτύπημα ήταν ή είναι πιθανό να πραγματοποιηθεί και, κυρίως, το κατά πόσον ήταν ή είναι δυνατό να αντιμετωπίσει τα σοβαρότατα διλήμματα που τίθενται ενώπιον των εμπλεκόμενων μερών αποτελεί το κεντρικό ερώτημα του παρόντος άρθρου. Θα προσπαθήσουμε να το απαντήσουμε εμβαθύνοντας στην θεωρία της πυρηνικής αποτροπής, κυρίως όμως μέσω της παράθεσης ενός ιστορικού προηγούμενου: της εξέλιξης της σχέσης αμοιβαίας πυρηνικής αποτροπής μεταξύ Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών και Σοβιετικής Ένωσης κατά τα πρώιμα χρόνια του Ψυχρού Πολέμου.
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Papers by Michalis Kontos
The BSEMR is an open access peer reviewed e-journal focusing on the Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean (BSEM)and it is the first of this kind. It aims to publish and promote original research pertinent to the BSEM on a cross-sectionof disciplines, including politics and international relations, history, social and economic issues, energy, sustainable development, governance, culture, mediaand education.
However, and despite the settlement mechanism agreed in Helsinki, the dispute carried on. In 2020, another standoff with very similar attributes seems to be followed by a period of détente and diplomatic efforts to solve the dispute. Apparently, the pattern lives on. This article examines the origins and the evolution of this recent crisis and tries to estimate the future trends, given the repeating nature of these spirals of tension.
Political and Economic Sciences, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki),
the School of Law of the University on Nicosia (UNIC) and the Black
Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Academic Network (BSEMAN) cordially
invite you to submit your abstracts for the conference titled
“THE BLACK SEA AND EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN IN
TRANSITION: ENERGY GEOPOLITICS, SECURITY AND
DEVELOPMENT IN A CHANGING WORLD ORDER”
of naval military means, under the lens of coercion and deterrence theory. Particularly, the paper aims to evaluate the effectiveness of Turkey’s use of threats towards the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), in an
effort to force the latter to cancel its programme of exploratory drills in the Eastern Mediterranean. A variable that must be examined in this case is the presence and engagement of international oil and
gas companies which the RoC has licensed to explore the Cypriot EEZ, despite Turkey’s dispute of Nicosia’s authority. In this context, the paper’s special objective is to outline the impact of these
companies’ presence on Turkey’s strateg y and the RoC’s efforts to overcome Turkish revisionism and to accomplish its goals. The main hypothesis is that the engagement of the oil and gas companies
suggests an intervening variable that modifies the power distribution in a game where the militarily stronger party (Turkey) attempts to coerce the weaker party (RoC),-which actually lacks sufficient military means,-and thus to impose its will on it as a result of mutual rational power calculations. In the framework of our analysis, we pay particular attention to the concept of ‘coercive diplomacy’, which has been developed by Alexander George. In order to evaluate Turkey’s strategy in the case under examination, we refer to Ankara’s ultimatum which led to the cancellation of the deployment of the S-300 system in Cyprus in December 1998 as an example of successful Turkish coercive diplomacy towards the RoC.
The BSEMR is an open access peer reviewed e-journal focusing on the Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean (BSEM)and it is the first of this kind. It aims to publish and promote original research pertinent to the BSEM on a cross-sectionof disciplines, including politics and international relations, history, social and economic issues, energy, sustainable development, governance, culture, mediaand education.
However, and despite the settlement mechanism agreed in Helsinki, the dispute carried on. In 2020, another standoff with very similar attributes seems to be followed by a period of détente and diplomatic efforts to solve the dispute. Apparently, the pattern lives on. This article examines the origins and the evolution of this recent crisis and tries to estimate the future trends, given the repeating nature of these spirals of tension.
Political and Economic Sciences, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki),
the School of Law of the University on Nicosia (UNIC) and the Black
Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Academic Network (BSEMAN) cordially
invite you to submit your abstracts for the conference titled
“THE BLACK SEA AND EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN IN
TRANSITION: ENERGY GEOPOLITICS, SECURITY AND
DEVELOPMENT IN A CHANGING WORLD ORDER”
of naval military means, under the lens of coercion and deterrence theory. Particularly, the paper aims to evaluate the effectiveness of Turkey’s use of threats towards the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), in an
effort to force the latter to cancel its programme of exploratory drills in the Eastern Mediterranean. A variable that must be examined in this case is the presence and engagement of international oil and
gas companies which the RoC has licensed to explore the Cypriot EEZ, despite Turkey’s dispute of Nicosia’s authority. In this context, the paper’s special objective is to outline the impact of these
companies’ presence on Turkey’s strateg y and the RoC’s efforts to overcome Turkish revisionism and to accomplish its goals. The main hypothesis is that the engagement of the oil and gas companies
suggests an intervening variable that modifies the power distribution in a game where the militarily stronger party (Turkey) attempts to coerce the weaker party (RoC),-which actually lacks sufficient military means,-and thus to impose its will on it as a result of mutual rational power calculations. In the framework of our analysis, we pay particular attention to the concept of ‘coercive diplomacy’, which has been developed by Alexander George. In order to evaluate Turkey’s strategy in the case under examination, we refer to Ankara’s ultimatum which led to the cancellation of the deployment of the S-300 system in Cyprus in December 1998 as an example of successful Turkish coercive diplomacy towards the RoC.
Η τετράτομη αυτή έκδοση αποτελεί μια πρώτη, εκτενή εισαγωγή - για τους μελετητές και το ευρύ αναγνωστικό κοινό - στο Αρχείο του Τάσσου Παπαδόπουλου, με την ανθολόγηση δεκάδων εγγράφων (και ελάχιστων αντιπροσωπευτικών φωτογραφιών) ανά περίοδο.
Δημοσιεύεται στο Χριστίνα Ιωάννου, Δημήτρης Π. Σωτηρόπουλος, Αχιλλεύς Κ. Αιμιλιανίδης (επιμ.), Η Κύπρος σε Νέα Εποχή: Γεωστρατηγικές Παράμετροι, Οικονομία, Εξωτερική Πολιτκή (Λευκωσία/Αθήνα: Foreign Affairs: The Hellenic Edition, Hippasus Publishing, 2014), σ.σ. 81-98.
υποστηρίζουν επίμονα απόψεις οι οποίες, βάσει αντικειμενικά μετρήσιμων κριτηρίων, είναι ανορθολογικές και αγνοούν ορισμένες γερά θεμελιωμένες πραγματικότητες. Κλασικό παράδειγμα, η απόφαση ενός τρομοκράτη να αυτοκτονήσει, προκειμένου να παρασύρει μαζί του στο θάνατο αθώους ανθρώπους. Ή το φαινόμενο των μαζικών αυτοκτονιών. Συνήθως οι ανορθολογικές απόψεις και συμπεριφορές δεν φτάνουν σε αυτά τα ακραία σημεία. Στην πραγματικότητα όμως, η ατελής πληροφόρηση και η ανεπαρκής αναλυτική ικανότητα καθιστά τον ανορθολογισμό στα πλαίσια της κοινωνικής δράσης των ατόμων όχι την εξαίρεση, αλλά τον κανόνα. Δύο ψυχο-κοινωνικοί μηχανισμοί, οι οποίοι απαντώνται συχνά στα κοινωνικοπολιτικά όντα, μπορούν να εξηγήσουν σε σημαντικό βαθμό την αποχή των ατόμων από τον ορθολογισμό: η ορθολογική γνωστική συνέπεια (rational cognitive consistency) και η ομαδόσκεψη (group thinking).
THE NEW ROLE OF CHINA IN THE MIDDLE EAST
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Broader Repercussions
Thursday, January 17, 2019
09:00 – 18:00
UNESCO Amphitheatre, Europa Building
University of Nicosia