- 2000 E. Asbury Avenue
Sturm Hall 272
Denver, CO 80208
Andrea L Stanton
University of Denver, Religious Studies, Faculty Member
- American Muslims, Islam, Mandate Palestine, Syrian History, Media Studies, Ottoman History, and 16 moreLebanese History, Palestine, Lebanon, Mandate Studies, Syrian Studies, Consumption Studies, Media History, History of Technology, Islamic History, Islamic Studies, Islamic Education, Islam and International Relations, Religious Studies, Religion and Politics, Middle East Studies, and Syriaedit
- Dr. Stanton is Associate Professor of Islamic Studies and Chair of the Department of Religious Studies at the Univers... moreDr. Stanton is Associate Professor of Islamic Studies and Chair of the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Denver.. Her research focuses on media and religious, political, and social identities, and investigates the sometimes conflictual, sometimes cooperative relationships between new technologies and claims to religious authority. Her most recent historical work examines government management of religious broadcasts in Palestine in the 1930s and 1940s, connecting this to a broader trend of Middle Eastern states controlling religious communities' access to radio and television. Her most recent contemporary work includes an examination of "Islamic emoticons," which appear in online Islamic chat forums and websites and are hotly debated by community members, and a survey of where in the Middle East Muhammad's birthday (the mawlid al-nabi), a sometimes contentious holiday, is celebrated.
Stanton's work on the Middle East includes an examination of the role of the Olympic Games in fostering national and regional identities in Lebanon and Syria, and an analysis of themes found in US-based Syrian aid appeals and in Syrian political cartoons. Her most recent work involves advocating for the incorporation of sound into histories and other analyses of the Middle East, through a roundtable organized with Carole Woodall (University of Colorado at Colorado Springs), and published in the International Journal of Middle East Studies.
Her teaching interests include Qur'anic studies, contemporary fundamentalisms, globalization and its impact on religious identity and practice, gender and Muslim practice, and embodied practice and notions of piety, as well as the Internet and social media's evolving impact in these areas.
Stanton graduated magna cum laude from Williams College with a double major in Religion and History. She obtained her MA and PhD from Columbia University, with a focus on Middle Eastern history.edit
Modeled after the BBC, the Palestine Broadcasting Service was launched in 1936 to serve as the national radio station of Mandate Palestine, playing a pivotal role in shaping the culture of the emerging middle class in the region. Despite... more
Modeled after the BBC, the Palestine Broadcasting Service was launched in 1936 to serve as the national radio station of Mandate Palestine, playing a pivotal role in shaping the culture of the emerging middle class in the region. Despite its significance, the PBS has become nearly forgotten by scholars of twentieth-century Middle Eastern studies. Drawn extensively from British and Israeli archival sources, “This Is Jerusalem Calling” traces the compelling history of the PBS’s twelve years of operation, illuminating crucial aspects of a period when Jewish and Arab national movements simultaneously took form.
Andrea L. Stanton describes the ways in which the mandate government used broadcasting to cater to varied audiences, including rural Arab listeners, in an attempt to promote a “modern” vision of Arab Palestine as an urbane, politically sophisticated region. In addition to programming designed for the education of the peasantry, religious broadcasting was created to appeal to all three main faith communities in Palestine, which ultimately may have had a disintegrating, separatist effect. Stanton’s research brings to light the manifestation of Britain’s attempts to prepare its mandate state for self-governance while supporting the aims of Zionists. While the PBS did not create the conflict between Arab Palestinians and Zionists, the service reflected, articulated, and magnified such tensions during an era when radio broadcasting was becoming a key communication tool for emerging national identities around the globe.
http://utpress.utexas.edu/index.php/books/stathi#sthash.DeF40hh8.dpuf
Andrea L. Stanton describes the ways in which the mandate government used broadcasting to cater to varied audiences, including rural Arab listeners, in an attempt to promote a “modern” vision of Arab Palestine as an urbane, politically sophisticated region. In addition to programming designed for the education of the peasantry, religious broadcasting was created to appeal to all three main faith communities in Palestine, which ultimately may have had a disintegrating, separatist effect. Stanton’s research brings to light the manifestation of Britain’s attempts to prepare its mandate state for self-governance while supporting the aims of Zionists. While the PBS did not create the conflict between Arab Palestinians and Zionists, the service reflected, articulated, and magnified such tensions during an era when radio broadcasting was becoming a key communication tool for emerging national identities around the globe.
http://utpress.utexas.edu/index.php/books/stathi#sthash.DeF40hh8.dpuf
" The four volumes in our cultural sociology reference encyclopedia take a step forward in this endeavor by presenting concise information on those regions likely to be most "foreign" to U.S. students: the Middle East, Asia, and Africa.... more
" The four volumes in our cultural sociology reference encyclopedia take a step forward in this endeavor by presenting concise information on those regions likely to be most "foreign" to U.S. students: the Middle East, Asia, and Africa. The intent is to convey what daily life is like for people in these selected regions. It is hoped entries within these volumes will aid readers in efforts to understand the importance of cultural sociology, to appreciate the effects of cultural forces around the world, and to learn the history of countries and cultures within these important regions."
Editor, Middle East volume
Editor, Middle East volume
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This talk uses the example of Mandate-era efforts to promote Lebanon tourism to Palestinians as a case study for understanding what it meant for people who had for centuries lived under one imperial government to suddenly become separate... more
This talk uses the example of Mandate-era efforts to promote Lebanon tourism to Palestinians as a case study for understanding what it meant for people who had for centuries lived under one imperial government to suddenly become separate national communities in equally separate states. Using newspaper advertisements and archival documents, Dr. Stanton will explain the Palestinian government's economic interest in facilitating Lebanon tourism and investigates how religious affiliations were invoked as Lebanon tourism became caught up in Palestinian politics. It concludes by suggesting that regional tourism is a key site for understanding the messy process of establishing national identities, which must be understood as developing in relation to neighboring states.
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Since July 2013, Syrianpresidency, the “official Instagram account for the Presidency of the Syrian Arab Republic” has featured a high percentage of photos of President Bashar al-Assad and of his wife, Asma. This article takes... more
Since July 2013, Syrianpresidency, the “official Instagram account for the Presidency of the Syrian Arab Republic” has featured a high percentage of photos of President Bashar al-Assad and of his wife, Asma. This article takes Syrianpresidency as an important aspect of the Assad government’s digital public diplomacy, because of its strong visuality. Using case study and content analysis approaches, it surveys a sample of Instagram posts from January 2016, when the Syrian military began retaking territory from ISIS, through March 2020, covering Syria’s initial response to the COVID-19 pandemic. It argues that Syrianpresidency frames the Assads for a regional and international audience through the lens of a ‘gendered modernity,’ portraying them as companionate spouses serving Syrians in complementary ways. Syrianpresidency aims its public diplomacy at domestic and foreign audiences, working to project a positive image as part of its efforts to manage and ultimately end the Syria confl...
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Notes from the 2016 MESA roundtable on the state of Middle East Sports Studies, co-organized with Daniyel Reiche (American University of Beirut) and featuring James Dorsey (Nanyang Technological University, Singapore) and Murat Yildiz... more
Notes from the 2016 MESA roundtable on the state of Middle East Sports Studies, co-organized with Daniyel Reiche (American University of Beirut) and featuring James Dorsey (Nanyang Technological University, Singapore) and Murat Yildiz (Skidmore College) as co-participants. All errors in transcription of comments and discussion or identification / attribution are my own.
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"*Published 10/13 as chapter in "Internet and Emotions"* "Blending theoretical reflection with empirical research, this paper addresses the conference’s interest in questions of how religious aesthetics and sensations... more
"*Published 10/13 as chapter in "Internet and Emotions"* "Blending theoretical reflection with empirical research, this paper addresses the conference’s interest in questions of how religious aesthetics and sensations are expressed and cultivated in digital forms, by focusing on the emoticons used on Islamic website forums. It argues that these emoticons reflect the emergence of new emotional practices by users, who generally self-identify as practicing Muslims, and that they help ameliorate the anonymity and disembodiment of online avatars, contributing to community building. At the same time, they provide their users with visual religious credibility – much like the use of pious phrases or Qur’anic verses do, textually. These two aspects – community building and individual credibility – help foster a pious sociability that softens discussions of otherwise contentious issues regarding practice or scriptural interpretation, while encouraging the cultivation of moral affect. This paper maps the field of Islamic emoticons, outlining the ways in which this field is being defined, theorized, and debated within online Muslim communities. It focuses first on the endorsement of particular emoticons by Islamic websites, and then turns to broader Muslim debates about emoticons in general. These debates range from questioning the acceptability of any visual media, to questions about the inadmissibility of 'secular' emoticons on Islamic chat sites. The paper next examines the work that these emoticons do: unlike the generic smileys of yesteryear, today’s emoticons, it argues, reflect the personal expression of particular communities – in this case, practicing Muslims. Yet they do more than reflect: as scholars like Saba Mahmood have noted in similar contexts, they encourage forum members in the ongoing process of pious self-cultivation, providing a visual reminder of the particular sensibilities endorsed within these online community spheres. Finally, the paper concludes by suggesting how Islamic emoticons might continue to develop in the era of apps and increasingly sophisticated visual online representation.""
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Abstract This article uses Syria and Saudi Arabia as contrasting examples of how different Arab states interacted with United States aviation technology, involving aviation technology companies, airline corporations, and government... more
Abstract This article uses Syria and Saudi Arabia as contrasting examples of how different Arab states interacted with United States aviation technology, involving aviation technology companies, airline corporations, and government officials as they worked to develop civil and military aviation capabilities after World War II. It considers the role played by airline companies like TWA, the impact of the shift from military to commercial aviation technology among companies like Boeing, and the fallout from regional political developments like the Iranian Revolution. These factors all placed varying constraints on the two countries’ ability to draw upon American sources for airplanes and other aviation technology, channeling but not preventing Syrian and Saudi efforts toward aviation development. It suggests that the US government acted as gatekeeper in terms of access to US aviation technology, but that unless strategic concerns prompted its involvement, states like Saudi Arabia primarily interacted with US airline and aviation technology corporations.
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... Ann Elizabeth Mayer (1999) contends that the minds of majority Muslims are filled with the assumption that human rights are 'principles ... One of the thinkers who adopted a constructive approach is Jamaluddin al-Afghani... more
... Ann Elizabeth Mayer (1999) contends that the minds of majority Muslims are filled with the assumption that human rights are 'principles ... One of the thinkers who adopted a constructive approach is Jamaluddin al-Afghani (1839-97) and his loyal follower Muhammad Abduh (1849 ...
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The carving up of the Ottoman Levant into British and French Mandates after World War I introduced new realities for the inhabitants of the region. This article uses Lebanese tourism and the promotion of Lebanon as a tourist destination... more
The carving up of the Ottoman Levant into British and French Mandates after World War I introduced new realities for the inhabitants of the region. This article uses Lebanese tourism and the promotion of Lebanon as a tourist destination to Palestinians of all religious backgrounds as a case study to investigate the challenges and potentials of the new Mandate structures. Using Palestinian government archives and newspapers, it examines how Lebanon was marketed to Palestinian vacationers. It concludes by suggesting that tourism, with its mixture of private and government sector interests, serves as a key node for observing the messy process of relational identities when two sets of neighbors worked to reframe themselves in national terms.
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Discussion of the merits of bidding for items of historical significance at the internet auction webstie eBay for teaching and research purposes.
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Abstract: During the second half of the twentieth century, radio was arguably the Middle East's most popular media, yet its development in and impact on the region is almost totally un-studied. This dissertation, 'A... more
Abstract: During the second half of the twentieth century, radio was arguably the Middle East's most popular media, yet its development in and impact on the region is almost totally un-studied. This dissertation, 'A little radio is a dangerous thing: state broadcasting in ...
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Since the early 2010s, apps have helped Muslim pilgrims manage nearly every aspect of the hajj. This article uses the Saudi Ministry of Hajj and Umrah’s hajj apps as a case study of influential hajj apps, offering a descriptive and... more
Since the early 2010s, apps have helped Muslim pilgrims manage nearly every aspect of the hajj. This article uses the Saudi Ministry of Hajj and Umrah’s hajj apps as a case study of influential hajj apps, offering a descriptive and analytic review of their functioning, impact, and reception. This case study helps point to the importance of hajj management as a state-level political and religious enterprise, helping widen the focus on religious app research from user-oriented, ritual or scriptural apps to include those that serve the management of religion and believers. This widened focus in turn highlights the need to recognize the internal variety within the category of religious apps: these apps have different target users, do different kinds of work, have diverse impacts, and enjoy differing receptions. While the Ministry’s operations-focused hajj apps garner less attention, they may be more critical to its successful management of the hajj. As research interest in Islam-focused...
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This article uses Syria and Saudi Arabia as contrasting examples of how different Arab states interacted with United States aviation technology, involving aviation technology companies, airline corporations, and government officials as... more
This article uses Syria and Saudi Arabia as contrasting examples of how different Arab states interacted with United States aviation technology, involving aviation technology companies, airline corporations, and government officials as they worked to develop civil and military aviation capabilities after World War II. It considers the role played by airline companies like TWA, the impact of the shift from military to commercial aviation technology among companies like Boeing, and the fallout from regional political developments like the Iranian Revolution. These factors all placed varying constraints on the two countries’ ability to draw upon American sources for airplanes and other aviation technology, channeling but not preventing Syrian and Saudi efforts toward aviation development. It suggests that the US government acted as gatekeeper in terms of access to US aviation technology, but that unless strategic concerns prompted its involvement, states like Saudi Arabia primarily interacted with US airline and aviation technology corporations.
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The carving up of the Ottoman Levant into British and French Mandates after World War I introduced new realities for the inhabitants of the region. This article uses Lebanese tourism and the promotion of Lebanon as a tourist destination... more
The carving up of the Ottoman Levant into British and French Mandates after
World War I introduced new realities for the inhabitants of the region. This article
uses Lebanese tourism and the promotion of Lebanon as a tourist destination
to Palestinians of all religious backgrounds as a case study to investigate the
challenges and potentials of the new Mandate structures. Using Palestinian
government archives and newspapers, it examines how Lebanon was marketed
to Palestinian vacationers. It concludes by suggesting that tourism, with its
mixture of private and government sector interests, serves as a key node for
observing the messy process of relational identities when two sets of neighbors
worked to reframe themselves in national terms.
World War I introduced new realities for the inhabitants of the region. This article
uses Lebanese tourism and the promotion of Lebanon as a tourist destination
to Palestinians of all religious backgrounds as a case study to investigate the
challenges and potentials of the new Mandate structures. Using Palestinian
government archives and newspapers, it examines how Lebanon was marketed
to Palestinian vacationers. It concludes by suggesting that tourism, with its
mixture of private and government sector interests, serves as a key node for
observing the messy process of relational identities when two sets of neighbors
worked to reframe themselves in national terms.
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This paper draws upon a broader research project focused on using the local, Cedar Rapids-area press as a key source for understanding the ways in which Cedar Rapids’ Muslims were perceived within the broader community. The larger project... more
This paper draws upon a broader research project focused on using the local, Cedar Rapids-area press as a key source for understanding the ways in which Cedar Rapids’ Muslims were perceived within the broader community. The larger project engages a careful study of the daily newspapers published in Cedar Rapids from the 1920s through the 1970s, noting that an analysis of local press coverage of Cedar Rapids’ Muslims, as individuals and as part of a shared faith community, indicates several points. First, an analysis of the terms used to describe the community and its mosque suggests that local journalists found it difficult to develop an appropriate terminology for them and often substituted Christian terms like “priest” and “church”. Second, press coverage indicates the increasingly important role played by the mosque – or temple, as it was known for decades – in the community’s religious and social life – supporting arguments made by other scholars about the “congregationalization” of American Islam. Third, the analysis indicates that press coverage focused on Muslim Cedar Rapidsians’ social and religious activities – weddings, deaths and burials, community fundraisers, etc. –, rather than on political issues or on Muslims abroad.
Drawing from the analysis above, this paper argues that local press coverage of Cedar Rapids Muslims was disproportionate to their numbers, largely positive, and in no way marked them as alien to the broader Cedar Rapids community. More broadly, this paper suggests, the press coverage highlights the dynamic relationship between local newspapers and religious communities in smaller American cities. Weddings, church group activities, and community fundraisers constituted a substantive part of the stories in these newspapers’ pages; what work did the inclusion of stories about Muslim community activities do in shifting the perspective of non-Muslim readers?
While focusing on the particular story of Cedar Rapids’ Muslim community, this paper hopes to engage a wider audience than those exclusively focused on Muslim American history or Islamic studies. It concludes by suggesting that religious and ethnic minorities might have had substantively different experiences depending on the size and socio-political climate of the town in which they resided. While in some communities, Muslim immigrants were largely invisible – or, in some cases – unwelcome – to the broader community, Cedar Rapids’ tiny Muslim community appeared frequently in the local press. In short, the narrative framing of Cedar Rapids’ Muslim community in the local newspapers argues for more nuanced studies of religious and ethnic minorities in the mid-twentieth century.
Drawing from the analysis above, this paper argues that local press coverage of Cedar Rapids Muslims was disproportionate to their numbers, largely positive, and in no way marked them as alien to the broader Cedar Rapids community. More broadly, this paper suggests, the press coverage highlights the dynamic relationship between local newspapers and religious communities in smaller American cities. Weddings, church group activities, and community fundraisers constituted a substantive part of the stories in these newspapers’ pages; what work did the inclusion of stories about Muslim community activities do in shifting the perspective of non-Muslim readers?
While focusing on the particular story of Cedar Rapids’ Muslim community, this paper hopes to engage a wider audience than those exclusively focused on Muslim American history or Islamic studies. It concludes by suggesting that religious and ethnic minorities might have had substantively different experiences depending on the size and socio-political climate of the town in which they resided. While in some communities, Muslim immigrants were largely invisible – or, in some cases – unwelcome – to the broader community, Cedar Rapids’ tiny Muslim community appeared frequently in the local press. In short, the narrative framing of Cedar Rapids’ Muslim community in the local newspapers argues for more nuanced studies of religious and ethnic minorities in the mid-twentieth century.
From 1934 to 1941, three British-governed radio stations were established in the Middle East: Egyptian State Broadcasting (ESB) in Cairo (1934), the Palestine Broadcasting Service (PBS) in Jerusalem (1936), and the Near East Broadcasting... more
From 1934 to 1941, three British-governed radio stations were established in the Middle East: Egyptian State Broadcasting (ESB) in Cairo (1934), the Palestine Broadcasting Service (PBS) in
Jerusalem (1936), and the Near East Broadcasting Service (NEBS) in Jaffa (1941). These three stations were modeled on the BBC and run as colonial or imperial stations—but they were also considered national stations. As a result, they operated as hybrid entities with overlapping and sometimes conflicting mandates. Through the three case studies—a contentious hire at the ESB, the PBS’ ‘Jerusalem Direct News Service’, and the NEBS’ Islamic broadcasts—this article charts the evolving relationship between Great Britain and its Arab-world radio stations, examining these three stations in tandem tension between national and regional broadcasting mandates, as well as the challenge that managing each station raised for British officials in the UK and in-country.
It moves away from a focus on the disembodied spheres of ideology and propaganda, and toward the messy administrative decisions that reflected British officials’ on-the-ground efforts to navigate the administrative control and programming decisions in the perplexing world of semiindependent radio broadcasting stations in the Middle East. It closes by noting that while UK-based British officials saw these three stations as operating under the aegis of British governance and on the model of the BBC, the ESB and the PBS, in particular, reflected and projected not a British imperial identity but an Egyptian and a Palestinian nationalist one.
Jerusalem (1936), and the Near East Broadcasting Service (NEBS) in Jaffa (1941). These three stations were modeled on the BBC and run as colonial or imperial stations—but they were also considered national stations. As a result, they operated as hybrid entities with overlapping and sometimes conflicting mandates. Through the three case studies—a contentious hire at the ESB, the PBS’ ‘Jerusalem Direct News Service’, and the NEBS’ Islamic broadcasts—this article charts the evolving relationship between Great Britain and its Arab-world radio stations, examining these three stations in tandem tension between national and regional broadcasting mandates, as well as the challenge that managing each station raised for British officials in the UK and in-country.
It moves away from a focus on the disembodied spheres of ideology and propaganda, and toward the messy administrative decisions that reflected British officials’ on-the-ground efforts to navigate the administrative control and programming decisions in the perplexing world of semiindependent radio broadcasting stations in the Middle East. It closes by noting that while UK-based British officials saw these three stations as operating under the aegis of British governance and on the model of the BBC, the ESB and the PBS, in particular, reflected and projected not a British imperial identity but an Egyptian and a Palestinian nationalist one.
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This chapter examines the popularity, impact, and criticism of a popular Malaysian “Islamic reality tv” program: Imam Muda (“Young Imam”). Imam Muda, in which ten young religious scholars compete for a year’s paid religious study in... more
This chapter examines the popularity, impact, and criticism of a popular Malaysian “Islamic reality tv” program: Imam Muda (“Young Imam”). Imam Muda, in which ten young religious scholars compete for a year’s paid religious study in Medina and a position at one of Malaysia’s state mosques, began airing in 2010. Several complementary women’s programs were proposed, and in 2011, Ustazah Pilihan showcased ten young female religious scholars, who competed to be named “best female preacher” for Malaysia. While Imam Muda was canceled after three seasons, despite its popularity, the winners and top competitors from each round maintain high profiles in Malaysia as pious celebrities.
This chapter describes Imam Muda, setting it within the broader context of Malaysian society and politics. It notes the show’s potential to facilitate viewers’ pious self-cultivation, as well as how it promoted a “modern” and “youthful” Islam. It reflects on how these programs fit within the concept of “Islam hadhari” (“civilizational Islam”) promoted by former Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, as a modernist Islam that fits within a Malaysian (rather than Arab) setting. It also notes the criticisms made of the program, including its promotion of religious celebrity culture. It concludes by suggesting that the show exposed the potential for television to change viewers, promoting a kind of pious activism that could be apolitical or support the Malay state, but could also take Malaysian Islam in a different direction.
Published in: Religion and Reality TV: Faith in Late Capitalism
Edited by Mara Einstein, Katherine Madden, Diane Winston
Routledge, April 2018
This chapter describes Imam Muda, setting it within the broader context of Malaysian society and politics. It notes the show’s potential to facilitate viewers’ pious self-cultivation, as well as how it promoted a “modern” and “youthful” Islam. It reflects on how these programs fit within the concept of “Islam hadhari” (“civilizational Islam”) promoted by former Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, as a modernist Islam that fits within a Malaysian (rather than Arab) setting. It also notes the criticisms made of the program, including its promotion of religious celebrity culture. It concludes by suggesting that the show exposed the potential for television to change viewers, promoting a kind of pious activism that could be apolitical or support the Malay state, but could also take Malaysian Islam in a different direction.
Published in: Religion and Reality TV: Faith in Late Capitalism
Edited by Mara Einstein, Katherine Madden, Diane Winston
Routledge, April 2018
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This chapter examines the use of emoticons on Islamic website forums. It maps the field of Islamic emoticons, outlining the ways in which this field is being defined within online Muslim communities. It focuses first on particular... more
This chapter examines the use of emoticons on Islamic website forums. It maps the field of Islamic emoticons, outlining the ways in which this field is being defined within online Muslim communities. It focuses first on particular websites’ endorsement of certain emoticons, and then turns to broader debates about emoticons. These debates range from questioning the acceptability of any visual media, to assessing the admissibility of 'secular' emoticons on Islamic websites. Unlike the generic smileys of yesteryear, today’s emoticons reflect the personal expression of particular communities – in this case, practicing Muslims. Yet they do more than reflect: they encourage forum members in the ongoing process of pious self-cultivation. These emoticons reflect the emergence of new emotional practices by users, and help ameliorate the anonymity of online avatars, contributing to community building. At the same time, they provide visual religious credibility – particularly through pious phrase or Qur’anic verse emoticons. These two aspects – community building and individual credibility – help bring pious sociability to the online world.
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paper given February 2019 at iNation: Democracy in the Era of Social Media and Fake News symposium, held at Metro State University (Denver)
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talk given December 2018
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US political passions continue to swirl around the Iran nuclear agreement, but how important is it for US-Iran relations and for US foreign policy in the Middle East? At this International Symposium, Dr. Andrea Stanton, Middle East expert... more
US political passions continue to swirl around the Iran nuclear agreement, but how important is it for US-Iran relations and for US foreign policy in the Middle East? At this International Symposium, Dr. Andrea Stanton, Middle East expert and scholar of Islam, will provide us with a quick overview of US-Iran relations from World War II through the 2000s and fast forward to the 2015 Iran nuclear agreement: why was it created, why has the international community endorsed it and why is it being challenged by some US politicians. She will explain how the agreement fits into the regional context: which countries support it, which oppose it, and how this all connects to the bigger picture of US policy in the Middle East. Her insights on the benefits and drawbacks of the agreement will aid us in understanding the current political debates, as well as their impact on US-Iran and US-Middle East relations in the near future.
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talk given at the Santa Fe Council on International Relations, Dec 5, 2017
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presentation for the Teaching Religion Unit of the American Academy of Religion
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Research Interests: Arabic and Typewriters
class session on Islam for University of Denver Enrichment course, "Comparative Religions", taught by the DU Religious Studies Department, Fall 2017
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talk delivered to Trinity Academy, Trinity United Methodist Church, 10/22/17
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talk delivered to Trinity Academy, Trinity United Methodist Church, 10/15/17
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Presentation slides for my part of a "civic education for civic engagement" workshop organized by the Graduate School of Social Work at the University of Denver, held Sept 26, 2017.
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Slides for Denver Mile High Rotary Club talk: "Key Developments in the Middle East: Summer 2017"
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campus talk, University of Denver, April 2017
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talk delivered at Colorado Academy Jan 11, 2017
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talk delivered to the ESL Academy of the University of Colorado, Denver
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Talk delivered as part of the Middle East Outreach Council's annual professional development workshop, held during the Middle East Studies Association’s 2015 annual meeting
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Talk to Colorado chapter of USA for UNICEF, April 2016
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GlobeMed Colorado talk, October 2016
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Denver-area talk, June 2016
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CORD Symposium, University of Denver, April 2016
Research Interests: Human Rights and Syria
This roundtable contribution seeks to foreground the labor involved in producing sound, focusing on radio in mandate Palestine. From the perspectives of radio listeners in the 1930s and 1940s, technological advances like the introduction... more
This roundtable contribution seeks to foreground the labor involved in producing sound, focusing on radio in mandate Palestine. From the perspectives of radio listeners in the 1930s and 1940s, technological advances like the introduction of super-heterodyne receivers made radio listening more user friendly and more pleasurable. Tuning improvements like the “spread band” or push button pre-set made finding particular stations much easier, while more powerful receiver antennae resulted in smaller aerial requirements, more portable devices, and – most importantly – clearer and more powerful sound. In Palestine, these developments coincided with the establishment of two domestic stations: the Palestine Broadcasting Service in 1936 and al-Sharq al-Adna in 1941, which followed that of Egyptian State Broadcasting in 1934 and coincided with the introduction of smaller stations in Beirut and Damascus, as well as Arabic-language and foreign-language stations broadcasting on medium wave frequencies from Europe. In other words, technological improvements and increasing listening opportunities reinforced one another, making radio listening more appealing.
What work did each of these developments do to influence listeners’ experience of broadcast sound? How might bringing these influences to light shift our thinking about the experience of sound for Palestinians (and others listening to Palestinian radio stations from around the region) during the mandate era? This roundtable contribution hopes to stimulate conversation around these questions by examining the technological and administrative influences on radio broadcasting. It considers the technical challenges of “outside” and live broadcasts, the logistical challenges of obtaining sufficient recorded music, the financial concerns related to hiring artists and paying copyright fees, and the administrative decisions that determined what kinds of sounds to broadcast: the level of language used in news and talks, the gendered nature of the imagined audience, the “modern” or “folkloric” cast of the entertainment, and which hours to be on air. In highlighting these examples, this roundtable contribution hopes to move consideration of sound in historical research back from the experience of listeners after its broadcasting on air, to the technical and administrative parameters that helped shaped that sound, before and during its production.
What work did each of these developments do to influence listeners’ experience of broadcast sound? How might bringing these influences to light shift our thinking about the experience of sound for Palestinians (and others listening to Palestinian radio stations from around the region) during the mandate era? This roundtable contribution hopes to stimulate conversation around these questions by examining the technological and administrative influences on radio broadcasting. It considers the technical challenges of “outside” and live broadcasts, the logistical challenges of obtaining sufficient recorded music, the financial concerns related to hiring artists and paying copyright fees, and the administrative decisions that determined what kinds of sounds to broadcast: the level of language used in news and talks, the gendered nature of the imagined audience, the “modern” or “folkloric” cast of the entertainment, and which hours to be on air. In highlighting these examples, this roundtable contribution hopes to move consideration of sound in historical research back from the experience of listeners after its broadcasting on air, to the technical and administrative parameters that helped shaped that sound, before and during its production.
Confronting U.S. Torture: A Human Rights Day Panel focused on the ongoing responsibilities of Americans in the fight to abolish torture. The panel featured Matthew Alexander, U.S. military officer who leads the fight against torture... more
Confronting U.S. Torture: A Human Rights Day Panel focused on the ongoing responsibilities of Americans in the fight to abolish torture.
The panel featured Matthew Alexander, U.S. military officer who leads the fight against torture within the armed forces, Geneve Mantri, Amnesty International USA expert on legal action against torture, Andrea L. Stanton, Sarah Lawrence historian and Middle East expert, and Dennis Nurkse, Sarah Lawrence writer and Amnesty International USA Board member.
The panel featured Matthew Alexander, U.S. military officer who leads the fight against torture within the armed forces, Geneve Mantri, Amnesty International USA expert on legal action against torture, Andrea L. Stanton, Sarah Lawrence historian and Middle East expert, and Dennis Nurkse, Sarah Lawrence writer and Amnesty International USA Board member.
This course introduces students to the study of digital religion from a lived religions perspective. It begins with an examination of the history, concepts and methods of the field, and continues with thematic explorations of digital... more
This course introduces students to the study of digital religion from a lived religions perspective. It begins with an examination of the history, concepts and methods of the field, and continues with thematic explorations of digital religion scholarship across varied religious traditions. Students develop an understanding of how scholars study religion and spiritual identities, beliefs, and practices online, and how the religious and digital arenas influence and shape one another.
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In this course, you will *develop your understanding of modern European history, politics, and society, in relation to Muslim immigrant, refugee, and European identities *take a deeper dive into the particular contexts of six European... more
In this course, you will
*develop your understanding of modern European history, politics, and society, in relation to Muslim immigrant, refugee, and European identities
*take a deeper dive into the particular contexts of six European countries
*develop your writing skills with three professionally-relevant writing genres
*develop your collaborative skills and self-reflexivity with three peer reviews and peer review responses
*develop your reflective learning skills with a final reflective essay
*develop your understanding of modern European history, politics, and society, in relation to Muslim immigrant, refugee, and European identities
*take a deeper dive into the particular contexts of six European countries
*develop your writing skills with three professionally-relevant writing genres
*develop your collaborative skills and self-reflexivity with three peer reviews and peer review responses
*develop your reflective learning skills with a final reflective essay
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This course offers students a historically grounded introduction to the relationship(s) between Islam and United States politics. Starting with an overview of the basic principles and practices of Islam, we quickly move to colonial... more
This course offers students a historically grounded introduction to the relationship(s) between Islam and United States politics.
Starting with an overview of the basic principles and practices of Islam, we quickly move to colonial America. We will examine the role played by Islam and Muslims in early American political thought, including 18th century debates on whether a Muslim could be elected president, as well as how Islam impacted early U.S. foreign policy. Advancing to the 19th century, we focus on Americans’ relationships with Muslims abroad – as travelers and as captives – and at home, with enslaved African Muslims.
We next look at early 20th century evangelization efforts and their political impact – both of Americans trying to convert foreign Muslims to Christianity, and of Indian Muslims trying to convert non-Muslim Americans to Islam. Moving into the mid-20th century, we assess the important role played by the Nation of Islam on African-American identity and on domestic politics, and addresses the impact of the Cold War on U.S. foreign policy in the Muslim world. We then examine the impact of the Iranian Revolution and Gulf War I – two key events of the later 20th century – and their foreign and domestic impact.
The final third of our course looks at the impact of the September 11, 2001 terror attacks, the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, the 2006 Congressional and 2008 Presidential elections, the Obama presidency, and the Trump presidency. We conclude by reflecting on the 2020 election, laying out suggestions for how Islam and Muslims might impact U.S. politics at home and abroad over the next decade.
Starting with an overview of the basic principles and practices of Islam, we quickly move to colonial America. We will examine the role played by Islam and Muslims in early American political thought, including 18th century debates on whether a Muslim could be elected president, as well as how Islam impacted early U.S. foreign policy. Advancing to the 19th century, we focus on Americans’ relationships with Muslims abroad – as travelers and as captives – and at home, with enslaved African Muslims.
We next look at early 20th century evangelization efforts and their political impact – both of Americans trying to convert foreign Muslims to Christianity, and of Indian Muslims trying to convert non-Muslim Americans to Islam. Moving into the mid-20th century, we assess the important role played by the Nation of Islam on African-American identity and on domestic politics, and addresses the impact of the Cold War on U.S. foreign policy in the Muslim world. We then examine the impact of the Iranian Revolution and Gulf War I – two key events of the later 20th century – and their foreign and domestic impact.
The final third of our course looks at the impact of the September 11, 2001 terror attacks, the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, the 2006 Congressional and 2008 Presidential elections, the Obama presidency, and the Trump presidency. We conclude by reflecting on the 2020 election, laying out suggestions for how Islam and Muslims might impact U.S. politics at home and abroad over the next decade.
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In this course, you will: *Watch a number of recent and important films, made by Muslims, about aspects of Islam *Read recent scholarship on these films and the related issues that they raise *Discuss the films and associated readings,... more
In this course, you will:
*Watch a number of recent and important films, made by Muslims, about aspects of Islam
*Read recent scholarship on these films and the related issues that they raise
*Discuss the films and associated readings, as well as other primary sources, in class (20%)
*Submit weekly online discussion posts in to a small group (15%)
*Read through your group’s discussion posts and respond to one post each week (15%)
*Collaboratively develop & present a professional, small-group presentation on a film not assigned for the course (20%)
*Write two formal analysis papers of films assigned for course, using Chicago style (20%)
*Write a final exam essay synthesizing your understanding of course material (10%)
*Watch a number of recent and important films, made by Muslims, about aspects of Islam
*Read recent scholarship on these films and the related issues that they raise
*Discuss the films and associated readings, as well as other primary sources, in class (20%)
*Submit weekly online discussion posts in to a small group (15%)
*Read through your group’s discussion posts and respond to one post each week (15%)
*Collaboratively develop & present a professional, small-group presentation on a film not assigned for the course (20%)
*Write two formal analysis papers of films assigned for course, using Chicago style (20%)
*Write a final exam essay synthesizing your understanding of course material (10%)
Research Interests:
This course offers students a substantive introduction to pedagogical methods as they relate to the teaching of religion. Students design syllabi and materials appropriate for the teaching of religion in at least two different contexts.... more
This course offers students a substantive introduction to pedagogical methods as they relate to the teaching of religion. Students design syllabi and materials appropriate for the teaching of religion in at least two different contexts. In addition, the course covers theoretical issues related to the teaching and learning process. By completing the reading and writing assignments, and engaging with colleagues and the instructor during class sessions, students will achieve the following learning objectives and improve in associated skills areas: *Develop familiarity with and be able to discuss major pedagogical theoretical and practical trends, like engaging prior knowledge and universal design *Develop familiarity with and use backwards course design to develop courses *Design a course syllabus that has measurable and meaningful elements and outcomes and employs a variety of learning strategies *Design measurable and meaningful course assignments and accompanying evaluation strategies *Develop familiarity with current resources for continuing to develop their teaching practice *Develop and be able to discuss their teaching philosophies *Develop their abilities to reflect upon their teaching and learning practices in ways that enable them to continue to develop their teaching practice *Develop familiarity with teaching-related grant opportunities and the grant-writing process *Develop familiarity with resources for teaching outside the classroom, including public speaking and community engagement
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This undergraduate/graduate course introduces students to key debates, historical developments, and thematic issues in the study of Islam and gender. It grounds this study in theoretical texts but takes a lived religions approach,... more
This undergraduate/graduate course introduces students to key debates, historical developments, and thematic issues in the study of Islam and gender. It grounds this study in theoretical texts but takes a lived religions approach, focusing primarily on the production of "modern" gender norms in the colonial and post-colonial era. It proceeds thematically, with class sessions on sexualities, dress, reproduction, family roles, masculinities, pious self-construction, and the gendering of pilgrimage, and concludes with a look at contemporary and likely future debates.
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This course offers students a historical introduction to the major empires of the Muslim world. Starting with an overview of the major empires of the late antique Mediterranean (Roman and Sasanid Persian), it provides students with a... more
This course offers students a historical introduction to the major empires of the Muslim world. Starting with an overview of the major empires of the late antique Mediterranean (Roman and Sasanid Persian), it provides students with a primer on the rise and major principles of Islam, turning to the Umayyad and Abbasid empires and their roles in supporting the institutionalization and sectarian developments of classical and early-medieval era Islam. Students then review the history of the Fatimid, Buyid, Ayyubid, and Mamluk empires, in the context of the Crusades. They examine the emergence of the great Andalusi and North African empires, noting their long-lasting influence on Spain. The course culminates in a multi-week study of the three major early modern and modern-era empires: the Ottoman, Mughal, and Safavid. Throughout the course, students examine primary sources from each empire, and consider the political, social, religious, and economic aspects of each. The course concludes with a look at contemporary attempts to remember or revive the notion of " Islamic empire " , connecting past to present. By completing the reading and writing assignments, and listening and participating during class sessions, students will achieve the following goals: • Understand the imperial context of the late antique Mediterranean • Understand the basic principles of Islam and its early history • Understand the basic achievements and historical trajectory of the Umayyad and Abbasid empires, including their influence on the rise and institutionalization of Islam • Understand the basic achievements and historical trajectory of the Crusader-era Fatimid and Ayyubid empires • Understand the basic achievements and historical trajectory of the Andalusian empires, including their influence on the history of Spain and North Africa • Understand the basic achievements and historical trajectory of the Ottoman, Mughal, and Safavid empires, including their influence on the history of the Middle East, Central Asia, and South Asia
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Office: Sturm Hall 272 ~ Phone: 303.871.3503 ~ Email: andrea.stanton@du.edu Sturm Hall – W/F 10:00-11:50am Office Hours: Thurs 10:30-11:30am and 1:15-2:15pm This course offers students a historical introduction to the presence of Islam... more
Office: Sturm Hall 272 ~ Phone: 303.871.3503 ~ Email: andrea.stanton@du.edu Sturm Hall – W/F 10:00-11:50am Office Hours: Thurs 10:30-11:30am and 1:15-2:15pm This course offers students a historical introduction to the presence of Islam and Muslims in the United States. Starting with an overview of the early history and basic theology of Islam, it traces the experiences of the first Muslims in North America, Africans enslaved and transported across the Atlantic Ocean. It turns to consider the role played by Islam and Muslims in early American political thought, including 18 th century debates on whether a Muslim could be elected President and how (and why) Thomas Jefferson might have used his copy of the Qur'an. Advancing to the 19 th century, it considers the relatively minimal role played by Arab Muslims and the much more substantive influence of the minority Indian evangelical Ahmadiyya movement. It continues tracing the history of Islam in African-American communities, focusing on the formation of the Nation of Islam but also considering the Moorish Temple movement and the Five Percenters. Moving into the 20 th century, this class considers the increasing role of immigrant Muslims, first from Ottoman lands and then, after 1960s immigration reform, from other parts of the Muslim world. It ends by examining contemporary Muslim communities in the US and how ritual and faith are today developing with " American " accents. By completing the reading and writing assignments, and listening and participating during class sessions, students will achieve the following goals: • Understand the basic principles and early history of Islam • Understand Islam's long and multi-faceted history in colonial North America • Connect this history to the minority and evangelical Islamic movements of the late 19 th through mid 20 th centuries • Understand the continuities and discontinuities between these histories and today's American Muslim communities • Develop an understanding of American Muslim communities' diverse approaches to Islam, majoritarian and minoritarian • Understand and be able to discuss some of the critical issues that American Muslim communities face today, in Denver and/or students' home towns as well as nationally • Think critically about how the United States as a cultural and political space influences understandings of what 'being Muslim' entails in terms of language, ritual practice, etc. By completing the reading and writing assignments, and listening and participating during class sessions, students will improve in the following skill areas: • Develop skills for critically reading and assessing scholarly works across multiple disciplines • Develop an understanding of the diverse opinions within scholarship on Islam in the United States
Research Interests:
This service learning / community engagement course introduces students to non-profit work and to scholarship on non-profit activities. It connects students with community partners, continuing the Department’s commitment to experiential... more
This service learning / community engagement course introduces students to non-profit work and to scholarship on non-profit activities. It connects students with community partners, continuing the Department’s commitment to experiential learning and to engagement with living faith communities. Students spend course time discussing scholarly research on grant writing and non-profit grant support and discussing logistical and other issues related to their service learning placements. This course is intended to help provide M.A. students with arenas for future research, including possible thesis topics, while also offering a uniquely practical opportunity for professional development. Experience in forming a 501(c)3 corporation and writing grant proposals will be an asset for students planning to work in non-profits as well as for those continuing on to doctoral work.
This course offers students a substantive introduction to the major Islamic thinkers of the 20th and 21st centuries. Starting with Abu `Ala Maududi, whose work on Qur’anic interpretation and the meaning of jihad laid the groundwork for... more
This course offers students a substantive introduction to the major Islamic thinkers of the 20th and 21st centuries. Starting with Abu `Ala Maududi, whose work on Qur’anic interpretation and the meaning of jihad laid the groundwork for new waves of radical activism in the modern Muslim world, this course exposes students to the works of major “movers and shakers” like Sayyid Qutb and Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Students engage these thinkers through a mixture of primary and secondary sources, developing a sense of context as they work through these thinkers’ arguments. The course continues with an examination of some of the major later 20th-century Islamic thinkers active in Muslim-minority spaces, focusing on Bosnian Grand Mufti Mustafai Ceric and the late Moroccan-French scholar Mohammed Arkoun. It concludes by looking at two major figures of the early 21st century, noting how they blend intellectual and political activism: Iranian cleric Mohsen Kadivar and American scholar Amina Wadud. Throughout the course, student groups will present on various contemporary issues, helping them develop presentation and writing skills while allowing them to apply course knowledge to real-world issues.
Even scholarly readers may assume that a book on copyright law sounds most like a means of coping with insomnia. Michael Birnhack, however, has written a surprisingly engaging study that sets Mandate Palestine's encounters with... more
Even scholarly readers may assume that a book on copyright law sounds most like a means of coping with insomnia. Michael Birnhack, however, has written a surprisingly engaging study that sets Mandate Palestine's encounters with British-imposed copyright law in the context of international concordances on copyright and late nineteenth-century imperial extensions of metropolitan copyright laws. He highlights how British officials used European concepts of creative work and authorship to justify colonialism's " civilizing mission " and denigrate local understandings of creative works, including how they were produced and by whom, and how to protect them. He then turns to Palestine as a case study, examining how both Jewish immigrants and local Arab Palestinians received British copyright law: first ignoring it but then employing it to assert the existence of a creative field in each community, with standards of production and authorship that fit British conceptions of the creative field. This densely researched, complex study engages with sociolegal studies as well as social history, while offering a highly readable account of the complexities of the subject.
Research Interests:
... point the Israeli-Palestinian talks were stalled amidst the onset of renewed Israeli-Palestinian violence and ... is-sue affectedand been affected bythe overall, changing nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict? ... and ultimately end... more
... point the Israeli-Palestinian talks were stalled amidst the onset of renewed Israeli-Palestinian violence and ... is-sue affectedand been affected bythe overall, changing nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict? ... and ultimately end up as at best a marginal player in resolving the Arab ...
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
94 Spring 2009 Digest of Middle East Studies Empire of Difference: the Ottomans in Comparative Perspective Karen Barkey Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008, 342p. Pbk. $25.99. ISBN: 9780521715331. Review by Andrea A.... more
94 Spring 2009 Digest of Middle East Studies Empire of Difference: the Ottomans in Comparative Perspective Karen Barkey Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008, 342p. Pbk. $25.99. ISBN: 9780521715331. Review by Andrea A. Stanton, Ph. D. New York ...
Research Interests:
We seek colleagues to participate in a roundtable on the current state of Middle East sports studies at the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) Annual Meeting in Boston, November 17-20, 2016
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The concept of the Qur’an as kalam Allah, the Word or speech of God, has a long history in Islamic thought. It has been used to argue for the Qur’an’s eternality: that God’s speech is co-eternal and integral to God’s divine being, but... more
The concept of the Qur’an as kalam Allah, the Word or speech of God, has a long history in Islamic thought. It has been used to argue for the Qur’an’s eternality: that God’s speech is co-eternal and integral to God’s divine being, but became a historical set of words encapsulated in the Qur’an when God’s uncreated speech became the created, temporal speech of revelation. The term “kalam” itself was incorporated in Islamic thought into the concept of `ilm al-kalam, the science or discipline of theology (sometimes specified as scholastic theology) – a foundational part of the `ulum al-din, the sciences of religion. Yet questions of how God speaks, and whether divine speech of any kind is still possible in the contemporary world, are being raised anew today, by ordinary Muslims seeking guidance online. This paper examines how these questions, addressed by scholars in the classical and medieval eras, have been given new currency as Muslims post questions about divine speaking in online forums like Turn To Islam and in online fatwa sites like Islam Question and Answer. Does God speak with a tongue, posters ask. Does God speak through human intuition? Does God limit divine speech to prayer times? Does God speak through dreams? Does God speak with a voice (sawt) and words (harf – literally, letters)? These questions, which historically were raised and answered by religious scholars in theological treatises, are today being asked again by pious, ordinary Muslims – including converts – in less rarefied, open-access online spaces. This paper argues that the expansion of the community of those engaged in these questions, as well as the new platforms on which they engage, has not only helped make old questions new again, but also helped set old and established answers in new contexts.
The question of God’s speaking also returns Islamic thought to the related question of divine embodiment. This question was also one raised, debated, and ultimately settled in the early medieval period, particularly as it related to the question raised by the Ayat al-Kursi: if God was described as having a throne, did this mean that God sat, and in turn that God had a body? In the great debate between the Mutazilites and Asharites, the question of divine embodiment was answered in favor of the less literal interpretation of divine body. However, it has returned today in the question of divine engendering. Muslims today are raising new questions about the nature of God: should the Arabic language’s references to God as He and Him be taken as divine self-revelation or as a linguistic curiosity? This paper closes with a reflection of the implications of new debates about divine speech for the equally new debates about divine gender. If God speaks, it asks, does God do so with a masculine voice?
The question of God’s speaking also returns Islamic thought to the related question of divine embodiment. This question was also one raised, debated, and ultimately settled in the early medieval period, particularly as it related to the question raised by the Ayat al-Kursi: if God was described as having a throne, did this mean that God sat, and in turn that God had a body? In the great debate between the Mutazilites and Asharites, the question of divine embodiment was answered in favor of the less literal interpretation of divine body. However, it has returned today in the question of divine engendering. Muslims today are raising new questions about the nature of God: should the Arabic language’s references to God as He and Him be taken as divine self-revelation or as a linguistic curiosity? This paper closes with a reflection of the implications of new debates about divine speech for the equally new debates about divine gender. If God speaks, it asks, does God do so with a masculine voice?
Research Interests:
my comments from the "Middle Eastern Sports Studies: State of the Field" roundtable at the Middle Eastern Studies Association Annual Meeting, November 2016
Research Interests:
Stanton contribution to MESA 2012 Roundtable: Cosmopolitanism and Modernity in the 20th Century Middle East (with Kevin Martin, Tsolin Nalbantian, and Deborah Starr)
Research Interests:
Notes from the 2016 MESA roundtable on the state of Middle East Sports Studies, co-organized with Daniyel Reiche (American University of Beirut) and featuring James Dorsey (Nanyang Technological University, Singapore) and Murat Yildiz... more
Notes from the 2016 MESA roundtable on the state of Middle East Sports Studies, co-organized with Daniyel Reiche (American University of Beirut) and featuring James Dorsey (Nanyang Technological University, Singapore) and Murat Yildiz (Skidmore College) as co-participants.
All errors in transcription of comments and discussion or identification / attribution are my own.
All errors in transcription of comments and discussion or identification / attribution are my own.
Research Interests:
Over the past three years, the word “Islamophobia” has gone from an obscure term used by well-intentioned academics to one that regularly appears in US print and television news media. Newsbank, which aggregates print media and wire... more
Over the past three years, the word “Islamophobia” has gone from an obscure term used by well-intentioned academics to one that regularly appears in US print and television news media.
Newsbank, which aggregates print media and wire service articles, blog posts, television and other Internet videos, magazines and other periodicals, and government documents, from the United States and other countries, reports over 24,000 mentions of the word “Islamophobia” in US sources as of early June 2017. Over 60% of them occurred in 2015 (4712), 2016 (7224), and the first six months of 2017 (2860), suggesting that “Islamophobia” has moved from fringe to mainstream. (2010 was a breakthrough year, with 1772 mentions, up from 454 in 2009, but 2015 was a major increase over 987 in 2014.)
The term “Islamophobia” has several possible origin points. The University of California, Berkeley’s Center for Race and Gender says: “The term “Islamophobia” was first introduced as a concept in a 1990s Runnymede Trust Report and defined as “unfounded hostility towards Muslims, and therefore fear or dislike of all or most Muslims,” along the model of “xenophobia”.
But a former Runnymede staffer involved with the report says that the term already existed, describing its origin as a French term (islamophobie) used in the early 1900s to “criticize French colonial administrators for their treatment of Muslim subjects”. He suggests that well-known cultural theorist Edward Said was the first to employ the term in English-language discourse, starting in the 1980s, and framing it as an issue similar to anti-Semitism.
Perhaps ironically, the first time that “Islamophobia” appeared in the New York Times, one of the United States’ flagship newspapers, was on Sunday, September 9, 2001 – but in the context of excerpts from a United Nations conference held in Durban, South Africa, which in part addressed rising anti-Semitism and Islamophobia around the world. Subsequent usages were few: one in December 2001 that defined Islamophobia as “a Western fear of Islam”, two in 2002, three in 2003, seven in 2004, and continuing to increase slowly through the rest of the decade.
The word was often used with quotation marks. After the Park 51 community center became a cause célèbre as the “Ground Zero Mosque” controversy in Summer 2010, “Islamophobia” began appearing in the Times and other news media publications, much more frequently.
Since 2010, the term has begun to gain traction in Arabic as well, as a transliterated word. For example, a December 2014 broadcast on Al Jazeera discussed Islamophobia in Europe, with an accompanying article that defined the term as “fear of Islam” (al-khauf min al-Islam). “Islamophobia” has its own Arabic-language Wikipedia page, as well as one in Turkish. This suggests that the term is gaining credence in Muslim-majority societies as well as in Europe and North America, with English-language references dominating both pages.
Together, the geometric all suggests “Islamophobia’s increasing normalization in US political and analytic discourse – as a recognized, if not yet household term. But the striking point is the ways in which its television and print media usage differ. On US television networks, Fox News is by far the most frequent user of “Islamophobia”. Not CNN, not MSNBC, not even the now-defunct Al Jazeera America. What does the fact that America’s most prominent right-wing television network, not middle-of-the-road or liberal ones, is the most frequent user of “Islamophobia” tell us about how conservative journalists and commentators are employing the term?
Using Television Explorer, which examines how many times a particular word or phrase is used on the closed captioning transcripts of major American news networks (Bloomberg, CNBC, CNN, Fox News, Fox Business, MSNBC), the BBC, and/or regional news network affiliates, we examined the frequency with which “Islamophobia” was used within the past twelve months: 217 times, in total. Fox News used the term 96 times, and Fox Business 39 times. CNN used it 42 times, MSNBC 29 times, Bloomberg eight times, and CNBC three times.
We then zoomed in, to look at the frequency with which “Islamophobia” was used over the past three months. While the total number was relatively low – 55 – the distribution of use was striking. Fox News used the term 45 times, and Fox Business 3 times. CNN used it six times, while MSNBC used the term once. What is striking is that usage of “Islamophobia” is not evenly distributed across each period of time. The daily usage chart shows major spikes on particular days, suggesting that particular programs used the term heavily – as with the October 10 and 11, 2016 news coverage of the October 9 town hall-style presidential debate between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump, in which one questioner, an American Muslim, asked about Islamophobia.
More recently, Fox News’ “The Five”, a nightly roundtable discussion that airs at 9pm Eastern time, used the term extensively during its May 24 show on “Confronting terror and the ISIS threat”. “The whole strategy is that Islamophobia as a term is designed to shut people down”, said Greg Gutfeld, arguing that liberals deploy the term to stop discussion of what he considers more pertinent topics, such as immigration and terrorism.
“Islamophobia” isn’t the only term for which Fox News outstrips other news networks. It also uses “radical Islam” and “political correctness” much more frequently. From March to June 2017, Fox News used “political correctness” 224 times, and Fox Business used the phrase 133 times. MSNBC used it 25 times, and CNN used it 20 times. In other words, Fox anchors and commentators have taken the term “Islamophobia” and positioned it within a discourse about radical Islam and political correctness.
This is a new use of the technique of linguistic reappropriation, the effort “whereby a stigmatized group revalues an externally imposed negative label by self-consciously referring to itself in terms of that label”. By deploying the term “Islamophobia” in the context of a self-consciously anti-“politically correct” discourse, Fox News’ commentators and others in similar contexts are reclaiming the term – suggesting that identifying as Islamophobic, just like being politically incorrect, is a brave and honorable act.
Newsbank, which aggregates print media and wire service articles, blog posts, television and other Internet videos, magazines and other periodicals, and government documents, from the United States and other countries, reports over 24,000 mentions of the word “Islamophobia” in US sources as of early June 2017. Over 60% of them occurred in 2015 (4712), 2016 (7224), and the first six months of 2017 (2860), suggesting that “Islamophobia” has moved from fringe to mainstream. (2010 was a breakthrough year, with 1772 mentions, up from 454 in 2009, but 2015 was a major increase over 987 in 2014.)
The term “Islamophobia” has several possible origin points. The University of California, Berkeley’s Center for Race and Gender says: “The term “Islamophobia” was first introduced as a concept in a 1990s Runnymede Trust Report and defined as “unfounded hostility towards Muslims, and therefore fear or dislike of all or most Muslims,” along the model of “xenophobia”.
But a former Runnymede staffer involved with the report says that the term already existed, describing its origin as a French term (islamophobie) used in the early 1900s to “criticize French colonial administrators for their treatment of Muslim subjects”. He suggests that well-known cultural theorist Edward Said was the first to employ the term in English-language discourse, starting in the 1980s, and framing it as an issue similar to anti-Semitism.
Perhaps ironically, the first time that “Islamophobia” appeared in the New York Times, one of the United States’ flagship newspapers, was on Sunday, September 9, 2001 – but in the context of excerpts from a United Nations conference held in Durban, South Africa, which in part addressed rising anti-Semitism and Islamophobia around the world. Subsequent usages were few: one in December 2001 that defined Islamophobia as “a Western fear of Islam”, two in 2002, three in 2003, seven in 2004, and continuing to increase slowly through the rest of the decade.
The word was often used with quotation marks. After the Park 51 community center became a cause célèbre as the “Ground Zero Mosque” controversy in Summer 2010, “Islamophobia” began appearing in the Times and other news media publications, much more frequently.
Since 2010, the term has begun to gain traction in Arabic as well, as a transliterated word. For example, a December 2014 broadcast on Al Jazeera discussed Islamophobia in Europe, with an accompanying article that defined the term as “fear of Islam” (al-khauf min al-Islam). “Islamophobia” has its own Arabic-language Wikipedia page, as well as one in Turkish. This suggests that the term is gaining credence in Muslim-majority societies as well as in Europe and North America, with English-language references dominating both pages.
Together, the geometric all suggests “Islamophobia’s increasing normalization in US political and analytic discourse – as a recognized, if not yet household term. But the striking point is the ways in which its television and print media usage differ. On US television networks, Fox News is by far the most frequent user of “Islamophobia”. Not CNN, not MSNBC, not even the now-defunct Al Jazeera America. What does the fact that America’s most prominent right-wing television network, not middle-of-the-road or liberal ones, is the most frequent user of “Islamophobia” tell us about how conservative journalists and commentators are employing the term?
Using Television Explorer, which examines how many times a particular word or phrase is used on the closed captioning transcripts of major American news networks (Bloomberg, CNBC, CNN, Fox News, Fox Business, MSNBC), the BBC, and/or regional news network affiliates, we examined the frequency with which “Islamophobia” was used within the past twelve months: 217 times, in total. Fox News used the term 96 times, and Fox Business 39 times. CNN used it 42 times, MSNBC 29 times, Bloomberg eight times, and CNBC three times.
We then zoomed in, to look at the frequency with which “Islamophobia” was used over the past three months. While the total number was relatively low – 55 – the distribution of use was striking. Fox News used the term 45 times, and Fox Business 3 times. CNN used it six times, while MSNBC used the term once. What is striking is that usage of “Islamophobia” is not evenly distributed across each period of time. The daily usage chart shows major spikes on particular days, suggesting that particular programs used the term heavily – as with the October 10 and 11, 2016 news coverage of the October 9 town hall-style presidential debate between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump, in which one questioner, an American Muslim, asked about Islamophobia.
More recently, Fox News’ “The Five”, a nightly roundtable discussion that airs at 9pm Eastern time, used the term extensively during its May 24 show on “Confronting terror and the ISIS threat”. “The whole strategy is that Islamophobia as a term is designed to shut people down”, said Greg Gutfeld, arguing that liberals deploy the term to stop discussion of what he considers more pertinent topics, such as immigration and terrorism.
“Islamophobia” isn’t the only term for which Fox News outstrips other news networks. It also uses “radical Islam” and “political correctness” much more frequently. From March to June 2017, Fox News used “political correctness” 224 times, and Fox Business used the phrase 133 times. MSNBC used it 25 times, and CNN used it 20 times. In other words, Fox anchors and commentators have taken the term “Islamophobia” and positioned it within a discourse about radical Islam and political correctness.
This is a new use of the technique of linguistic reappropriation, the effort “whereby a stigmatized group revalues an externally imposed negative label by self-consciously referring to itself in terms of that label”. By deploying the term “Islamophobia” in the context of a self-consciously anti-“politically correct” discourse, Fox News’ commentators and others in similar contexts are reclaiming the term – suggesting that identifying as Islamophobic, just like being politically incorrect, is a brave and honorable act.
Research Interests:
Ramadan this year began for most American Muslims at sundown on Friday, May 26, and like most other events in the United States today, much discussion of it focused around how the Trump Administration would react. The President and First... more
Ramadan this year began for most American Muslims at sundown on Friday, May 26, and like most other events in the United States today, much discussion of it focused around how the Trump Administration would react.
The President and First Lady have hosted a White House iftar, the dinner that breaks Muslims’ daily fast, annually since George W Bush hosted one during Ramadan 2001, which fell two months after the September 11 attacks. (This amended a less-formalized tradition of hosting a White House Eid al-Fitr reception to celebrate the end of Ramadan, begun in 1996 under President Bill Clinton and seen as the initiative of then First Lady Hillary Clinton.)
As the tradition has continued, the guest list has evolved to include representatives of American Muslim communities, rather than the early focus on foreign dignitaries of Muslim-majority countries.
As a candidate, Donald Trump said that “it wouldn’t bother me” to host a White House iftar. However, this year both the White House and the State Department have indicated their decision to break with executive branch tradition. President Trump issued a striking Ramadan greeting that focused on extremism, but announced no plans for a White House iftar.
Secretary of State Rex Tillerson issued a warm Ramadan message, but decided against hosting an iftar or Eid al Fitr dinner, despite being asked to do so by the State Department’s Office of Religion and Global Affairs. This breaks a practice begun under Secretary of State Madeline Albright, who hosted the department’s first iftar at the end of 1999, with a guest list that featured American Muslims and a speech that promised to hire more Muslims.
Less well known is the Pentagon’s iftar dinner tradition, which reportedly also began under the Clinton administration, in 1998. “A good believer is a great soldier,” then-Deputy Secretary of Defense John Hamre said. The Pentagon is continuing its iftar tradition this year.
Yet while the iftar stories drew most of the media attention, a much longer-lasting Ramadan story was again playing out, as it has since 2001, in the House of Representatives. In November 2001, then-Representative John LaFalce, who represented western New York, introduced a resolution “recognizing the commencement of Ramadan, the Islamic holy month of fasting and spiritual renewal, and commending Muslims in the United States and throughout the world for their faith”.
The bill included 26 co-sponsors, including five Republican Representatives, and died in committee. In 2004, a different Representative, Eddie Bernice Johnson (D-Texas) introduced a resolution with almost the same language. It, too, died in committee. She introduced the resolution in 2005. This time the Committee on Foreign Affairs recommended that it be considered by the full House, but it too died without coming to a floor vote. In 2006, she introduced the resolution again; it died in committee.
In 2007, she introduced the resolution and it passed as H.R. 635 – but with text that focused equally on terrorism, commending “Muslims in the United States and across the globe who have privately and publicly rejected interpretations and movements of Islam that justify and encourage hatred, violence, and terror.” It passed with 30 co-sponsors (29 Democrats), on a roll-call vote that garnered 376 yeses. Since then, Representative Johnson has introduced resolutions to recognize the month of Ramadan five times – most recently, on May 26. Every one has died in committee.
Like the original, 2001 resolution, the 2017 resolution notes that since September 11, “threats and incidents of violence have been directed at law-abiding, patriotic Americans … particularly members of the Islamic faith”, and that the House of Representatives passed a resolution condemning “bigotry and violence” against Arab-Americans, South Asian-Americans, and American Muslims.
It adds that “over 3,700 Muslims serve on active duty” and 1,900 as reserve members of the US military. It resolves that as a gesture of solidarity and support, “the House of Representatives recognizes the Islamic faith as one of the great religions of the world” and “acknowledges the onset of Ramadan and expresses its deepest respect to Muslims in the United States and throughout the world”.
Like most simple House resolutions, this one is anodyne and presumably effectless. Muslims will celebrate Ramadan regardless of Congressional recognition. Yet of the ten resolutions proposed, only one was taken to the floor for a roll call vote, and passed only with a dramatically different text than that of the other nine.
Further, while the first iteration of the Ramadan resolution included neatly 20% Republican sponsorship, subsequent resolutions have been almost or entirely Democratic in sponsorship. What it suggests is that Congressional recognition of Ramadan is politically a particularly contentious issue, as well as a partisan one.
Perhaps the story being told about Ramadan and American politics should be not that of Ramadan’s celebration at the White House and in the State Department, but of the near-impossibility of getting any recognition of a major religious holiday, celebrated by 24% of the world’s population, at the Congressional level. It’s the legislative branch, perhaps more than the executive, that we should be watching here.
The President and First Lady have hosted a White House iftar, the dinner that breaks Muslims’ daily fast, annually since George W Bush hosted one during Ramadan 2001, which fell two months after the September 11 attacks. (This amended a less-formalized tradition of hosting a White House Eid al-Fitr reception to celebrate the end of Ramadan, begun in 1996 under President Bill Clinton and seen as the initiative of then First Lady Hillary Clinton.)
As the tradition has continued, the guest list has evolved to include representatives of American Muslim communities, rather than the early focus on foreign dignitaries of Muslim-majority countries.
As a candidate, Donald Trump said that “it wouldn’t bother me” to host a White House iftar. However, this year both the White House and the State Department have indicated their decision to break with executive branch tradition. President Trump issued a striking Ramadan greeting that focused on extremism, but announced no plans for a White House iftar.
Secretary of State Rex Tillerson issued a warm Ramadan message, but decided against hosting an iftar or Eid al Fitr dinner, despite being asked to do so by the State Department’s Office of Religion and Global Affairs. This breaks a practice begun under Secretary of State Madeline Albright, who hosted the department’s first iftar at the end of 1999, with a guest list that featured American Muslims and a speech that promised to hire more Muslims.
Less well known is the Pentagon’s iftar dinner tradition, which reportedly also began under the Clinton administration, in 1998. “A good believer is a great soldier,” then-Deputy Secretary of Defense John Hamre said. The Pentagon is continuing its iftar tradition this year.
Yet while the iftar stories drew most of the media attention, a much longer-lasting Ramadan story was again playing out, as it has since 2001, in the House of Representatives. In November 2001, then-Representative John LaFalce, who represented western New York, introduced a resolution “recognizing the commencement of Ramadan, the Islamic holy month of fasting and spiritual renewal, and commending Muslims in the United States and throughout the world for their faith”.
The bill included 26 co-sponsors, including five Republican Representatives, and died in committee. In 2004, a different Representative, Eddie Bernice Johnson (D-Texas) introduced a resolution with almost the same language. It, too, died in committee. She introduced the resolution in 2005. This time the Committee on Foreign Affairs recommended that it be considered by the full House, but it too died without coming to a floor vote. In 2006, she introduced the resolution again; it died in committee.
In 2007, she introduced the resolution and it passed as H.R. 635 – but with text that focused equally on terrorism, commending “Muslims in the United States and across the globe who have privately and publicly rejected interpretations and movements of Islam that justify and encourage hatred, violence, and terror.” It passed with 30 co-sponsors (29 Democrats), on a roll-call vote that garnered 376 yeses. Since then, Representative Johnson has introduced resolutions to recognize the month of Ramadan five times – most recently, on May 26. Every one has died in committee.
Like the original, 2001 resolution, the 2017 resolution notes that since September 11, “threats and incidents of violence have been directed at law-abiding, patriotic Americans … particularly members of the Islamic faith”, and that the House of Representatives passed a resolution condemning “bigotry and violence” against Arab-Americans, South Asian-Americans, and American Muslims.
It adds that “over 3,700 Muslims serve on active duty” and 1,900 as reserve members of the US military. It resolves that as a gesture of solidarity and support, “the House of Representatives recognizes the Islamic faith as one of the great religions of the world” and “acknowledges the onset of Ramadan and expresses its deepest respect to Muslims in the United States and throughout the world”.
Like most simple House resolutions, this one is anodyne and presumably effectless. Muslims will celebrate Ramadan regardless of Congressional recognition. Yet of the ten resolutions proposed, only one was taken to the floor for a roll call vote, and passed only with a dramatically different text than that of the other nine.
Further, while the first iteration of the Ramadan resolution included neatly 20% Republican sponsorship, subsequent resolutions have been almost or entirely Democratic in sponsorship. What it suggests is that Congressional recognition of Ramadan is politically a particularly contentious issue, as well as a partisan one.
Perhaps the story being told about Ramadan and American politics should be not that of Ramadan’s celebration at the White House and in the State Department, but of the near-impossibility of getting any recognition of a major religious holiday, celebrated by 24% of the world’s population, at the Congressional level. It’s the legislative branch, perhaps more than the executive, that we should be watching here.
Research Interests:
Its been a rocky ride for many people since Donald Trump’s inauguration as the 45th president of the United States. Despite the many headline-making tweets and controversial cabinet nominations, it was the executive order that Trump... more
Its been a rocky ride for many people since Donald Trump’s inauguration as the 45th president of the United States. Despite the many headline-making tweets and controversial cabinet nominations, it was the executive order that Trump signed on Friday, January 27, that has garnered the most visible opposition.
This order bars citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries – Iraq, Iran, Syria, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen – from entering the United States, even if they hold a second citizenship in any third country. He announced that more countries may be added to the list. The executive order also suspends US refugee arrivals for at least four months, bans Syrian refugees, and will likely prioritize Christian refugees if and when the suspension is listed. Finally, the executive order calls for new, “extreme vetting” of immigrants.
The order may survive the temporary stay ordered by federal judge in Washington state on February 3. However, the popular opposition generated in response to it has been immense – and surprising, given the increasing hostility to Muslims over the past decade. It suggests that there is more support for this tiny American minority community (estimated at 1.0% of the US population in 2015) – and for the more than 1.6 billion Muslims around the world (estimated at nearly 24% of the global population, and growing) – than expected.
It also shows how the United States’ Muslim communities have since 2001 successfully developed strategies for coalition building across religious affiliations, and have developed grassroots and national organizations that proactively and effectively engage US media, popular opinion, government entities, and the legal system.
This order bars citizens of seven Muslim-majority countries – Iraq, Iran, Syria, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen – from entering the United States, even if they hold a second citizenship in any third country. He announced that more countries may be added to the list. The executive order also suspends US refugee arrivals for at least four months, bans Syrian refugees, and will likely prioritize Christian refugees if and when the suspension is listed. Finally, the executive order calls for new, “extreme vetting” of immigrants.
The order may survive the temporary stay ordered by federal judge in Washington state on February 3. However, the popular opposition generated in response to it has been immense – and surprising, given the increasing hostility to Muslims over the past decade. It suggests that there is more support for this tiny American minority community (estimated at 1.0% of the US population in 2015) – and for the more than 1.6 billion Muslims around the world (estimated at nearly 24% of the global population, and growing) – than expected.
It also shows how the United States’ Muslim communities have since 2001 successfully developed strategies for coalition building across religious affiliations, and have developed grassroots and national organizations that proactively and effectively engage US media, popular opinion, government entities, and the legal system.