- Professor in Modern Catalan and Spanish HistoryPolitical clientelism, Political corruption, Catalan Studies, Parlamen... moreProfessor in Modern Catalan and Spanish HistoryPolitical clientelism, Political corruption, Catalan Studies, Parlamentarism, Citizenship building, Road to Democracy, State/Nation buildingUniversitat Autònoma de Barcelonaedit
Con esta obra el profesor Manuel Marin culmina una etapa de investigacion centrada en el estudio de la dominacion politica ejercida por el fabricante de lanas y financiero Pau Turull y Comadran en el distrito de Sabadell durante la epoca... more
Con esta obra el profesor Manuel Marin culmina una etapa de investigacion centrada en el estudio de la dominacion politica ejercida por el fabricante de lanas y financiero Pau Turull y Comadran en el distrito de Sabadell durante la epoca del sufragio censitario . En este libro, el autor estudia la formacion y reproduccion de una red de poder caciquil que se alimenta de un capital simbolico, en parte heredado por via familiar, que tambien era de origen cultural y politico, proporcionado por el...
Research Interests: Humanities and Art
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
El presente artículo trata de analizar las singularidades que revistió la vida política en Cataluña durante el periodo histórico de la Restauración borbónica, y especialmente pone el acento en los ritmos y cronologías de descomposición... more
El presente artículo trata de analizar las singularidades que revistió la vida política en Cataluña durante el periodo histórico de la Restauración borbónica, y especialmente pone el acento en los ritmos y cronologías de descomposición del turno dinástico. Al no modificarse sustancialmente las reglas del sistema político, pervivieron los hábitos propios de la política clientelar, que se reprodujeron como mecanismo de acceso al poder, tanto para dinásticos como para catalanistas y republicanos. Al mismo tiempo, la política en los distritos catalanes avanzó lenta pero inexorablemente hacia una embrionaria democracia de masas, plural y competitiva.
Research Interests:
In the late nineteenth century, in an age of imperial expansion, Spain had already abandoned this course of action since the independence processes of its American colonies. From its erstwhile vast empire, there it retained only Cuba,... more
In the late nineteenth century, in an age of imperial expansion, Spain
had already abandoned this course of action since the independence
processes of its American colonies. From its erstwhile vast empire, there
it retained only Cuba, where slavery brought forth huge benefits both
for slave traders and for sugar cane (and to a smaller extent coffee and
tobacco) planters, as well as for the shrunken metropolitan coffers.
Corruption was usually the main reason for secession according to
independentist and autonomist partisans themselves. On the 19 July
1887, Víctor Balaguer drew a terrible picture of the colonial administration: “In a relatively short period of time bonds, pay slips, drawbacks,
stamps, bank notes, files, minutes, certifications, university degrees, relations
… lottery tickets have been forged.1 All these forgeries have been made to
dilapidate the public purse (…)”. Balaguer was an overseas minister who
put all of his energy into the fight against corruption; maybe the only
politician who risked his very career in this endeavour. This experience
was the background of reforms which tried to introduce his successor,
Antonio Maura (1853–1925), between 1892 and 1894. In contrast,
corruption remained a major player in Cuban economic and political life
until independence. It is necessary to wonder as well whether the kind
of rent-seeking and moral turpitudes that happened on the island were
similar to the very metropolitan corruption, or different in nature. Were
the governmental challenges in Cuban society and other colonial empires
alike? Moreover, was corruption considered a major or minor challenge
back then? What did happen was that Spain used budgetary and tariff
policies as instruments of economic subordination
had already abandoned this course of action since the independence
processes of its American colonies. From its erstwhile vast empire, there
it retained only Cuba, where slavery brought forth huge benefits both
for slave traders and for sugar cane (and to a smaller extent coffee and
tobacco) planters, as well as for the shrunken metropolitan coffers.
Corruption was usually the main reason for secession according to
independentist and autonomist partisans themselves. On the 19 July
1887, Víctor Balaguer drew a terrible picture of the colonial administration: “In a relatively short period of time bonds, pay slips, drawbacks,
stamps, bank notes, files, minutes, certifications, university degrees, relations
… lottery tickets have been forged.1 All these forgeries have been made to
dilapidate the public purse (…)”. Balaguer was an overseas minister who
put all of his energy into the fight against corruption; maybe the only
politician who risked his very career in this endeavour. This experience
was the background of reforms which tried to introduce his successor,
Antonio Maura (1853–1925), between 1892 and 1894. In contrast,
corruption remained a major player in Cuban economic and political life
until independence. It is necessary to wonder as well whether the kind
of rent-seeking and moral turpitudes that happened on the island were
similar to the very metropolitan corruption, or different in nature. Were
the governmental challenges in Cuban society and other colonial empires
alike? Moreover, was corruption considered a major or minor challenge
back then? What did happen was that Spain used budgetary and tariff
policies as instruments of economic subordination
Research Interests:
The purpose of the article is to clarify and organise the various meanings inherent in the semantic family associated with the concept of political corruption adopted in nineteenth-century Spain. We analyse meanings that appeared in the... more
The purpose of the article is to clarify and organise the various
meanings inherent in the semantic family associated with the concept
of political corruption adopted in nineteenth-century Spain. We analyse meanings that appeared in the legal, philosophical, and purely political spheres. In so doing, we take into account the historical, institutional and political context of each one. We review parliamentary speeches, the press and the political treatises, and highlight the arguments used to legitimise good government and its antithesis.
Keywords: political corruption, history of concepts, history of ideas
and political culture, good government, nineteenth-century Spain.
meanings inherent in the semantic family associated with the concept
of political corruption adopted in nineteenth-century Spain. We analyse meanings that appeared in the legal, philosophical, and purely political spheres. In so doing, we take into account the historical, institutional and political context of each one. We review parliamentary speeches, the press and the political treatises, and highlight the arguments used to legitimise good government and its antithesis.
Keywords: political corruption, history of concepts, history of ideas
and political culture, good government, nineteenth-century Spain.
Research Interests:
Abstract Drawing on original research, this article raises some key points for interpreting the role of political corruption in contemporary Catalonia. First, it analyses the part played by Catalan businessmen in building the Spanish... more
Abstract Drawing on original research, this article raises some key points for interpreting the role of political corruption in contemporary Catalonia. First, it analyses the part played by Catalan businessmen in building the Spanish liberal state. It then goes on to explain how caciquism worked during the Bourbon Restoration, and how such caciquism was denounced mainly by political Catalanism. Finally, it hones in on the corrupt practices of Catalan Francoists and the ties that Francesc Cambó forged with the systemic corruption in Argentina through the company known as CHADE. Some brief thoughts on current Spanish political corruption precede the conclusions, which attempt to establish an interpretative hypothesis that proves valid, in many ways, for understanding both Spanish and Catalan political corruption.
Resum L'article planteja, a partir de recerques originals, algunes claus per interpretar el paper jugat per la corrupció política a la Catalunya contemporània. En primer lloc, analitza la participació dels homes de negocis catalans en la construcció de l'estat liberal espanyol. Seguidament, s'endinsa a explicar com va funcionar el caciquisme durant la Restauració borbònica, i com aquest fou denunciat principalment pel catalanisme polític. Finalment, l'accent es focalitza en les pràctiques corruptes dels franquistes catalans i en els vincles que desenvolupà Francesc Cambó amb la corrupció sistèmica a l'Argentina mitjançant l'empresa CHADE. Unes breus reflexions sobre la corrupció política espanyola actual precedeixen unes conclusions que intenten establir una hipòtesi interpretativa en molts sentits vàlida per comprendre tant la corrupció política espanyola com la catalana.
Resum L'article planteja, a partir de recerques originals, algunes claus per interpretar el paper jugat per la corrupció política a la Catalunya contemporània. En primer lloc, analitza la participació dels homes de negocis catalans en la construcció de l'estat liberal espanyol. Seguidament, s'endinsa a explicar com va funcionar el caciquisme durant la Restauració borbònica, i com aquest fou denunciat principalment pel catalanisme polític. Finalment, l'accent es focalitza en les pràctiques corruptes dels franquistes catalans i en els vincles que desenvolupà Francesc Cambó amb la corrupció sistèmica a l'Argentina mitjançant l'empresa CHADE. Unes breus reflexions sobre la corrupció política espanyola actual precedeixen unes conclusions que intenten establir una hipòtesi interpretativa en molts sentits vàlida per comprendre tant la corrupció política espanyola com la catalana.
Research Interests:
The thematic dossier we present deals with the links between corruption and politics, or rather, with the conversion of the phenomenon of corruption into a political problem from the beginning of the contemporary era. In reality, these... more
The thematic dossier we present deals with the links between corruption and politics, or rather, with the conversion of the phenomenon of corruption into a political problem from the beginning of the contemporary era. In reality, these issues were not ignored by modern-day societies. As well as, the historiography on corruption and bribery in the Spanish colonial empire in the 17th and 18th centuries has illuminated this important dimension of power and interest practices, but also the colonial regulations of the Old Regime. However, from the second half of the 18th century in Europe a deep evolution of the concept of corruption took place, depending on the countries and actors, which was accompanied by a process of politicization . This is, in short, the underlying hypothesis that joins the different contributions of this dossier.
This hypothesis is indissolubly linked to a new historiography that, in several European countries, considers corruption as a complex phenomenon that deserves to be analysed. This is true for the practices themselves, for what they reveal about the profound changes in our societies, and finally for the modification of public value systems that these issues have the capacity to generate.
This hypothesis is indissolubly linked to a new historiography that, in several European countries, considers corruption as a complex phenomenon that deserves to be analysed. This is true for the practices themselves, for what they reveal about the profound changes in our societies, and finally for the modification of public value systems that these issues have the capacity to generate.
Research Interests:
The immediate purpose of this article is to make an attempt at a collective biography focused on the deputies of a Restoration Electoral District, in Manresa, between 1876 and 1923. We are only interested in knowing who were and which... more
The immediate purpose of this article is to make an attempt at a collective biography focused on the deputies of a Restoration Electoral District, in Manresa, between 1876 and 1923. We are only interested in knowing who were and which parties belonged, but not knowing what they did from the parliamentary court, what interests satisfied and who benefited or who harmed. Usually the first stage is usually not passed, that is, who they were and how they were elected. Instead, it costs much more to get into your parliamentary activity, and to compare what your speeches and speeches said in plenary or commission, and what they actually did, that is, place them between speech and praxis. At the same time, as we analyze the political representation based on a uninominal district, it also matters to know how the deputy was in contact with his representatives and what political intermediation activities he carried out.
Research Interests:
This article seeks to contribute to explaining how caciquism operated in Catalonia during the Bourbon Restoration and how it evolved within the context of the emergence of mass politics and society during the early decades of the 20th... more
This article seeks to contribute to explaining how caciquism operated in Catalonia during the Bourbon Restoration and how it evolved within the context of the emergence of mass politics and society during the early decades of the 20th century from a comparative Spanish and European perspective. Specifically, it analyses how some regional power caciquates were formed in the Catalan districts in order to further explore the development and evolution of these relationships. It then spotlights the early process through which the dynastic rotation in Catalonia was destroyed through the campaigns to condemn caciquism, and to what extent this process entailed true progress for democracy within the transition from political liberalism to democracy in Europe at the turn of the 20th century.
Research Interests:
This article focuses on the action of the Catalan deputies in the Spanish parliament during the First World War. It analyses the measures of pressure they developed in relation to social and economic consequences of the conflict, the... more
This article focuses on the action of the Catalan deputies in the Spanish parliament during the First World War. It analyses the measures of pressure they developed in relation to social and economic consequences of the conflict, the evolution of their position in the debate between pro-allies and pro-central powers, as well as the parliamentary speeches about political and economic autonomy for Catalonia. Although the option of deciding on neutrality was widespread among Catalans, there was no unitary position. On the contrary, Catalan politicians joined for other reasons. They wanted to protect not only from the negative impact of war and profit from its benefits, but also they wish to take advantage of the situation to make visible, in an international sphere, their willingness to obtain the political autonomy for their region. Despite Catalan demands for autonomy found no concessions, the international context and the requests that had been made helped to visualize the so-called Catalan question. The Spanish Congress and the country on the whole were completely weakened after the war. However, the expectation for change and regeneration was closer than ever as the First World War had accelerated the crisis of the political system of the Restoration.
Research Interests:
Power relations and politicization of the ecclesiastic class in the diocese of Vic: the see of Manresa during the napoleonic war (1808-1814) The article aims to cover a twofold historical void: on the one hand, to inform on the power... more
Power relations and politicization of the ecclesiastic class in the diocese of Vic: the see of Manresa during the napoleonic war (1808-1814)
The article aims to cover a twofold historical void: on the one hand, to inform on the power relations within the ecclesiastic class, specifically between the canons and the beneficiaries, focused on the basilica of the See of Manresa, and the position that the Bishop of Vic took in this conflict. Secondly, to shed more light on the politicisation of the Catalan clergy during the Napoleonic War, as well as analyse it within the setting of the unequal power relations present within that religious community in a crumbling conjuncture of the Ancien Régime which the war accelerated and revealed with all its harshness.
Paraules clau: Guerra napoleònica, poder eclesiàstic, Manresa, diòcesi de Vic.
El 20 d'octubre de 1814 el canonge Antoni Abardia de la col·legiata basílica de la seu de Manresa es queixava amargament de la dràstica reducció de compo nents que havia patit el capítol de canonges arran de la invasió napoleònica: de dotze que eren en començar la conflagració bèl·lica havien passat a sis, tres dels quals no estaven en condicions d'oferir les misses pels aniversaris ni d'atendre convenientment les necessitats del culte a la parròquia manresana. La reivindicació al monarca Ferran VII, tan desitjat i pel qual havien lluitat, era ben clara: la reposició d'almenys tres canonges tot respectant el privilegi de nomenament que estava reservat als monarques. No només s'havia reduït el personal que integrava el capítol, sinó que el patrimoni-fins i tot amb la casa dels canonges reduïda a runes arran de l'incendi perpetrat entre el 30 i el 31 de març de 1811-i les rendes de la col·legiata havien experimentat una notable ensulsiada, fos per les cremes i saquejos propinats pels francesos o bé per les contribucions extraordinàries a què els eclesiàstics estigueren subjectes, o bé per la no recaptació de les rendes enmig del desgavell
The article aims to cover a twofold historical void: on the one hand, to inform on the power relations within the ecclesiastic class, specifically between the canons and the beneficiaries, focused on the basilica of the See of Manresa, and the position that the Bishop of Vic took in this conflict. Secondly, to shed more light on the politicisation of the Catalan clergy during the Napoleonic War, as well as analyse it within the setting of the unequal power relations present within that religious community in a crumbling conjuncture of the Ancien Régime which the war accelerated and revealed with all its harshness.
Paraules clau: Guerra napoleònica, poder eclesiàstic, Manresa, diòcesi de Vic.
El 20 d'octubre de 1814 el canonge Antoni Abardia de la col·legiata basílica de la seu de Manresa es queixava amargament de la dràstica reducció de compo nents que havia patit el capítol de canonges arran de la invasió napoleònica: de dotze que eren en començar la conflagració bèl·lica havien passat a sis, tres dels quals no estaven en condicions d'oferir les misses pels aniversaris ni d'atendre convenientment les necessitats del culte a la parròquia manresana. La reivindicació al monarca Ferran VII, tan desitjat i pel qual havien lluitat, era ben clara: la reposició d'almenys tres canonges tot respectant el privilegi de nomenament que estava reservat als monarques. No només s'havia reduït el personal que integrava el capítol, sinó que el patrimoni-fins i tot amb la casa dels canonges reduïda a runes arran de l'incendi perpetrat entre el 30 i el 31 de març de 1811-i les rendes de la col·legiata havien experimentat una notable ensulsiada, fos per les cremes i saquejos propinats pels francesos o bé per les contribucions extraordinàries a què els eclesiàstics estigueren subjectes, o bé per la no recaptació de les rendes enmig del desgavell
Research Interests:
The dynastic turn questioned. The elections of Solidaritat Catalana in April 1907 during Alfonso XIII reign.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
When the State celebrates itself and wants to become an active symbol of the Nation. The royal visits of Alfonso XIII to Aragonese and Catalan lands. Margarita Barral (ed). Alfonso XIII visita España. Monarquía y Nación, Granada,... more
When the State celebrates itself and wants to become an active symbol of the Nation. The royal visits of Alfonso XIII to Aragonese and Catalan lands.
Margarita Barral (ed). Alfonso XIII visita España. Monarquía y Nación, Granada, Comares, 2015.
Margarita Barral (ed). Alfonso XIII visita España. Monarquía y Nación, Granada, Comares, 2015.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This article aims to revisit the Tragic Week of July 1909 on two fronts. On the one hand, shows the wide extent of the territory reached Catalonia, not only Barcelone, with greater intensity in the regions of Barcelona and Girona.... more
This article aims to revisit the Tragic Week of July 1909 on two fronts. On the one
hand, shows the wide extent of the territory reached Catalonia, not only Barcelone,
with greater intensity in the regions of Barcelona and Girona. Furthermore, look at
this widespread insurrection as a revolt against the state of the Bourbon Restoration,
since the rebels collapsed communications from circulating his authority.
Keywords: Insurrections, Spain Bourbon Restoration, Catalonia Tragic Week, Social
History, Social Movements.
hand, shows the wide extent of the territory reached Catalonia, not only Barcelone,
with greater intensity in the regions of Barcelona and Girona. Furthermore, look at
this widespread insurrection as a revolt against the state of the Bourbon Restoration,
since the rebels collapsed communications from circulating his authority.
Keywords: Insurrections, Spain Bourbon Restoration, Catalonia Tragic Week, Social
History, Social Movements.
Research Interests:
Modernization from below. The renewal of Spanish caciquism and mass politics in Catalan cities (1901-1923) This article has its origin in an essay presented at the International Congress: Modernizing Spain (1898-1914), which was held... more
Modernization from below. The renewal of Spanish caciquism and mass politics in Catalan cities (1901-1923)
This article has its origin in an essay presented at the International Congress: Modernizing Spain (1898-1914), which was held at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid in April 2006. The approach taken here is that of the social history of politics, focusing on the analysis of political practices and attitudes adopted by the elites leading Catalan parties during the political regime of the Bourbon Restoration. Special emphasis is placed on the resilience of caciquism practices noticeable from 1900 despite the early disintegration of the system known as Turno Pacífico and the unstoppable progress of vote authentication. This new caciquism is referred to as “renewed or restructured caciquism” in the paper, since it coexisted with electoral mobilization and political pluralism –characteristic elements of embryonic democratic politicization– and was underpinned by interest groups providing votes in return for privileges and favours.
This article has its origin in an essay presented at the International Congress: Modernizing Spain (1898-1914), which was held at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid in April 2006. The approach taken here is that of the social history of politics, focusing on the analysis of political practices and attitudes adopted by the elites leading Catalan parties during the political regime of the Bourbon Restoration. Special emphasis is placed on the resilience of caciquism practices noticeable from 1900 despite the early disintegration of the system known as Turno Pacífico and the unstoppable progress of vote authentication. This new caciquism is referred to as “renewed or restructured caciquism” in the paper, since it coexisted with electoral mobilization and political pluralism –characteristic elements of embryonic democratic politicization– and was underpinned by interest groups providing votes in return for privileges and favours.
Research Interests:
In this article we try to analyze the transition from the imperative mandate to the representative mandate through the performance of the Catalan deputies in the Cortes de Cádiz (1810-1814). It is explored how the conditions derived from... more
In this article we try to analyze the transition from the imperative mandate to the representative mandate through the performance of the Catalan deputies in the Cortes de Cádiz (1810-1814). It is explored how the conditions derived from the rigors of the Napoleonic War and the needs of the model of economic development of the eighteenth century Catalonia led to a majority non-alignment of Catalan MP in favor of political liberalism and if instead they were within a reformism late-Enlightment. In short, the central thesis of the article is to demonstrate that there were different multiple ways of modernization that also led to the territorial elites opted for variable channels of representation, between the imperative mandate and the representative in terms of the interests they wanted to defend .
Research Interests:
The book that you have in your hands is the result of the work of a research team coordinated by the professors Santiago Izquierdo (UPF) and Gemma Rubí (UAB) deployed throughout Catalonia. The main objective pursued was to find out the... more
The book that you have in your hands is the result of the work of a research team coordinated by the professors Santiago Izquierdo (UPF) and Gemma Rubí (UAB) deployed throughout Catalonia. The main objective pursued was to find out the historical origins of nationalist republicanism or of republican nationalism from the formation of the Nationalist Republican Center (CNR), of which we knew that it existed in Barcelona, but we were not aware of the presence in the rest of Catalonia. With his reading, the reader will come up with a good idea of why Catalanism and republicanism came together in the ERC (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya), the hegemonic party in Catalonia during the Second Republic. In addition, he will understand why the political Catalan is plural and why, since the beginning of the twentieth century, he adopted an unquestionable republican vein.
Research Interests:
L’article cherche à expliquer la nature du caciquisme politique dans la Catalogne de l’époque de la Restauration à partir de l’analyse de la destruction du système du tour dynastique, de l’adaptation des oppositions catalaniste,... more
L’article cherche à expliquer la nature du caciquisme politique dans la Catalogne de l’époque de la Restauration à partir de l’analyse de la destruction du système du tour dynastique, de l’adaptation des oppositions catalaniste, républicaine et carliste aux règles du jeu du système établit par Cánovas, et de la survivance du caciquisme gouvernemental dans un contexte d’émergence de la politique de masse et d’élections plurales et compétitives.
Research Interests:
Anàlisi de les eleccions provincials al districte de Manresa-Terrassa durant la Restauració borbònica.
Research Interests:
Cette thèse de doctorat a pour objet le monde de la politique et du pouvoir dans une société en pleine transformation, à cheval entre le XIXe et le XXe siècles 1. Elle analyse la transformation de la politique à un moment clé du passage... more
Cette thèse de doctorat a pour objet le monde de la politique et du pouvoir dans une société en pleine transformation, à cheval entre le XIXe et le XXe siècles 1. Elle analyse la transformation de la politique à un moment clé du passage de la politique des élites à celle de masses. Puis, elle cerne les ruptures et les continuités a fin de définir les éléments du processus du changement politique. Enfin, elle étudie la modernité politique à partir d'une étude de cas et voit en quoi a consisté l'accession à cette
Research Interests:
Anàlisi de l'edat de casament i del celibat definitiu a la Diòcesi de Vic a principi del segle XIX.
Research Interests:
L'article fa una repassada de la història del Centre Nacionalista Republicà, primera formació política bastida pel catalanisme republicà d'esquerres a començaments del segle XX. Defugint l'anàlisi més en ús del CNR, Rubí i Izquierdo ens... more
L'article fa una repassada de la història del Centre Nacionalista Republicà, primera formació política bastida pel catalanisme republicà d'esquerres a començaments del segle XX. Defugint l'anàlisi més en ús del CNR, Rubí i Izquierdo ens proposen un estat de la qüestió sobre el tema, tot assenyalant el paper que ha ocupat tradicionalment el CNR en la historiografia sobre el republicanisme. En aquestes pàgines també es relaciona aquesta formació política amb el context sociopolític existent a Catalunya i l'Estat espanyol i, sobretot, amb la realitat del catalanisme a començaments del segle XX. Clouen l'article unes reflexions relatives a l'arrelament desigual del CNR en el conjunt de la geografia catalana. ABSTRACT The article goes through the history of the Nationalist Republican Center, the first political formation created by left-wing republican Catalanism at the begining of the XX century. Leaving to one side the most common analysis of the CNR, Rubí and Izquierdo propose to go deeper into the subject, putting special emphasis on the role which the CNR traditionally played in the historiography of republicanism. In theses pages the place which this political formation occupied in the social and political context of Catalonia and Spain is also mentioned and, especially, in the reality of catalanism at the begining of the XX century. Some relative reflections about the uneven roots of the CNR through the Catalan geography complete the article.
Research Interests:
Anàlisi prosopogràfic de la classe política municipal a Manresa durant la Restauració borbònica.
Research Interests:
Modernització política a les ciutats catalanes durant la Restauració borbònica.
Research Interests:
Aquest llibre explora en clau electoral alguns aspectes que pretenen explicar, si més no reflexionar, sobre la tendència a l’apatia política que experimentaren els ciutadans catalans des del Sexenni Democràtic (1868-1874) i durant la... more
Aquest llibre explora en clau electoral alguns aspectes que pretenen explicar, si més no reflexionar, sobre la tendència a l’apatia política que experimentaren els ciutadans catalans des del Sexenni Democràtic (1868-1874) i durant la Restauració borbònica (1875-1923). Una cultura cívica gestada durant la llarga transició del liberalisme polític a la democràcia que es caracteritzà entre d’altres trets per una tendència al tacticisme expressada en la forja d’aliances contranaturals; l’autoexclusió en la pràctica d’una part significativa de l’electorat que no se sentia representada en les institucions; la percepció d’anormalitat produïda per la continuïtat de les irregularitats del vell caciquisme; la vehemència i l’idealisme dels discursos emancipadors i dels ultracatòlics; i el sectarisme vinculat a la política d’uns partits que visqueren en la inestabilitat i la precarietat institucionals. Uns llasts que no contribuïren en absolut a la cohesió, sinó a la divisió i a la gran fractura que va significar la guerra civil.
Research Interests:
La corrupción política se ha convertido hoy en una de las principales preocupaciones de los españoles. Son muchos los que la consideran un problema de primera magnitud porque afecta de manera peligrosa a la confianza en la política y a la... more
La corrupción política se ha convertido hoy en una de las principales preocupaciones de los españoles. Son muchos los que la consideran un problema de primera magnitud porque afecta de manera peligrosa a la confianza en la política y a la calidad de nuestra democracia. Para analizar con rigor cómo ha sido posible llegar a una situación tan grave como la presente, esta obra ofrece una serie de aproximaciones de carácter interdisciplinar (historia, ciencia política, economía, derecho penal, etc.) que contemplan los dos últimos siglos de la historia española, así como aspectos relevantes de los estudios europeos sobre esta lacra.
Research Interests:
¿En qué medida la corrupción política es constitutiva de las formas de hacer política en la España contemporánea? ¿Podemos decir que ejerció algún tipo de funcionalidad en su cultura de poder, en la construcción del Estado y en sus... more
¿En qué medida la corrupción política es constitutiva de las formas de hacer política en la España contemporánea? ¿Podemos decir que ejerció algún tipo de funcionalidad en su cultura de poder, en la construcción del Estado y en sus tradiciones administrativas? En el texto trataremos de manera impresionista cómo la historiografía española ha abordado estos problemas, aportando algunos resultados sobre las palabras y los discursos de la corrupción, la configuración del marco penal y el análisis de las prácticas corruptas como dispositivos de poder en el largo siglo XIX. Para la centuria siguiente apuntamos temáticas que merecerían de un estudio más desarrollado, y en el balance final proponemos retos y futuras líneas de investigación.
Research Interests:
La corrupción política se ha convertido hoy en una de las principales preocupaciones de los españoles. Son muchos los que la consideran un problema de primera magnitud porque afecta de manera peligrosa a la confianza en la política y a la... more
La corrupción política se ha convertido hoy en una de las principales preocupaciones de los españoles. Son muchos los que la consideran un problema de primera magnitud porque afecta de manera peligrosa a la confianza en la política y a la calidad de nuestra democracia. Para analizar con rigor cómo ha sido posible llegar a una situación tan grave como la presente, esta obra ofrece una serie de aproximaciones de carácter interdisciplinar (historia, ciencia política, economía, derecho penal, etc.) que contemplan los dos últimos siglos de la historia española, así como aspectos relevantes de los estudios europeos sobre esta lacra.