- Gender and Development, Women and Gender Issues in Islam, Islamic feminism, Gender and religion (Women s Studies), Muslim Minorities, Religion and Social Change, and 23 moreReligion and Violence, South Asian Religions, Indian Feminism, Gender Studies, Islamic family law and Muslim feminisms, Feminism, Family law, Multiculturalism, Islam and women, Islam Andpolitics, Gender Issues, Visual Expressions of Islam, Humanities and Social Sciences, Religion, Development, Pakistan, Indian Muslims, Urban Violence, communalism in India, Karachi, Memory and Violence, Religious Identity and Space, Anthropology of Islam, Anthropology of emotions, and Fran Tonkissedit
- I am an Associate Professor of Sociology in the Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani School of Humanities and Social Sciences at the... moreI am an Associate Professor of Sociology in the Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani School of Humanities and Social Sciences at the Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS). I am also a leading feminist public intellectual and have published widely on issues related to gender, Islam, women’s movements, development, and urban studies in India and Pakistan. I completed my Ph.D. in 2007 from the University of Manchester in Sociology. My first book, Questioning ‘the Muslim Woman’: Identity and Insecurity in an Urban Indian Locality, was published in 2013 by Routledge. I have been working on urban violence, gender, and insecurity in Lyari in Karachi, Pakistan since 2012. My current research focuses on the relationship between social movements, social media and democracy in Pakistan.edit
- Dr. Navtej Purewal, SOASedit
Lyari, one of the oldest settlements in Karachi, has been the site of conflict between political parties, criminal gangs, and law enforcement agencies since the early 2000s. Between 2008 and 2013, much of Lyari was controlled by the... more
Lyari, one of the oldest settlements in Karachi, has been the site of conflict between political parties, criminal gangs, and law enforcement agencies since the early 2000s. Between 2008 and 2013, much of Lyari was controlled by the People’s Aman Committee (PAC), a body created as a means of ending a long-standing conflict between two gang factions. It was common knowledge among residents that this organization was patronized by certain branches of the state and could provide access to public goods, thus blurring the line between formality and informality. For some, this organization was viewed positively as decreasing the distance between citizens and
the state and also as a means of imparting quick “justice.” For others, the informal nature of the PAC legitimized the power of violent actors and strengthened their desire for formal state rule. This paper argues that the opacity introduced by organizations such as the PAC is a deliberate
strategy used by the state to bolster its authority, particularly among marginalized populations.
the state and also as a means of imparting quick “justice.” For others, the informal nature of the PAC legitimized the power of violent actors and strengthened their desire for formal state rule. This paper argues that the opacity introduced by organizations such as the PAC is a deliberate
strategy used by the state to bolster its authority, particularly among marginalized populations.
Research Interests:
The practice of enforced disappearance is one of the most extreme manifestations of state violence, exemplifying the opaque nature of the state, particularly with regard to the management of its peripheries. Pakistan is one of many... more
The practice of enforced disappearance is one of the most extreme manifestations of state violence, exemplifying the opaque nature of the state, particularly with regard to the management of its peripheries. Pakistan is one of many countries where this practice is widespread. Many of those missing are from Balochistan—the country’s most underdeveloped province, which has been the site of an ongoing insurgency for several decades. Despite the thousands affected, this issue rarely makes it onto the national media. For this reason, activists and family members of missing persons increasingly rely on the digital sphere, particularly Twitter, to call for the return of their loved ones and to highlight the state’s violent practices. This paper analyses the digital tactics of Baloch activists and family members of the disappeared as they forge an affective digital counterpublic. Interview findings demonstrate the double-edged nature of social media, which is also used by the state for the purposes of surveillance, to further their narrative, and to frighten critics into silence. The paper highlights the multiple affective meanings Twitter holds for the Baloch as a space that represents both promise and risk for members of marginalised groups.
Research Interests:
The nikahnama, or Muslim marriage contract, contains within it space for the articulation and protection of a variety of rights. For this reason, women’s rights activists working in Muslim contexts throughout the world advocate for a more... more
The nikahnama, or Muslim marriage contract, contains within it space for the articulation and protection of a variety of rights. For this reason, women’s rights activists working in Muslim contexts throughout the world advocate for a more thorough awareness of this document as a tool for the protection of women’s rights within marriage and the family. This paper focuses on the ways in which women’s rights activists in Pakistan have used the nikahnama as a means of protecting women’s rights within marriage. The findings are based on fieldwork conducted in parts of Punjab, particularly in Lahore, Sheikhupura, Multan and Burewala. After outlining the legal significance of the nikahnama in Pakistani family laws, the paper presents a discussion of the ways in which activists have used this document as a platform for promoting a variety of rights through a combination of argumentative strategies, engaging with a combination of religious and secular discourses.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This chapter explores the tensions and moments of discomfort in my own personal, intellectual, and political journey as a mobile scholar. I begin by outlining my experience researching the experience of marginality amongst Muslim women in... more
This chapter explores the tensions and moments of discomfort in my own
personal, intellectual, and political journey as a mobile scholar. I begin by
outlining my experience researching the experience of marginality amongst
Muslim women in India as an American PhD student with ties to both
India and Pakistan. I trace my experience conducting research in a Muslim majority locality in Delhi where I came to understand the problems with the
insider/outsider binary within academic research. I then document the discomforts I experienced following the completion of my PhD as a researcher located in the United Kingdom and in particular the frustrations of being framed as a ‘native informant’ while in Europe and a ‘colonised/colonising outsider’ when in South Asia. I proceed to interrogate how my sense of location shifted after moving to Pakistan, where presenting my research on Muslim women in India meant something very different politically. My current research involves a new set of discomforts working in a part of Karachi where my ethnicity and class position mark me as conspicuous in an increasingly divided city. Through a discussion of these various journeys and border crossings, I reflect on the nature of positionality, the politics of shifting locations, the binary between ‘the fi eld’ and ‘home’, and the intellectual value of maintaining a sense of critical discomfort as a researcher.
personal, intellectual, and political journey as a mobile scholar. I begin by
outlining my experience researching the experience of marginality amongst
Muslim women in India as an American PhD student with ties to both
India and Pakistan. I trace my experience conducting research in a Muslim majority locality in Delhi where I came to understand the problems with the
insider/outsider binary within academic research. I then document the discomforts I experienced following the completion of my PhD as a researcher located in the United Kingdom and in particular the frustrations of being framed as a ‘native informant’ while in Europe and a ‘colonised/colonising outsider’ when in South Asia. I proceed to interrogate how my sense of location shifted after moving to Pakistan, where presenting my research on Muslim women in India meant something very different politically. My current research involves a new set of discomforts working in a part of Karachi where my ethnicity and class position mark me as conspicuous in an increasingly divided city. Through a discussion of these various journeys and border crossings, I reflect on the nature of positionality, the politics of shifting locations, the binary between ‘the fi eld’ and ‘home’, and the intellectual value of maintaining a sense of critical discomfort as a researcher.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The Shah Bano case of the 1980s was a landmark in the discourse on ‘Muslim women’s rights’ in India. At this time, however, few Muslim women actually participated in the debates, which were dominated by male religious leaders and... more
The Shah Bano case of the 1980s was a landmark in the discourse on ‘Muslim women’s rights’ in India. At this time, however, few Muslim women actually participated in the debates, which were dominated by male religious leaders and politicians or by ‘secular’ women’s groups, which had scant Muslim representation. Since the 1980s several Muslim-women led organisations have emerged in urban areas across the country, some of which have formed networks to advocate for Muslim women’s rights. This article looks at the emergence of two networks in particular, the Muslim Women’s Rights Network (MWRN) and the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA), both of which were established during the last ten years. These networks have different but overlapping ideological bases, priorities and strategies. They both aim to challenge the authority of the Muslim religious leadership, represented by institutions such as the All India Muslim Personal Law Board. They also offer a critique of the mainstream wo...
Research Interests:
Recent decades have witnessed a proliferation of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) across the Global South, including those dedicated to working on issues related to women’s rights and the achievement of gender equality. Pakistan is no... more
Recent decades have witnessed a proliferation
of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
across the Global South, including those
dedicated to working on issues related to
women’s rights and the achievement of gender
equality. Pakistan is no exception to this rule
and has experienced a mushrooming of NGOs
since the 1990s. These organizations cover a
broad spectrum of activities, including
providing welfare and conducting advocacy to
raise awareness and affect legislation around
women’s rights. This article provides an
overview of the landscape of NGOs working on
women’s rights and gender equality in Pakistan,
highlighting the broad areas of work and the
major debates and tensions that exist within
this diverse and burgeoning sector.
of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
across the Global South, including those
dedicated to working on issues related to
women’s rights and the achievement of gender
equality. Pakistan is no exception to this rule
and has experienced a mushrooming of NGOs
since the 1990s. These organizations cover a
broad spectrum of activities, including
providing welfare and conducting advocacy to
raise awareness and affect legislation around
women’s rights. This article provides an
overview of the landscape of NGOs working on
women’s rights and gender equality in Pakistan,
highlighting the broad areas of work and the
major debates and tensions that exist within
this diverse and burgeoning sector.
Research Interests:
Although the promotion of women’s rights is often seen as a ‘secular enterprise’, efforts to incorporate religion within gender-related advocacy are growing. Muslim faith-based organisations (FBOs) are also being encouraged to engage in... more
Although the promotion of women’s rights is often seen as a ‘secular enterprise’, efforts
to incorporate religion within gender-related advocacy are growing. Muslim faith-based organisations (FBOs) are also being encouraged to engage in gender-related projects because of their supposed ‘comparative advantage’ in Muslim communities. This article critically analyses the efforts made by development agencies and women’s organisations to promote women’s rights within an Islamic framework or with the involvement of religious leaders. It then explores the possibilities and dangers of such approaches with a particular reference to Muslim FBOs.
to incorporate religion within gender-related advocacy are growing. Muslim faith-based organisations (FBOs) are also being encouraged to engage in gender-related projects because of their supposed ‘comparative advantage’ in Muslim communities. This article critically analyses the efforts made by development agencies and women’s organisations to promote women’s rights within an Islamic framework or with the involvement of religious leaders. It then explores the possibilities and dangers of such approaches with a particular reference to Muslim FBOs.
Research Interests:
This article challenges the binary framework within which women in Pakistan have been viewed, by political actors, the state, and more broadly as well, as either ‘secular/feminist/godless/westernized’ or ‘authentic/Islamic/traditional’.... more
This article challenges the binary framework within which women in Pakistan have been viewed, by political actors, the state, and more broadly as well, as either ‘secular/feminist/godless/westernized’ or ‘authentic/Islamic/traditional’. It begins by contextualizing the geneology of this binary in Pakistan’s colonial and political history, which has led to the state’s side-lining of moderate religious voices and promotion of right-wing religious parties that suited its political objectives. Even the scholarship produced by the women’s movement, which arose in response to a politicized Islamization process begun under military rule in the 1980s, inadvertently reproduces this binary as activists sought to assert a rights-based agenda and were supported by international donor funds. A shift in recent years in response to west-based international scholarship post 9/11, which focusses on the subjectivity and organization of Islamist women, has influenced work on women in Pakistan as well ...
An interview with Lahore-based human rights defender and transgender activist, Khursand Bayar Ali, on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the transgender community in Lahore.
Research Interests:
The densely populated, multi-ethnic area of Lyari in Karachi is one of the city’s original settlements. The area has become infamous as the site of an ongoing conflict between criminal gangs, political parties and law enforcement agencies... more
The densely populated, multi-ethnic area of Lyari in Karachi is
one of the city’s original settlements. The area has become infamous
as the site of an ongoing conflict between criminal gangs,
political parties and law enforcement agencies for over a decade,
and, for this reason, Lyari has been labelled as one of several ‘nogo
areas’ in the city. However, for the residents of Lyari, the ways
in which they understand their part of the city far exceed these
facile labels. While at times their neighbourhoods do become
fearful spaces, they are also places of comfort, familiarity and fun.
This article explores the multiple ways in which women and girls
experience and understand this area. In particular, it documents
the various ways in which they express and experience enjoyment
in their everyday lives and during exceptional moments. Based on
extensive interviews and participant observation in several neighbourhoods,
the research shifts attention away from solely using
violence as a lens to understand urban space and away from seeing
women mainly as victims of violence. Focusing on the pursuit
of fun and enjoyment as an area of academic inquiry can be an
important way to show how women push against and challenge
patriarchal boundaries. By highlighting women’s and girls’ own
creative navigations and engagements with their locality and the
city, this paper brings new insights into discussions of gender
and urban marginalisation more generally.
one of the city’s original settlements. The area has become infamous
as the site of an ongoing conflict between criminal gangs,
political parties and law enforcement agencies for over a decade,
and, for this reason, Lyari has been labelled as one of several ‘nogo
areas’ in the city. However, for the residents of Lyari, the ways
in which they understand their part of the city far exceed these
facile labels. While at times their neighbourhoods do become
fearful spaces, they are also places of comfort, familiarity and fun.
This article explores the multiple ways in which women and girls
experience and understand this area. In particular, it documents
the various ways in which they express and experience enjoyment
in their everyday lives and during exceptional moments. Based on
extensive interviews and participant observation in several neighbourhoods,
the research shifts attention away from solely using
violence as a lens to understand urban space and away from seeing
women mainly as victims of violence. Focusing on the pursuit
of fun and enjoyment as an area of academic inquiry can be an
important way to show how women push against and challenge
patriarchal boundaries. By highlighting women’s and girls’ own
creative navigations and engagements with their locality and the
city, this paper brings new insights into discussions of gender
and urban marginalisation more generally.
Research Interests:
Situations of internecine warfare have in common to question the transitivity of everyday life—that is, its capacity to be taken for granted, to flow without any need for explication. These wars within the familiar generate specific... more
Situations of internecine warfare have in common to question the transitivity of everyday life—that is, its capacity to be taken for granted, to flow without any need for explication. These wars within the familiar generate specific anxieties about where to look at and what to believe. Events, persons, places, or objects whose status seemed hitherto undeniable become less predictable, while their worth comes into question. As individuals’ ontological security is threatened, the need for new monitoring devices and authentication procedures arises. Drawing on the phenomenology of civil wars and the anthropology of fakes, this contribution proposes to explore one such crisis of evidence: the nexus of political, ethnic, and criminal violence raging in Karachi's inner-city area of Lyari. Through the lens of local journalism, it reflects upon the tactics of social navigation deployed by residents confronted with chronic uncertainty in all sectors of life. Janbaz, the Urdu newspaper examined here, provides an opportunity to move beyond functionalist readings of the press in conflict situations. While insisting upon the pleasure derived by Janbaz’s readers from the sensationalized rendering of Lyari's predicament, we argue that the newspaper is the site of a continuous series of ‘reality tests’ and the focal point of private and collective investigations, pooling knowledge in an increasingly undecipherable environment. More than through its information, it is through its shortcomings that Janbaz has helped to recreate social ties in a world plagued by discord and uncertainty.
Research Interests:
This article challenges the binary framework within which women in Pakistan have been viewed, by political actors, the state, and more broadly as well, as either 'secular/feminist/godless/Westernised' or 'authentic/ Islamic/traditional'.... more
This article challenges the binary framework within which women in Pakistan have been viewed, by political actors, the state, and more broadly as well, as either 'secular/feminist/godless/Westernised' or 'authentic/ Islamic/traditional'. It begins by contextualising the genealogy of this binary in Pakistan's colonial and political history, which has led to the state's side-lining of moderate religious voices and promotion of right-wing religious parties that suited its political objectives. Even the scholarship produced by the women's movement, which arose in response to a politicised Islamisation process begun under military rule in the 1980s, inadvertently reproduces this binary as activists sought to assert a rights-based agenda and were supported by international donor funds. A shift in recent years in response to West-based international scholarship post 9/11, which focusses on the subjectivity and organisation of Islamist women, has influenced work on women in Pakistan as well as a donor turn to funding faith-based initiatives. The paper then examines current gender justice movements that emerged independently at a grassroots level, and draws attention to their effectiveness despite lack of strong linkages with either the women's movement or Islamist women. These include rights-based mobilisations by peasant women, community health workers, tribal women in the Taliban/conflict-affected northwest , and transgender activism. It ends by challenging feminists to engage more deeply with these forms of activism.
Research Interests:
Based on extensive interviews in one of Karachi’s oldest working-class areas, Lyari, this chapter explores the relationship between women’s engagement in paid work, their experiences of domestic violence, and the issue of empowerment more... more
Based on extensive interviews in one of Karachi’s oldest working-class areas, Lyari, this chapter explores the relationship between women’s engagement in paid work, their experiences of domestic violence, and the issue of empowerment more generally. The research includes interviews with women engaged in domestic service, in the public and private education sector, in the field of health, in the service sector, and in short-term and seasonal work in factories or small-scale industries. The purpose of this chapter is to explore the impact of engagement in paid work on women’s empowerment and, in particular, on their ability to negotiate and resist violence at the hands of their husbands and other family members. Despite the persistence of patriarchal structures, women’s narratives demonstrate the emergence of new models of womanhood at the local level as a result of wider economic, social, and cultural shifts.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Lyari, one of the oldest neighbourhoods of Karachi, has been the site of ongoing violence for most of the past two decades. This paper explores the impacts of the ongoing conflict involving criminal gangs, political parties and state... more
Lyari, one of the oldest neighbourhoods of Karachi, has been the site of ongoing violence for most of the past two decades. This paper explores the impacts of the ongoing conflict involving criminal gangs, political parties and state security forces. Residents have adopted tactics and strategies ranging from negotiation to active resistance in response to the varied forms of everyday violence. Specifically focusing on street protests between 2012 and 2014, it evaluates the possibilities and limitations of protest in the context of urban violence. More broadly, it argues that studies of urban violence need to move away from viewing the urban poor as exclusively clientelistic or insurgent. It argues that acts of resistance in the form of protest are constrained, determined by, and productive of particular configurations of power.
Research Interests:
... Although women's rights activists have always been critical of the AIMPLB and have questioned its authority, especially since the Shah Bano case, they have also ... Noorjehan Safia Niaz, who is one of... more
... Although women's rights activists have always been critical of the AIMPLB and have questioned its authority, especially since the Shah Bano case, they have also ... Noorjehan Safia Niaz, who is one of the founding members of the BMMA, said that, although some still feel that it is ...
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This article explores the impacts of continuing conflict on the everyday lives of people living in Lyari, one of the oldest areas of Karachi. It focuses on fear and insecurity as emotional practices that structure the spatial and social... more
This article explores the impacts of continuing conflict on the everyday lives of people living in Lyari, one of the oldest areas of Karachi. It focuses on fear and insecurity as emotional practices that structure the spatial and social relations in the city. Using the narratives of young Baloch men who must negotiate the threat of violence at the hands of criminal gangs and state security forces within their area and rival political parties outside the area, the article highlights how fear and insecurity must be understood as being contextually situated, depending on one’s social and geographical position within the city. The experiences of these young men demonstrate how emotions such as fear and insecurity are both produced by and reproduce spatial configurations of power.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The achievement of gender equality, which includes the rights of women and sexual minorities, has been identified as a key development-related goal. The relationship between religion and the achievement of gender equality, which has been... more
The achievement of gender equality, which includes the rights of women and sexual minorities, has been identified as a key development-related goal. The relationship between religion and the achievement of gender equality, which has been fraught in most parts of the worlds, is an area that has been underexplored in the research. This chapter will explore the relationship between religion and the rights of women and sexual minorities in South Asia, focusing particularly on India and Pakistan, where the involvement of Hindu and Muslim conservative groups in politics has consistently acted as a hindrance to the achievement of gender equality. It traces the relationship women’s movements in both countries have had with religion, highlighting the main sources of contention between women’s rights activists and religious groups. It also explores the intersection between the rights of sexual minorities, including gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex communities, and religion. Research in India and Pakistan reveals important parallels between both countries where movements for gender equality face serious challenges as a result of the increasing involvement of religious conservative groups in politics. The research also finds that in both contexts, activists working for gender equality have largely found that taking a secular, human-rights based approach is the most effective and inclusive means of achieving their goal.
Research Interests: Gender Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, Pakistan, Feminism, Religion and Human Rights, and 8 moreDevelopment and Religion(s), Gender and Development, Indian Feminism, Gender and religion (Women s Studies), Women's Movements, Feminism and Religion, Gender and Development Studies, and Gender and Human Rights Situation In South Asia
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Both the Indian and Pakistani women’s movements have had a contentious relationship with Islam, particularly since the 1980s. In India the Shah Bano case brought the issue of Muslim women’s rights to the center of national attention and... more
Both the Indian and Pakistani women’s movements have had a contentious relationship with Islam, particularly since the 1980s. In India the Shah Bano case brought the issue of Muslim women’s rights to the center of national attention and led women’s groups to an impasse on the question of their own representation. Since this time, several NGOs and networks have emerged across the country that advocate for Muslim women’s rights using both religiously informed and human rights-based approaches. In the Pakistani context, the women’s movement was consolidated in response to Zia ul-Haq’s “Islamization” program, which led to a serious regression in women’s rights. The women’s movement at this time confronted the conservative ulema by arguing for progressive interpretations of Islam as well as by utilizing the language of human rights. Women’s rights activists in Pakistan have since had a varying relationship with religion, depending on the issue at hand. This paper compares the trajectories in recent decades of both movements in relation to Islam, exploring the debates that have taken place amongst women’s rights activists in both contexts. A comparison of the trajectories of both movements in relation to Islam (one in a Muslim-minority country, one in a Muslim-majority country) will provide a unique perspective and shed light on the impact of political and social contexts on the constraints and strategies of women’s movements vis-à-vis religion.
`Faith-based organisations' (FBOs) are gaining increasing attention within development circles - amongst practitioners, funders, and policymakers as well as academics. While some discussion has taken place over the meaning of the term... more
`Faith-based organisations' (FBOs) are gaining increasing attention within development circles - amongst practitioners, funders, and policymakers as well as academics. While some discussion has taken place over the meaning of the term `FBO' in academic circles, little empirical research has been conducted as to the relevance and interpretation of the term in different contexts and what role religion plays within organisations engaged in development-related activities. This paper contributes to this discussion by comparing a range of organisations engaged in charitable and development-related activities in the city of Karachi and elsewhere in the province of Sindh, Pakistan. The findings reveal a broad distinction between local charities, which depend on individual donations for their funding, and for which religious values and beliefs are intertwined to differing degrees in their work, and professional development organisations, which rely on domestic and international institutional funding and have no apparent relationship with religion. However, not all organisations fit neatly into these two categories, demonstrating that religion operates in complex and varied ways within organisations engaged in development-related activities in Pakistan.
Research Interests:
Since its inception, the contemporary women’s movement has had a contentious relationship with religion. This was demonstrated most clearly in the debates around the cases of Shah Bano and Roop Kanwar during the 1980s, which sparked a... more
Since its inception, the contemporary women’s movement has had a contentious relationship with religion. This was demonstrated most clearly in the debates around the cases of Shah Bano and Roop Kanwar during the 1980s, which sparked a period of reflection within the women’s movement over the question of representation. Since then, the movement has evolved considerably, becoming increasingly institutionalised at one level, and at the same time experiencing fragmentation and diversification. This article looks at the emergence of two networks advocating Muslim women’s rights, the Muslim Women’s Rights Network (MWRN) and the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA), and contextualises their emergence within the wider context of the women’s movement and the evolution of feminism in India. MWRN and BMMA are indicative of the growing assertion of ‘minority feminisms’ in India and aim to represent women’s multiple identities, including their religious identities, while also struggling for gender justice. Both networks differ in the way they approach religion ideologically and strategically as well as in the way they position themselves vis-à-vis the women’s movement. However, their appearance marks an important shift both within the women’s movement as well as in the formulation of community identities in India, with ‘Muslim women’ being positively reformulated by these networks as a category that asserts political agency rather than passivity and victimhood.
Although the promotion of women’s rights is often seen as a ‘secular enterprise’, efforts to incorporate religion within gender-related advocacy are growing. Muslim faith-based organisations (FBOs) are also being encouraged to engage in... more
Although the promotion of women’s rights is often seen as a ‘secular enterprise’, efforts to incorporate religion within gender-related advocacy are growing. Muslim faith-based organisations (FBOs) are also being encouraged to engage in gender-related projects because of their supposed ‘comparative advantage’ in Muslim communities. This article critically analyses the efforts made by development agencies and women’s organisations to promote women’s rights within an Islamic framework or with the involvement of religious leaders. It then explores the possibilities and dangers of such approaches with a particular reference to Muslim FBOs.
Research Interests:
Abstract 'The plight of Muslim women' periodically surfaces in the Indian media as well as in academic forums. These discussions often focus on the tropes of parda, polygamy and personal laws with 'Muslim women' often placed in the... more
Abstract
'The plight of Muslim women' periodically surfaces in the Indian media as well as in academic forums. These discussions often focus on the tropes of parda, polygamy and personal laws with 'Muslim women' often placed in the position of symbolic bearers of the identity of 'the Muslim community'. This article explores the construction of 'Muslim women in India' outside of media and academic discourses, looking at the ways that women, who are identified as Muslim, themselves construct this category in their personal narratives. The analysis is based on discussions with women living in a majority-Muslim area of Delhi, Zakir Nagar. These discussions reveal competing constructions of 'Muslim women' in relation to parda and personal laws as well as in comparison with various groups including 'Hindu women', 'the poor', and 'the uneducated'. 'Muslim women' is thus revealed as a category that has limited and differing resonance in the ways that women themselves represent their identities. The article calls for an exploration of women's identities outside of the over-determined category 'Muslim women', taking into account multiple and contingent identifications including religion but also including class, regional affiliation, age, migration history, status, etc.
Keywords: Muslim women; India; Islam; religious identity; parda; personal laws
'The plight of Muslim women' periodically surfaces in the Indian media as well as in academic forums. These discussions often focus on the tropes of parda, polygamy and personal laws with 'Muslim women' often placed in the position of symbolic bearers of the identity of 'the Muslim community'. This article explores the construction of 'Muslim women in India' outside of media and academic discourses, looking at the ways that women, who are identified as Muslim, themselves construct this category in their personal narratives. The analysis is based on discussions with women living in a majority-Muslim area of Delhi, Zakir Nagar. These discussions reveal competing constructions of 'Muslim women' in relation to parda and personal laws as well as in comparison with various groups including 'Hindu women', 'the poor', and 'the uneducated'. 'Muslim women' is thus revealed as a category that has limited and differing resonance in the ways that women themselves represent their identities. The article calls for an exploration of women's identities outside of the over-determined category 'Muslim women', taking into account multiple and contingent identifications including religion but also including class, regional affiliation, age, migration history, status, etc.
Keywords: Muslim women; India; Islam; religious identity; parda; personal laws
Research Interests:
Abstract The Shah Bano case of the 1980s was a landmark in the discourse on ‘Muslim women’s rights’ in India. At this time, however, few Muslim women actually participated in the debates, which were dominated by male religious leaders and... more
Abstract
The Shah Bano case of the 1980s was a landmark in the discourse on ‘Muslim women’s rights’ in India. At this time, however, few Muslim women actually participated in the debates, which were dominated by male religious leaders and politicians or by ‘secular’ women’s groups, which had scant Muslim representation. Since the 1980s several Muslim-women led organisations have emerged in urban areas across the country, some of which have formed networks to advocate for Muslim women’s rights. This article looks at the emergence of two networks in particular, the Muslim Women’s Rights Network (MWRN) and the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA), both of which were established during the last ten years. These networks have different but overlapping ideological bases, priorities and strategies. They both aim to challenge the authority of the Muslim religious leadership, represented by institutions such as the All India Muslim Personal Law Board. They also offer a critique of the mainstream women’s movement, either from within the movement or from outside, as not having given sufficient space to the perspectives of women from marginalised communities. Both networks are engaged in struggles to reformulate power relations at the local and national levels, thus challenging the dominant conception of Muslim women as a passive, homogenous group with a common set of interests. Rather, the MWRN and the BMMA demonstrate new forms of political agency and are creating a space for a conceptualisation of identities that complicates the dichotomy between religious and gender-based interests and aims to reconcile the two in a manner that protects and promotes women’s rights without denying the importance of religious identity.
Key Words: Muslim women, Indian women’s movement, Muslim women’s rights.
The Shah Bano case of the 1980s was a landmark in the discourse on ‘Muslim women’s rights’ in India. At this time, however, few Muslim women actually participated in the debates, which were dominated by male religious leaders and politicians or by ‘secular’ women’s groups, which had scant Muslim representation. Since the 1980s several Muslim-women led organisations have emerged in urban areas across the country, some of which have formed networks to advocate for Muslim women’s rights. This article looks at the emergence of two networks in particular, the Muslim Women’s Rights Network (MWRN) and the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA), both of which were established during the last ten years. These networks have different but overlapping ideological bases, priorities and strategies. They both aim to challenge the authority of the Muslim religious leadership, represented by institutions such as the All India Muslim Personal Law Board. They also offer a critique of the mainstream women’s movement, either from within the movement or from outside, as not having given sufficient space to the perspectives of women from marginalised communities. Both networks are engaged in struggles to reformulate power relations at the local and national levels, thus challenging the dominant conception of Muslim women as a passive, homogenous group with a common set of interests. Rather, the MWRN and the BMMA demonstrate new forms of political agency and are creating a space for a conceptualisation of identities that complicates the dichotomy between religious and gender-based interests and aims to reconcile the two in a manner that protects and promotes women’s rights without denying the importance of religious identity.
Key Words: Muslim women, Indian women’s movement, Muslim women’s rights.
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Matters related to religion and faith are often accorded great importance by refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), and faith-based organizations (FBOs) are increasingly playing a critical role in performing refugee support... more
Matters related to religion and faith are often accorded great importance by refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), and faith-based organizations (FBOs) are increasingly playing a critical role in performing refugee support work in various parts of the world. Despite this, little academic work has been produced exploring the work of FBOs with refugees and IDPs. This article examines the experiences of one FBO in particular, Islamic Relief, which is involved in working with refugees and IDPs in various parts of the world. The experiences of this organization reveal the importance of faith both in terms of building trust amongst refugee communities as well as in facilitating a greater sensitivity to the spiritual needs of refugees. Examples cited demonstrate the possibilities of interfaith cooperation amongst FBOs and the importance of such cooperation in areas that have experienced conflict. Finally, the experiences of Islamic Relief also demonstrate the possible complications arising because of its faith-based status in certain contexts.
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Abstract The research for this paper is based in a majority-Muslim neighbourhood in South Delhi, Zakir Nagar. As with most urban localities, the borders around Zakir Nagar are permeable—with residents frequently moving in and out of the... more
Abstract
The research for this paper is based in a majority-Muslim neighbourhood in South Delhi, Zakir Nagar. As with most urban localities, the borders around Zakir Nagar are permeable—with residents frequently moving in and out of the neighbourhood and coming into contact with members of other religious groups. Many of the residents of Zakir Nagar have also lived in religiously mixed areas previously. Furthermore, although the neighbourhood is itself identified as 'Muslim', it is by no means homogeneous, so that multiple social boundaries operate even within this locality. This paper looks more closely at the issue of religious identity as it was narrated in relation to various and shifting 'others'. These 'others'—referred to in the context of friendship, neighbours and marriage as well as in terms of discrimination, riots and 'communalism'—were often identified as 'Hindus' or as 'non-Muslims', but were also often referred to members of different class, status or regional groups. Hence, boundaries around 'us' and 'them' shifted according to context and were contingent upon various factors alongside religious identity. Through the narratives of Zakir Nagar residents, religious identity emerged as itself a problematic category whose meaning and salience was continuously shifting.
The research for this paper is based in a majority-Muslim neighbourhood in South Delhi, Zakir Nagar. As with most urban localities, the borders around Zakir Nagar are permeable—with residents frequently moving in and out of the neighbourhood and coming into contact with members of other religious groups. Many of the residents of Zakir Nagar have also lived in religiously mixed areas previously. Furthermore, although the neighbourhood is itself identified as 'Muslim', it is by no means homogeneous, so that multiple social boundaries operate even within this locality. This paper looks more closely at the issue of religious identity as it was narrated in relation to various and shifting 'others'. These 'others'—referred to in the context of friendship, neighbours and marriage as well as in terms of discrimination, riots and 'communalism'—were often identified as 'Hindus' or as 'non-Muslims', but were also often referred to members of different class, status or regional groups. Hence, boundaries around 'us' and 'them' shifted according to context and were contingent upon various factors alongside religious identity. Through the narratives of Zakir Nagar residents, religious identity emerged as itself a problematic category whose meaning and salience was continuously shifting.
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Abstract This paper connects the historic consolidation of corporate Muslim identities at the national level in India with the narration of local identities in a predominantly Muslim neighborhood in South Delhi. The discussion is based on... more
Abstract
This paper connects the historic consolidation of corporate Muslim identities at the national level in India with the narration of local identities in a predominantly Muslim neighborhood in South Delhi. The discussion is based on interviews with women and men living in the predominantly Muslim area of Zakir Nagar in Delhi. Residents often spoke about the existence of a “Muslim mahol” (social environment or culture), that existed in their neighborhood. However, the way that this sense of “Muslim-ness” was constructed varied and was differently privileged, depending on the social position of the narrator. For middle-class respondents in particular, the Muslim character of the neighborhood was listed as a priority. As well, the way religious identity was privileged was different for women and men. Therefore, although increasing feelings of marginalization and insecurity amongst Muslims can be connected to the construction of the locality and localized identities, the ways in which religious identity is described and privileged must also be looked at in relation to a host of other identifications including class, gender and regional affiliation.
This paper connects the historic consolidation of corporate Muslim identities at the national level in India with the narration of local identities in a predominantly Muslim neighborhood in South Delhi. The discussion is based on interviews with women and men living in the predominantly Muslim area of Zakir Nagar in Delhi. Residents often spoke about the existence of a “Muslim mahol” (social environment or culture), that existed in their neighborhood. However, the way that this sense of “Muslim-ness” was constructed varied and was differently privileged, depending on the social position of the narrator. For middle-class respondents in particular, the Muslim character of the neighborhood was listed as a priority. As well, the way religious identity was privileged was different for women and men. Therefore, although increasing feelings of marginalization and insecurity amongst Muslims can be connected to the construction of the locality and localized identities, the ways in which religious identity is described and privileged must also be looked at in relation to a host of other identifications including class, gender and regional affiliation.
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This article highlights two such groups, the Muslim Women’s Rights Network (MWRN) and the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA). Both these networks emerged in the last ten years, and are working to challenge the notion that Muslim women... more
This article highlights two such groups, the Muslim Women’s Rights Network (MWRN) and the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA). Both these networks emerged in the last ten years, and are working to challenge the notion that Muslim women are voiceless victims by refashioning this identity into one that signifies an assertion of political agency. In doing so, they challenge both the authority of conservative, male-dominated forums such as the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) to speak for the Muslim community, as well as that of the historically upper caste dominated women’s movement to represent their needs and interests. These groups question the construction of ‘Muslim women’ as a uniformly oppressed category while also refashioning this category as a means of asserting their political agency.
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The marginalisation of Muslims in India has recently been the subject of heated public debate. In these discussions, however, Muslim women are often either overlooked or treated as a homogenous group with a common set of interests.... more
The marginalisation of Muslims in India has recently been the subject of heated public debate. In these discussions, however, Muslim women are often either overlooked or treated as a homogenous group with a common set of interests. Focusing on the narratives of women living in a predominantly Muslim colony in South Delhi, this book attempts to demonstrate the complexity of their lives and the multiple levels of insecurity they face. Unlike other studies on Indian Muslims that focus on Islam as a defining factor, this book highlights the ways in which religious identity intersects with other identities including class/status, regional affiliation and gender.
The author also sheds light on the impact of such events as the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992 and the subsequent riots, the Gujarat communal carnage in 2002, and the anti-Sikh violence in New Delhi in 1984, along with the rise of Hindutva, and growing Islamophobia experienced worldwide in the post-9/11 period — on the articulation of identities at the local level and increasing religion-based spatial segregation in Indian cities. The study highlights how these incidents combine in different ways to increase the sense of marginalisation experienced by Muslims at the level of the locality.
Understanding the need to look beyond preconceived religious categories, this book will serve as essential reading for those interested in sociology, anthropology, gender, religious and urban studies, as well as policymakers and organisations concerned with issues related to religious minorities in India.
The author also sheds light on the impact of such events as the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992 and the subsequent riots, the Gujarat communal carnage in 2002, and the anti-Sikh violence in New Delhi in 1984, along with the rise of Hindutva, and growing Islamophobia experienced worldwide in the post-9/11 period — on the articulation of identities at the local level and increasing religion-based spatial segregation in Indian cities. The study highlights how these incidents combine in different ways to increase the sense of marginalisation experienced by Muslims at the level of the locality.
Understanding the need to look beyond preconceived religious categories, this book will serve as essential reading for those interested in sociology, anthropology, gender, religious and urban studies, as well as policymakers and organisations concerned with issues related to religious minorities in India.
A series of emerging developments in Asia such as China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) project, Turkey’s neo-Ottomanism, Iran’s Shi’a Crescent, Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union, Gulf states’ sectarian outreach, and reconnection of Indian... more
A series of emerging developments in Asia such as China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) project, Turkey’s neo-Ottomanism, Iran’s Shi’a Crescent, Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union, Gulf states’ sectarian outreach, and reconnection of Indian diasporas evince increasing regionalism across Asia. Many of these new regionalisms depend on channeling histories and memories of oceanic and territorial routes carved over centuries by movements of people, ideas, and goods across the interconnected terrain of Eurasia and Indian Ocean. Central to bringing this past to the present are transnational networks of trade, trade, religion, kinship, and labor constituted over the longue durée. This interdisciplinary conference brings together anthropologists, historians, sociologists and political scientists to conceptualize emerging regional political aspirations and infrastructure projects through the past of networks. By bringing regions separated in space and pasts disconnected in time, this conference looks to conceptualize how order is constructed beyond borders.
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One of the oldest settlements in Karachi, Lyari has been the site on-going violence between political parties, criminal gangs and law enforcement agencies since the early 2000s. Because of this, Lyari has been labelled as one of several... more
One of the oldest settlements in Karachi, Lyari has been the site on-going violence between political parties, criminal gangs and law enforcement agencies since the early 2000s. Because of this, Lyari has been labelled as one of several ‘no-go areas’ in the city. However, residents of Lyari tell a different story, referring to this area fondly as 'Karachi ki maan' or the mother of Karachi.
While the conflict has gradually subsided since a state-led Operation was launched in 2013, this came with its own violence, with many residents losing family members to extrajudicial killings (‘encounters’). Many others are still in prison for alleged involvement in the gangs.
Shadowlands, which was supported by the Education, Justice and Memory Network (EdJAM), follows two residents of Lyari, Amna Baloch and Nawaz Laasi, both of whom have lost family members to gang violence and police encounters. Through telling their stories, Shadowlands sheds light on the on-going ramifications of violence and questions whether peace has truly been achieved for the people of Lyari.
While the conflict has gradually subsided since a state-led Operation was launched in 2013, this came with its own violence, with many residents losing family members to extrajudicial killings (‘encounters’). Many others are still in prison for alleged involvement in the gangs.
Shadowlands, which was supported by the Education, Justice and Memory Network (EdJAM), follows two residents of Lyari, Amna Baloch and Nawaz Laasi, both of whom have lost family members to gang violence and police encounters. Through telling their stories, Shadowlands sheds light on the on-going ramifications of violence and questions whether peace has truly been achieved for the people of Lyari.
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I n their ongoing campaign against rising global inequality, the international NGO, Oxfam, has recently published a series of shocking statistics documenting the growing gap between the rich and the poor worldwide, with the massive burden... more
I n their ongoing campaign against rising global inequality, the international NGO, Oxfam, has recently published a series of shocking statistics documenting the growing gap between the rich and the poor worldwide, with the massive burden of unpaid care work being shouldered by women, particularly from the Global South. The report provides a series of disturbing statistics about the rapidly increasing wealth gap between the world's wealthiest and the poorest. It tells us that the world's richest 1 per cent have more than twice as much wealth as 6.9 billion people. Contrast this with the fact that almost half of the world's population lives on less than $5.50 a day. A major reason for this is the wealthiest class's ability to exert an inordinate influence over their respective governments, thus avoiding fulfilling their social responsibility to give back a part of their wealth, in the form of taxes. Oxfam's report tells us, for example, that only 4 cents in every dollar revenue comes from taxes on wealth. This is also because the wealthy are able to hide much of their wealth by avoiding their tax responsibilities-30 per cent of their tax liability to be precise. The Spectre Of Inequality As the cityscape develops rapidly, a woman and her daughter collect cowdung for fuel.
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Lyari and Uzair Baloch are once again the talk of the town after the Sindh government published the findings of a joint investigation (JIT) report. The claims made in the report about the Lyari gang war have triggered a war of words... more
Lyari and Uzair Baloch are once again the talk of the town after the Sindh government published the findings of a joint investigation (JIT) report.
The claims made in the report about the Lyari gang war have triggered a war of words between the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Federal Minister Ali Zaidi has accused the PPP leadership of tampering with the JIT report to conceal its ties with the gangster. PPP’s Murtaza Wahab and Saeed Ghani insist that the minister is trying to implicate their party for the sake of political point-scoring. The blame-game even reached the National Assembly on July 14.
Despite his incarceration since December 2014, Uzair Baloch’s claims continue to stir up controversy. As Baloch’s ‘confessions’ come to light, it is already very hard to imagine the change between then and now. Who could have imagined in 2013 that within seven years every political party in Karachi would be at pains to distance itself from him?...
The claims made in the report about the Lyari gang war have triggered a war of words between the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Federal Minister Ali Zaidi has accused the PPP leadership of tampering with the JIT report to conceal its ties with the gangster. PPP’s Murtaza Wahab and Saeed Ghani insist that the minister is trying to implicate their party for the sake of political point-scoring. The blame-game even reached the National Assembly on July 14.
Despite his incarceration since December 2014, Uzair Baloch’s claims continue to stir up controversy. As Baloch’s ‘confessions’ come to light, it is already very hard to imagine the change between then and now. Who could have imagined in 2013 that within seven years every political party in Karachi would be at pains to distance itself from him?...
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As social scientists our work often directly grows out of our personal journeys—journeys that are physical, emotional, intellectual and political. However, this is rarely acknowledged. This lack of self-reflection likely springs from a... more
As social scientists our work often directly grows out of our personal journeys—journeys that are physical, emotional, intellectual and political. However, this is rarely acknowledged. This lack of self-reflection likely springs from a tradition within the social sciences of exploring ‘the other’ rather than thinking critically about ourselves. This contribution is a modest attempt at addressing this gap through an exploration of the tensions and moments of discomfort in my own personal, intellectual and political journey as a mobile scholar.
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A gathering of girls in Lyari.—Photo by Rimsha Raheen Feminists are often charged with being too serious, of not having a sense of humour, and of not knowing how to have fun. While this certainly does not apply to my personal life, I have... more
A gathering of girls in Lyari.—Photo by Rimsha Raheen Feminists are often charged with being too serious, of not having a sense of humour, and of not knowing how to have fun. While this certainly does not apply to my personal life, I have to admit my work as a feminist sociologist has generally focused on exposing the darker side of patriarchy. Topics such as domestic violence, restrictions on mobility and gender-based discrimination often concern feminist researchers, particularly those who are studying the Third World and Muslim women. We are trained to uncover experiences of oppression and violence at the expense of experiences of other aspects of women's lives such as joy or pleasure. This reinforces the notion that the lives of these women are bleak, and it is our job as researchers to shed light on their problems. Throwback: Why the Aurat March is a revolutionary feat for Pakistan Such an approach is flawed on multiple fronts, not least because it flattens and simplifies women's lives, robs them of their agency and only tells a small part of a much richer and complex story. It also reinforces the notion that feminism is fundamentally opposed to fun. In order to try to rectify this tendency in my own work, I have turned my attention over the last few months to the question of whether having fun can be seen as a feminist act as part of my wider research into the dynamics of social life in Lyari.
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One of the oldest settlements in Karachi, Lyari has been the site on-going violence between political parties, criminal gangs and law enforcement agencies since the early 2000s. Due to this on-going conflict, Lyari has been called the... more
One of the oldest settlements in Karachi, Lyari has been the site on-going violence between political parties, criminal gangs and law enforcement agencies since the early 2000s. Due to this on-going conflict, Lyari has been called the ‘Colombia of Karachi’ and has been labeled by law enforcement agencies and the media as one of several ‘no-go areas’ in the city. However, residents of Lyari tell a different story, referring to this area as ‘Karachi ki maan’ or the mother of Karachi. For Lyari’s residents, their locality has continuously shifted from being a space of protection against the hostile social and political environment of the city to a space of terror at the hands of local criminal gangs and law enforcement agencies. While the conflict has gradually subsided since 2013, the state-led Operation came with its own violence with many residents losing family members to extrajudicial killings (‘encounters’). Many others are still in prison for alleged involvement in the gangs. Furthermore, the roots of the conflict—poverty, drugs, and the conflict between political parties—remain factors that shape the area. Hence, while Lyari may officially be at ‘peace’, residents are aware the violent conflict may erupt at any time in the future. This documentary follows two residents of Lyari, both of whom have lost family members to police encounters. Through telling their stories, the documentary sheds light on the on-going ramifications of violence and to question whether peace has truly been achieved for the people of Lyari.