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  • Lund, Skåne, Sweden

Eleni Karageorgiou

Because of the scale of global displacement, in particular from Syria, the European Union (EU) has stressed the need to work on an effective asylum and immigration policy through more robust forms of cooperation internally, between Member... more
Because of the scale of global displacement, in particular from Syria, the European Union (EU) has stressed the need to work on an effective asylum and immigration policy through more robust forms of cooperation internally, between Member States, and externally, with third countries. This contribution investigates the extent to which the EU rules for distributing asylum responsibilities genuinely address the requirement of solidarity set out in EU law. It focuses on the Dublin system, which forms the main intra-EU responsibility allocation mechanism, and on the EU–Turkey partnership as an external mechanism. It suggests that instead of relieving countries that have disproportionate protection responsibilities and guaranteeing protection for every individual in need, such practices achieve the opposite. They ensure that overburdened countries remain the main protection providers and that the movement of refugees is strictly managed. This leads to the debasement of the right to asylum contrary to international and European law.
Although the vast majority of Syrians flee to neighboring countries, an increasing number is trying to reach European soil. On one end of the spectrum, individuals escape their war-torn country seeking protection elsewhere and on the... more
Although the vast majority of Syrians flee to neighboring countries, an increasing number is trying to reach European soil. On one end of the spectrum, individuals escape their war-torn country seeking protection elsewhere and on the other end the European Union (EU) and its Members States bear specific obligations for granting protection, stemming from their international and regional legal commitments. Drawing from the UNHCR estimations that the exodus is evolving rapidly and in light of Article 80 TFEU and the objectives by the European Council, the EU needs to adopt policies which emphasize the full and inclusive application of the 1951 Refugee Convention and promote a fair distribution of asylumrelated responsibilities amongst EU states. The present article investigates how the Syrian refugee crisis triggers practices of sharing within the EU. It describes how the different EU sharing mechanisms have been responding to the asylum-related pressures and critically analyzes their distributive effects. The main proposition is that the way in which sharing is being understood in the European asylum policies and applied in the areas covered by those policies (protection and treatment of individuals, European agencies’ role, relations between the EU and third countries) has significant consequences on the institution of asylum and the protection granted
This chapter details how States and regions use safe third country (STC) practices to deny protection to asylum seekers and refugees on the grounds that they have, or may have, protection in another country. The STC notion originated in... more
This chapter details how States and regions use safe third country (STC) practices to deny protection to asylum seekers and refugees on the grounds that they have, or may have, protection in another country. The STC notion originated in Switzerland in 1979, spread throughout Europe in the 1980s, and was adopted by the European Union and countries such as Australia and Canada in the 1990s. Since then, developments in STC law and practice globally include new bilateral agreements, reforms to STC provisions in domestic and supranational legislation, and landmark decisions of superior courts. The chapter studies these changes in Europe, Australia, and North and South America, focusing in particular on the period from 2010 to 2020. It argues that there has been a dilution of STC protection standards in these four regions. The thresholds for effective protection have diminished and are lower than the minimum laid down in international treaties. Moreover, in the introduction and evolution of these STC practices, lawmakers and judges have disregarded the legal principle of international solidarity. While STC practices have long been critiqued as burden-shifting rather than -sharing, new STC law and jurisprudence exacerbates inequities between States with respect to responsibility for hosting refugees.
Blog post addressing the way in which ad hoc, situation-specific forms of solidarity have taken over migration management in the Mediterranean and the implications for the EU, Solidarity more broadly and displaced persons.
This blog post is a summary of the main points raised in our paper ‘The EU building borders: West Africa, Western Balkans and the Mediterranean’ that was presented at the RLI Fourth Annual Conference in London, UK. In this paper we... more
This blog post is a summary of the main points raised in our paper ‘The EU building borders: West Africa, Western Balkans and the Mediterranean’ that was presented at the RLI Fourth Annual Conference in London, UK. In this paper we essentially ask how solidarity works between the Schengen countries and how this feeds into the externalization of the EU migration policy debate.
It is easy to get carried away with the rhetoric of solidarity. Rethinking solidarity aims to problematize the way that solidarity has been conceptualized and applied as a governing principle of EU asylum law and policy, in particular as... more
It is easy to get carried away with the rhetoric of solidarity. Rethinking solidarity aims to problematize the way that solidarity has been conceptualized and applied as a governing principle of EU asylum law and policy, in particular as a response to the 2015–2016 ‘refugee crisis’. Navigating through a family of ideas – from Aristotle’s philia, Christian agape, and Roman law to French solidarism, and European unity – Rethinking solidarity claims that there is an inherent dichotomy in the way the concept has been put to use rhetorically. It contends that, despite the fact that solidarity is coupled with a language of fairness, it is this antagonistic core of the concept that has been instrumentalized in the context of European asylum policy. Rethinking solidarity in refugee law thus requires not only more responsibility sharing amongst states but – most importantly – an understanding of and attendance to the varying visions of community each actor brings to the table when invoking solidarity. (Less)
This contribution serves as the introduction to the edited volume titled 'The New Asylum and Transit Countries in Europe. During and in the Aftermath of the 2015/2016 Crisis'. In particular it provides an overview of the four... more
This contribution serves as the introduction to the edited volume titled 'The New Asylum and Transit Countries in Europe. During and in the Aftermath of the 2015/2016 Crisis'. In particular it provides an overview of the four dynamics captured in the volume. The first one concerns the absorption of EU norms in Central and South Eastern Europe. The second dynamic is the reaction by the counties in this region to the massive movement of asylum seekers in 2015 and 2016 through their territories. The third dynamic captured in the edited volume is how, despite the dictates of the EU and the EU asylum legislation, the countries in question have used their autonomy and have initiated their own normative developments in the area of asylum during and beyond the crisis. The final dynamic addressed in this book concerns the question of solidarity and shared responsibility among EU Member States in the area of asylum.
Given the current scale of global displacement, in particular from Syria, and the rising death toll of individuals crossing the Mediterranean, the European Union has emphatically stressed the need to work on an effective asylum and... more
Given the current scale of global displacement, in particular from Syria, and the rising death toll of individuals crossing the Mediterranean, the European Union has emphatically stressed the need to work on an effective asylum and immigration policy, through more robust forms of cooperation between Member States. Following the Agenda on Migration in May 2015, a set of new measures and proposals to reform the existing framework on asylum have been launched, including, inter-alia, an emergency relocation mechanism, a proposal to reform the Dublin Regulation, and the development of the EU-Turkey partnership. Their main objective is “to ensure an efficient response to the increased arrivals of refugees and migrants in the EU” and “a high degree of solidarity between the Member States” along the lines of Article 80 TFEU. This begs the question of what solidarity, as the guiding principle of European immigration and asylum policies, entails in terms of states’ obligations and to what extent these obligations have been enforced in view of the current critical situation in Europe. The present paper explores the meaning and functions of the principle of solidarity enshrined in Article 80 TFEU based on the ways in which it has been operationalized through these measures. (Less)
This intervention briefly goes through two schemes that allocate asylum-related responsibilities between states: the Dublin mechanism within the EU and the EU-Turkey statement. By identifying their flaws, the paper suggests that although... more
This intervention briefly goes through two schemes that allocate asylum-related responsibilities between states: the Dublin mechanism within the EU and the EU-Turkey statement. By identifying their flaws, the paper suggests that although solidarity has been invoked as a response to the so-called “refugee crisis”, the way it has been conceptualised makes it part of the problem.
This is an analysis of the recently proposed amendments in the Swedish asylum legislation under the prism of intra-EU solidarity. The main issue raised is the extent to which an EU state may downgrade protection and block entry in its... more
This is an analysis of the recently proposed amendments in the Swedish asylum legislation under the prism of intra-EU solidarity. The main issue raised is the extent to which an EU state may downgrade protection and block entry in its territory to asylum seekers and refugees without proper identification documents with the motivation that this might evoke more EU solidarity and responsibility.
ABSTRACT Although the vast majority of Syrians flee to neighboring countries, an increasing number is trying to reach European soil. On one end of the spectrum, individuals escape their war-torn country seeking protection elsewhere and on... more
ABSTRACT Although the vast majority of Syrians flee to neighboring countries, an increasing number is trying to reach European soil. On one end of the spectrum, individuals escape their war-torn country seeking protection elsewhere and on the other end the European Union (EU) and its Members States bear specific obligations for granting protection, stemming from their international and regional legal commitments. Drawing from the UNHCR estimations that the exodus is evolving rapidly and in light of Article 80 TFEU and the objectives by the European Council, the EU needs to adopt policies which emphasize the full and inclusive application of the 1951 Refugee Convention and promote a fair distribution of asylum-related responsibilities amongst EU states. The present article investigates how the Syrian refugee crisis triggers practices of sharing within the EU. It describes how the different EU sharing mechanisms have been responding to the asylum-related pressures and critically analyzes their distributive effects. The main proposition is that the way in which sharing is being understood in the European asylum policies and applied in the areas covered by those policies (protection and treatment of individuals, European agencies’ role, relations between the EU and third countries) has significant consequences on the institution of asylum and the protection granted.
Looking at Article 2 TEU, this contribution considers that there is an external and an internal crisis of values: the former referring to challenges to EU values coming from individual Member States which prioritize their own agendas and... more
Looking at Article 2 TEU, this contribution considers that there is an external and an internal crisis of values: the former referring to challenges to EU values coming from individual Member States which prioritize their own agendas and the latter referring to the tension between a liberal and more solidarity-driven understanding of the EU’s foundations as it stems from the very wording of Article 2 TEU. In an attempt to unpack solidarity and offer a better understanding of its nature, scope and legal implications for the EU and its Member States, this contribution proceeds as follows: first, it studies solidarity within a specific methodological and theoretical framework based on a ‘structured network of EU principles’ established by the CJEU in the post-Lisbon era. Second, it operates under the assumption that a holistic understanding of EU solidarity requires us to go beyond the dominant form of solidarity based on the relationship between Member States (‘interstate solidarity’)...
This study reports the development of a bioprocess involving the valorization of biodiesel-derived glycerol as the main carbon source for cell proliferation of Yarrowia lipolytica strains and production of metabolic compounds, i.e.,... more
This study reports the development of a bioprocess involving the valorization of biodiesel-derived glycerol as the main carbon source for cell proliferation of Yarrowia lipolytica strains and production of metabolic compounds, i.e., citric acid (Cit), polyols, and other bio-metabolites, the substitution of process tap water with olive mill wastewater (OMW) in batch fermentations, and partial detoxification of OMW (up to 31.1% decolorization). Increasing initial phenolics (Phen) of OMW-glycerol blends led to substantial Cit secretion. Maximum Cit values, varying between 64.1–65.1 g/L, combined with high yield (YCit/S = 0.682–0.690 g Cit/g carbon sources) and productivity (0.335–0.344 g/L/h) were achieved in the presence of Phen = 3 g/L. The notable accumulation of endopolysaccharides (EPs) on the produced biomass was determined when Y. lipolytica LMBF Y-46 (51.9%) and ACA-YC 5033 (61.5%) were cultivated on glycerol-based media. Blending with various amounts of OMW negatively affected...
This intervention briefly goes through two schemes that allocate asylum-related responsibilities between states: the Dublin mechanism within the EU and the EU-Turkey statement. By identifying their flaws, the paper suggests that although... more
This intervention briefly goes through two schemes that allocate asylum-related responsibilities between states: the Dublin mechanism within the EU and the EU-Turkey statement. By identifying their flaws, the paper suggests that although solidarity has been invoked as a response to the so-called “refugee crisis”, the way it has been conceptualised makes it part of the problem.
Blog post addressing the way in which ad hoc, situation-specific forms of solidarity have taken over migration management in the Mediterranean and the implications for the EU, Solidarity more broadly and displaced persons.
Given the current scale of global displacement, in particular from Syria, and the rising death toll of individuals crossing the Mediterranean, the European Union has emphatically stressed the need to work on an effective asylum and... more
Given the current scale of global displacement, in particular from Syria, and the rising death toll of individuals crossing the Mediterranean, the European Union has emphatically stressed the need to work on an effective asylum and immigration policy, through more robust forms of cooperation between Member States. Following the Agenda on Migration in May 2015, a set of new measures and proposals to reform the existing framework on asylum have been launched, including, inter-alia, an emergency relocation mechanism, a proposal to reform the Dublin Regulation, and the development of the EU-Turkey partnership. Their main objective is “to ensure an efficient response to the increased arrivals of refugees and migrants in the EU” and “a high degree of solidarity between the Member States” along the lines of Article 80 TFEU. This begs the question of what solidarity, as the guiding principle of European immigration and asylum policies, entails in terms of states’ obligations and to what ext...
It is easy to get carried away with the rhetoric of solidarity. Rethinking solidarity aims to problematize the way that solidarity has been conceptualized and applied as a governing principle of EU asylum law and policy, in particular as... more
It is easy to get carried away with the rhetoric of solidarity. Rethinking solidarity aims to problematize the way that solidarity has been conceptualized and applied as a governing principle of EU asylum law and policy, in particular as a response to the 2015–2016 ‘refugee crisis’. Navigating through a family of ideas – from Aristotle’s philia, Christian agape, and Roman law to French solidarism, and European unity – Rethinking solidarity claims that there is an inherent dichotomy in the way the concept has been put to use rhetorically. It contends that, despite the fact that solidarity is coupled with a language of fairness, it is this antagonistic core of the concept that has been instrumentalized in the context of European asylum policy. Rethinking solidarity in refugee law thus requires not only more responsibility sharing amongst states but – most importantly – an understanding of and attendance to the varying visions of community each actor brings to the table when invoking s...
This blog post is a summary of the main points raised in our paper ‘The EU building borders: West Africa, Western Balkans and the Mediterranean’ that was presented at the RLI Fourth Annual Conference in London, UK. In this paper we... more
This blog post is a summary of the main points raised in our paper ‘The EU building borders: West Africa, Western Balkans and the Mediterranean’ that was presented at the RLI Fourth Annual Conference in London, UK. In this paper we essentially ask how solidarity works between the Schengen countries and how this feeds into the externalization of the EU migration policy debate.
This is an analysis of the recently proposed amendments in the Swedish asylum legislation under the prism of intra-EU solidarity. The main issue raised is the extent to which an EU state may downgrade protection and block entry in its... more
This is an analysis of the recently proposed amendments in the Swedish asylum legislation under the prism of intra-EU solidarity. The main issue raised is the extent to which an EU state may downgrade protection and block entry in its territory to asylum seekers and refugees without proper identification documents with the motivation that this might evoke more EU solidarity and responsibility.
This contribution serves as the introduction to the edited volume titled 'The New Asylum and Transit Countries in Europe. During and in the Aftermath of the 2015/2016 Crisis'. In particular it provides an overview of the four... more
This contribution serves as the introduction to the edited volume titled 'The New Asylum and Transit Countries in Europe. During and in the Aftermath of the 2015/2016 Crisis'. In particular it provides an overview of the four dynamics captured in the volume. The first one concerns the absorption of EU norms in Central and South Eastern Europe. The second dynamic is the reaction by the counties in this region to the massive movement of asylum seekers in 2015 and 2016 through their territories. The third dynamic captured in the edited volume is how, despite the dictates of the EU and the EU asylum legislation, the countries in question have used their autonomy and have initiated their own normative developments in the area of asylum during and beyond the crisis. The final dynamic addressed in this book concerns the question of solidarity and shared responsibility among EU Member States in the area of asylum.
In this article, we explore why solidarity has not worked according to expectation in EU migration and asylum law and why it is unlikely to work in the future. First, we consider discourses of burden-sharing and solidarity in EU law from... more
In this article, we explore why solidarity has not worked according to expectation in EU migration and asylum law and why it is unlikely to work in the future. First, we consider discourses of burden-sharing and solidarity in EU law from the 1990s up to the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 to identify emergent path dependencies. This period saw the introduction of primary law provisions on solidarity, such as Article 80 TFEU, as French and Dutch electorates had rejected a European constitution. Second, we perform an analysis of Article 80 through the conceptual history of solidarity, in particular, the dominant Roman law tradition of obligation in solidum and the French tradition of solidarism. We submit that the term ‘solidarity’ is actually a misnomer: already on structural grounds, Article 80 should be read as an alliance clause, countering a threat of irregular immigration. Third, we find that the practice under Article 80 as it develops during the period between 2015 and the 2020 European...
This chapter examines changes to safe third country law and practice from 2010 to 2020 focusing on Europe, Australia, North, and South America. These developments have received little academic attention, particularly from a comparative... more
This chapter examines changes to safe third country law and practice from 2010 to 2020 focusing on Europe, Australia, North, and South America. These developments have received little academic attention, particularly from a comparative perspective. We argue that in all four regions there has been a significant weakening of protection standards in the safe third country context, with the thresholds for effective protection becoming further removed from the rights outlined in the Refugee Convention and other international and regional human rights treaties. In addition, law makers and adjudicative decision makers have shown disregard for the principle of international solidarity. We suggest that these developments pose a significant challenge to refugee protection and the international refugee regime more broadly
Because of the scale of global displacement, in particular from Syria, the European Union (EU) has stressed the need to work on an effective asylum and immigration policy through more robust forms of cooperation internally, between Member... more
Because of the scale of global displacement, in particular from Syria, the European Union (EU) has stressed the need to work on an effective asylum and immigration policy through more robust forms of cooperation internally, between Member States, and externally, with third countries. This contribution investigates the extent to which the EU rules for distributing asylum responsibilities genuinely address the requirement of solidarity set out in EU law. It focuses on the Dublin system, which forms the main intra-EU responsibility allocation mechanism, and on the EU–Turkey partnership as an external mechanism. It suggests that instead of relieving countries that have disproportionate protection responsibilities and guaranteeing protection for every individual in need, such practices achieve the opposite. They ensure that overburdened countries remain the main protection providers and that the movement of refugees is strictly managed. This leads to the debasement of the right to asylum...