The tradition of engraving words of institution on chalices and patens begins in the
second third... more The tradition of engraving words of institution on chalices and patens begins in the second third of the 10th century. It begins with some particularly valuable specimens that are probably related to Patriarch Theophylact. At the same time as Theophylact issued a dogmatic reply to Tsar Peter I, in which the orthodox teaching about the Eucharist was sharpened and the cross was defended as a symbol of salvation, a paten made from nearly pure gold and decorated merely by a cross and the words of institution was sent to the Bulgarian capital Preslav. This leads to the following hypotheses: 1) A confrontation with the dualist heresies believed to have been exterminated gave an impetus to introduce a new inscription form for chalices and patens. 2) It was the persistence of the heresy that gave rise to a new tradition.
This is a slightly revised version of a previously published article.
The geographical locatio... more This is a slightly revised version of a previously published article.
The geographical location of the so-called Great Moravian Empire and the reasons for the mission of St Cyril and Methodius are repeatedly discussed. This essay attempts to make a new contribution to the discussion. Firstly, it attempts to identify the sources of De administrando imperio (the work that gave the name to ‘Great Moravia’, the ‘Megale Moravia’ / μεγάλη Μοραβία) and the parable of Svatopluk (Sphendoplokos / Σφενδοπλόκος) and his sons told there. Secondly, attention is drawn to the fact that St Constantine-Cyril not only - as is well known - carried the relics of St Clement of Rome with him, but was also a recognised expert on the writings of (Ps.) Dionysius Areopagita, who in the mid-9th century was believed by Franks and Byzantines alike to be identical with St Denis of Paris. This observation gives rise to reflections on the political purpose of the journey of the two brothers from Thessalonica to Moravia and on the role of ‘hard power’ and ‘soft power’ in Byzantine-Great Moravian relations.
The tradition of engraving words of institution on chalices and patens begins in the second third... more The tradition of engraving words of institution on chalices and patens begins in the second third of the 10th century. It begins with some particularly valuable specimens that are probably related to Patriarch Theophylact. At the same time as Theophylact issued a dogmatic reply to Tsar Peter I, in which the orthodox teaching about the Eucharist was sharpened and the cross was defended as a symbol of salvation, a paten made from nearly pure gold and decorated merely by a cross and the words of institution was sent to the Bulgarian capital Preslav. This leads to the following hypotheses: 1) A confrontation with the dualist heresies believed to have been exterminated gave an impetus to introduce a new inscription form for chalices and patens. 2) It was the persistence of the heresy that gave rise to a new tradition.
Benjamin Conrad/Lisa Bicknell (Eds.), Stadtgeschichten - Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte osteuropäischer Städte von Prag bis Baku (207-230). Bielefeld: transcript Verlag., 2016
Материалы по археологии и истории античного и средневекового Причерноморья, 2019
The Phanariot Constantine (Kaisarios) Dapontes fled in 1746 to the Crimea, where he was received ... more The Phanariot Constantine (Kaisarios) Dapontes fled in 1746 to the Crimea, where he was received benevolently, with the recommendation of Constantine Mavrocordatos, Prince of Wallachia, by the Tatar Khan Selim II Giray. He wrote in the so-called political verses a dialogical report on his sojourn, which he enfolded in his huge Καθρέπτης γυναικών, i.e. “Women’s Mirror”. Dapontes was the first (early) modern Greek author, who made the Crimea accessible to the Greeks of his time. He also raised awareness that this place was — though Tartarian — a truly Greek place, but without referring to the Greek antiquity and the Byzantine times. Since the work was very common, his portrayal of the Crimea should not be without effect. Dapontes wrote nothing remarkably new about the political situation in Crimea, but he made some information available for his compatriots. What is important are Dapontes' remarks about the monastery landscape of rough beauty, which contrasts with the Arcadian riverside meadows, and about the Greek population living near Bakhchisarai.
The Synaxarion of Constantinople as a Pilgrim Guide?
– Hypotheses on the Role of the Synaxarion i... more The Synaxarion of Constantinople as a Pilgrim Guide? – Hypotheses on the Role of the Synaxarion in the Veneration of Sacred Places in Byzantium The Synaxarion was, like the other hagiographic collections, a means of cult propaganda. Unlike the menologia, with their far fewer, but much more extensive vitae, it emphasised the abundance of the Byzantine Empire’s saints. At the same time, it served as a hagiographic reference work at a time when – activated by the emperors but also motivated by personal piety – more and more people were becoming interested in hitherto lesser-known saints. With the Synaxarion, the prerequisites were created first for virtually bringing the empire into the city of Constantinople and making it performatively tangible, but then also for travelling through it beyond Constantinople on a spiritual pilgrimage, thereby entering into a relationship with the empire by becoming acquainted with its history and spatial extent. By means of the Synaxarion he commissioned, the emperor positioned himself at the vanguard of the cult of the saints; at the same time, he placed himself under their protection, who as a whole symbolised his empire and appealed to the recipients to worship them as well, which included a pilgrimage.
Le synaxaire de Constantinople: un guide du pèlerin? Hypothèses sur le rôle du synaxaire dans la vénération de lieux saints à Byzance A l’instar d’autres collections hagiographiques, le synaxaire était un outil de propagande cultuelle. Et contrairement aux ménologes qui regroupent des vitae bien moins nombreuses, mais plus détaillées, il met en évidence la profusion de saints dans l’Empire byzantin. Il servait également d’ouvrage de référence hagiographique à une époque où de plus en plus de gens – certes poussés par les empereurs, mais aussi motivés par leur piété personnelle – s’intéressaient à des saints encore peu connus. Le synaxaire donnait la possibilité de transférer l’Empire en ville de Constantinople et de le découvrir de façon performative, puis d’entamer un pèlerinage spirituel à travers l’Empire et, ce faisant, se familiariser avec son histoire et son étendue, et d’établir une relation avec lui. En commandant ce synaxaire, l’empereur plaçait sous sa protection le culte des saints auquel il adhérait et dont l’ensemble symbolisait son empire, enjoignant en même temps les destinataires à les vénérer de leur côté, ce qui impliquait un pèlerinage.
Kherson as a central place in south-western Crimea (sixth–tenth century AD)
There is no doubt tha... more Kherson as a central place in south-western Crimea (sixth–tenth century AD) There is no doubt that Kherson was a Byzantine outpost and central site in Crimea. This function, which is reflected in religious, economic and military aspects, requires a critical evaluation and clarification. Although, in economic terms, Kherson was an important trading partner for the surrounding area, the main occupation of the city – the production of fish preserves – played no signifi cant role in its relationship with the surrounding countryside. Fish products have been produced for export since time immemorial and thus Kherson was an important centre of the fishing and salt industry, supplying markets in the southern Black Sea. The region surrounding the town was considered as an exploitable resource rather than an economic partner. Until the seventh century Kherson was the military and administrative centre of Byzantine Crimea. Thereafter the city abruptly lost its importance, which it was unable to fully recover until the ninth century, when it became once again the seat of a strategos. Kherson experienced a similar loss of importance as an ecclesiastical centre. A bishopric existed there since the end of the fourth century, and the city had a certain local and supra-regional significance as a pilgrimage centre. At the beginning of the eighth century at the latest the bishopric lost a large portion of its diocese in south-western Crimea and it has never been able to recoup this loss. Kherson’s role as a mediator and representative of the Byzantine Empire in Crimea and of the people of the North was of particular importance. This is why the city had an important structuring role to play in its political relations with the region of the Crimean Mountains until the beginning of the eighth century and again, but to a far lesser degree, in the tenth century. Th erefore, more than any other aspect, its contrived share in the centrality of Constantinople probably led to an exaggeration of its imagined signifi cance, which was accepted by Constantinople, by its immediate neighbours and by the people of the North.
The Massacre of Cherson
The story of the bloody, punitive campaign of Emperor Justinian II again... more The Massacre of Cherson The story of the bloody, punitive campaign of Emperor Justinian II against the city of Cherson in 711 written by Theophanes and Nicephorus is a well-known part of Byzantine historiography and still repeated without further questioning as »historical truth« by modern authors. Yet the Byzantine compilers of universal chronicles who took up this account already understood it more as a way to characterise its protagonists Justinian II and Philippicus; those authors rewrote it to sharpen their image of the emperors. But that is not all that makes us doubt the reliability of this tale. Furthermore, there exists a largely ignored alternative narrative of the occurrences in Cherson, whose traces can be found, for example, in the chronicle of George the Monk. Here, Justinian II still had enough influential adherents in Constantinople who preferred his reign to that of Tiberius III. The Chersonitians, however, remained loyal to the ruling emperor. Mindful of their adherence to the »usurper«, Justinian sent a fleet against Cherson to nip in the bud a new coup by Philippicus. But the fleet defected to Philippicus, thus enabling him to seize power. This narrative is supported by the coeval Bede the Venerable and the Vita of Callinicus. It makes Justinian II look more like a statesman (though failed) than a ruler overcome by insanity.
At first sight, the perception of the forest in Byzantine literature
does not differ substantiall... more At first sight, the perception of the forest in Byzantine literature does not differ substantially from that in classical Greek antiquity or the Bible or in Latin Europe. There as here it is a place of refuge, a supplier of firewood, timber, and of game. Sometimes it is also perceived as a kind of locus amoenus. A forest is a place of encounter between God and man, either in a more monastic-spiritual manner in the wooded wilderness of the anachorites or in direct confrontation as might be the case with a saintly huntsman. But the forest is at the same time a symbol for the absence of God and may appear threatening. Yet here the forest image is more reduced than in Latin Europe, i.e. the narrative range is significantly more limited: Above all, there is no danger inherent in it, nor does danger arise from it, even if sources mention a latent discomfort. There may be robbers in Byzantine forests. Witches and wizards, however, do not occur nor do other evil magical or semi-magical beings. More emphasis is however laid on the aspect of the forest as a place of refuge. The relationship of Byzantine authors, often from the capital, to the forest remains clearly more distant than it is the case in Latin Europe. On the one hand that can be explained by the specifically urban view of many authors, but on the other hand it is also due to the character and quality of the real forest in the Byzantine Empire.
Through a typological interpretation of the narrative of the so-called pantheon of Vladimir we ar... more Through a typological interpretation of the narrative of the so-called pantheon of Vladimir we are able to recognize that we cannot say anything about the religious or even political Constitution of Kievan Rus'. Rather it reveals that the compilers of the Povest 'vremennych and Ilarion thought positive of the figura of the Babylonian King Nebukadnezar that had although he was a pagan the gift of the knowledge of God. This reduces at the same time the importance of the mission from Byzantium in the eyes of Ilarion and the compiler of the PVL.
Despite centuries of research, the history of Byzantine Taurica still has not been studied fully.... more Despite centuries of research, the history of Byzantine Taurica still has not been studied fully. So, there is still debate about the meaning of terms denoting positions. For example, until now it believed that protopolit Zoilus from Сherson was a high-ranking member of the city government. But we do not think so. We conducted a study to prove that this term is used almost exclusively in the eastern Mediterranean, where, in fact, it happens. Based on this, we conclude that Zoilus was not a senior member of the municipal government. Most likely, he was the leader of the local Jewish community or Syrian. We are carrying out our findings to the scientific discussion.
The tradition of engraving words of institution on chalices and patens begins in the
second third... more The tradition of engraving words of institution on chalices and patens begins in the second third of the 10th century. It begins with some particularly valuable specimens that are probably related to Patriarch Theophylact. At the same time as Theophylact issued a dogmatic reply to Tsar Peter I, in which the orthodox teaching about the Eucharist was sharpened and the cross was defended as a symbol of salvation, a paten made from nearly pure gold and decorated merely by a cross and the words of institution was sent to the Bulgarian capital Preslav. This leads to the following hypotheses: 1) A confrontation with the dualist heresies believed to have been exterminated gave an impetus to introduce a new inscription form for chalices and patens. 2) It was the persistence of the heresy that gave rise to a new tradition.
This is a slightly revised version of a previously published article.
The geographical locatio... more This is a slightly revised version of a previously published article.
The geographical location of the so-called Great Moravian Empire and the reasons for the mission of St Cyril and Methodius are repeatedly discussed. This essay attempts to make a new contribution to the discussion. Firstly, it attempts to identify the sources of De administrando imperio (the work that gave the name to ‘Great Moravia’, the ‘Megale Moravia’ / μεγάλη Μοραβία) and the parable of Svatopluk (Sphendoplokos / Σφενδοπλόκος) and his sons told there. Secondly, attention is drawn to the fact that St Constantine-Cyril not only - as is well known - carried the relics of St Clement of Rome with him, but was also a recognised expert on the writings of (Ps.) Dionysius Areopagita, who in the mid-9th century was believed by Franks and Byzantines alike to be identical with St Denis of Paris. This observation gives rise to reflections on the political purpose of the journey of the two brothers from Thessalonica to Moravia and on the role of ‘hard power’ and ‘soft power’ in Byzantine-Great Moravian relations.
The tradition of engraving words of institution on chalices and patens begins in the second third... more The tradition of engraving words of institution on chalices and patens begins in the second third of the 10th century. It begins with some particularly valuable specimens that are probably related to Patriarch Theophylact. At the same time as Theophylact issued a dogmatic reply to Tsar Peter I, in which the orthodox teaching about the Eucharist was sharpened and the cross was defended as a symbol of salvation, a paten made from nearly pure gold and decorated merely by a cross and the words of institution was sent to the Bulgarian capital Preslav. This leads to the following hypotheses: 1) A confrontation with the dualist heresies believed to have been exterminated gave an impetus to introduce a new inscription form for chalices and patens. 2) It was the persistence of the heresy that gave rise to a new tradition.
Benjamin Conrad/Lisa Bicknell (Eds.), Stadtgeschichten - Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte osteuropäischer Städte von Prag bis Baku (207-230). Bielefeld: transcript Verlag., 2016
Материалы по археологии и истории античного и средневекового Причерноморья, 2019
The Phanariot Constantine (Kaisarios) Dapontes fled in 1746 to the Crimea, where he was received ... more The Phanariot Constantine (Kaisarios) Dapontes fled in 1746 to the Crimea, where he was received benevolently, with the recommendation of Constantine Mavrocordatos, Prince of Wallachia, by the Tatar Khan Selim II Giray. He wrote in the so-called political verses a dialogical report on his sojourn, which he enfolded in his huge Καθρέπτης γυναικών, i.e. “Women’s Mirror”. Dapontes was the first (early) modern Greek author, who made the Crimea accessible to the Greeks of his time. He also raised awareness that this place was — though Tartarian — a truly Greek place, but without referring to the Greek antiquity and the Byzantine times. Since the work was very common, his portrayal of the Crimea should not be without effect. Dapontes wrote nothing remarkably new about the political situation in Crimea, but he made some information available for his compatriots. What is important are Dapontes' remarks about the monastery landscape of rough beauty, which contrasts with the Arcadian riverside meadows, and about the Greek population living near Bakhchisarai.
The Synaxarion of Constantinople as a Pilgrim Guide?
– Hypotheses on the Role of the Synaxarion i... more The Synaxarion of Constantinople as a Pilgrim Guide? – Hypotheses on the Role of the Synaxarion in the Veneration of Sacred Places in Byzantium The Synaxarion was, like the other hagiographic collections, a means of cult propaganda. Unlike the menologia, with their far fewer, but much more extensive vitae, it emphasised the abundance of the Byzantine Empire’s saints. At the same time, it served as a hagiographic reference work at a time when – activated by the emperors but also motivated by personal piety – more and more people were becoming interested in hitherto lesser-known saints. With the Synaxarion, the prerequisites were created first for virtually bringing the empire into the city of Constantinople and making it performatively tangible, but then also for travelling through it beyond Constantinople on a spiritual pilgrimage, thereby entering into a relationship with the empire by becoming acquainted with its history and spatial extent. By means of the Synaxarion he commissioned, the emperor positioned himself at the vanguard of the cult of the saints; at the same time, he placed himself under their protection, who as a whole symbolised his empire and appealed to the recipients to worship them as well, which included a pilgrimage.
Le synaxaire de Constantinople: un guide du pèlerin? Hypothèses sur le rôle du synaxaire dans la vénération de lieux saints à Byzance A l’instar d’autres collections hagiographiques, le synaxaire était un outil de propagande cultuelle. Et contrairement aux ménologes qui regroupent des vitae bien moins nombreuses, mais plus détaillées, il met en évidence la profusion de saints dans l’Empire byzantin. Il servait également d’ouvrage de référence hagiographique à une époque où de plus en plus de gens – certes poussés par les empereurs, mais aussi motivés par leur piété personnelle – s’intéressaient à des saints encore peu connus. Le synaxaire donnait la possibilité de transférer l’Empire en ville de Constantinople et de le découvrir de façon performative, puis d’entamer un pèlerinage spirituel à travers l’Empire et, ce faisant, se familiariser avec son histoire et son étendue, et d’établir une relation avec lui. En commandant ce synaxaire, l’empereur plaçait sous sa protection le culte des saints auquel il adhérait et dont l’ensemble symbolisait son empire, enjoignant en même temps les destinataires à les vénérer de leur côté, ce qui impliquait un pèlerinage.
Kherson as a central place in south-western Crimea (sixth–tenth century AD)
There is no doubt tha... more Kherson as a central place in south-western Crimea (sixth–tenth century AD) There is no doubt that Kherson was a Byzantine outpost and central site in Crimea. This function, which is reflected in religious, economic and military aspects, requires a critical evaluation and clarification. Although, in economic terms, Kherson was an important trading partner for the surrounding area, the main occupation of the city – the production of fish preserves – played no signifi cant role in its relationship with the surrounding countryside. Fish products have been produced for export since time immemorial and thus Kherson was an important centre of the fishing and salt industry, supplying markets in the southern Black Sea. The region surrounding the town was considered as an exploitable resource rather than an economic partner. Until the seventh century Kherson was the military and administrative centre of Byzantine Crimea. Thereafter the city abruptly lost its importance, which it was unable to fully recover until the ninth century, when it became once again the seat of a strategos. Kherson experienced a similar loss of importance as an ecclesiastical centre. A bishopric existed there since the end of the fourth century, and the city had a certain local and supra-regional significance as a pilgrimage centre. At the beginning of the eighth century at the latest the bishopric lost a large portion of its diocese in south-western Crimea and it has never been able to recoup this loss. Kherson’s role as a mediator and representative of the Byzantine Empire in Crimea and of the people of the North was of particular importance. This is why the city had an important structuring role to play in its political relations with the region of the Crimean Mountains until the beginning of the eighth century and again, but to a far lesser degree, in the tenth century. Th erefore, more than any other aspect, its contrived share in the centrality of Constantinople probably led to an exaggeration of its imagined signifi cance, which was accepted by Constantinople, by its immediate neighbours and by the people of the North.
The Massacre of Cherson
The story of the bloody, punitive campaign of Emperor Justinian II again... more The Massacre of Cherson The story of the bloody, punitive campaign of Emperor Justinian II against the city of Cherson in 711 written by Theophanes and Nicephorus is a well-known part of Byzantine historiography and still repeated without further questioning as »historical truth« by modern authors. Yet the Byzantine compilers of universal chronicles who took up this account already understood it more as a way to characterise its protagonists Justinian II and Philippicus; those authors rewrote it to sharpen their image of the emperors. But that is not all that makes us doubt the reliability of this tale. Furthermore, there exists a largely ignored alternative narrative of the occurrences in Cherson, whose traces can be found, for example, in the chronicle of George the Monk. Here, Justinian II still had enough influential adherents in Constantinople who preferred his reign to that of Tiberius III. The Chersonitians, however, remained loyal to the ruling emperor. Mindful of their adherence to the »usurper«, Justinian sent a fleet against Cherson to nip in the bud a new coup by Philippicus. But the fleet defected to Philippicus, thus enabling him to seize power. This narrative is supported by the coeval Bede the Venerable and the Vita of Callinicus. It makes Justinian II look more like a statesman (though failed) than a ruler overcome by insanity.
At first sight, the perception of the forest in Byzantine literature
does not differ substantiall... more At first sight, the perception of the forest in Byzantine literature does not differ substantially from that in classical Greek antiquity or the Bible or in Latin Europe. There as here it is a place of refuge, a supplier of firewood, timber, and of game. Sometimes it is also perceived as a kind of locus amoenus. A forest is a place of encounter between God and man, either in a more monastic-spiritual manner in the wooded wilderness of the anachorites or in direct confrontation as might be the case with a saintly huntsman. But the forest is at the same time a symbol for the absence of God and may appear threatening. Yet here the forest image is more reduced than in Latin Europe, i.e. the narrative range is significantly more limited: Above all, there is no danger inherent in it, nor does danger arise from it, even if sources mention a latent discomfort. There may be robbers in Byzantine forests. Witches and wizards, however, do not occur nor do other evil magical or semi-magical beings. More emphasis is however laid on the aspect of the forest as a place of refuge. The relationship of Byzantine authors, often from the capital, to the forest remains clearly more distant than it is the case in Latin Europe. On the one hand that can be explained by the specifically urban view of many authors, but on the other hand it is also due to the character and quality of the real forest in the Byzantine Empire.
Through a typological interpretation of the narrative of the so-called pantheon of Vladimir we ar... more Through a typological interpretation of the narrative of the so-called pantheon of Vladimir we are able to recognize that we cannot say anything about the religious or even political Constitution of Kievan Rus'. Rather it reveals that the compilers of the Povest 'vremennych and Ilarion thought positive of the figura of the Babylonian King Nebukadnezar that had although he was a pagan the gift of the knowledge of God. This reduces at the same time the importance of the mission from Byzantium in the eyes of Ilarion and the compiler of the PVL.
Despite centuries of research, the history of Byzantine Taurica still has not been studied fully.... more Despite centuries of research, the history of Byzantine Taurica still has not been studied fully. So, there is still debate about the meaning of terms denoting positions. For example, until now it believed that protopolit Zoilus from Сherson was a high-ranking member of the city government. But we do not think so. We conducted a study to prove that this term is used almost exclusively in the eastern Mediterranean, where, in fact, it happens. Based on this, we conclude that Zoilus was not a senior member of the municipal government. Most likely, he was the leader of the local Jewish community or Syrian. We are carrying out our findings to the scientific discussion.
Where is Great Moravia's place in Europe? Is it part of the disintegrating Carolingian world, doe... more Where is Great Moravia's place in Europe? Is it part of the disintegrating Carolingian world, does it belong to a "Nordic" world far removed from Romanitas? Three quarters of a century has passed since the first stone churches identified as "Great Moravian" were discovered in Moravia and Slovakia. This radically changed the perception of Great Moravia as an important Slavic empire. Nevertheless, the question of its role in Europe was hardly raised. The authors of this volume attempt to rethink this problem, focusing in particular on the relationship of Great Moravia to the East Frankish Empire and its regions, to Poland, Hungary and the Byzantine Empire.
Im Jahr 1799 wurde nahe des Dorfs Nagyszentmiklós (damals Königreich Ungarn, heute Sânnicolau Mar... more Im Jahr 1799 wurde nahe des Dorfs Nagyszentmiklós (damals Königreich Ungarn, heute Sânnicolau Mare, Rumänien) einer der bedeutendsten Goldschätze des europäischen Frühmittelalters entdeckt. Er befindet sich heute in der Antikensammlung des Kunsthistorischen Museums in Wien und besteht aus 23 Goldgefäßen, hauptsächlich zu Kannen umgearbeitete Flaschen, Schalen, zwei Becher, zwei Stielschalen und einem Trinkhorn. Insgesamt wiegen die Gegenstände fast 10 kg. Was den Schatz so wertvoll macht, ist jedoch nicht das Material, sondern die hohe Qualität der Verarbeitung, die exotische Schönheit einiger der Gefäße, vor allem aber die Tatsache, dass er eine einzigartige Quelle für die Erforschung von kulturellen Verbindungen zwischen der mediterranen Welt und den nomadischen Gesellschaften Eurasiens darstellt. Dazu hat das RGZM in Zusammenarbeit mit der Antikensammlung des Kunsthistorischen Museums 2010 in Wien eine Tagung veranstaltet, deren Ergebnisse in teils stark erweiterter Form hier vorgestellt werden. Die Artikel befassen sich mit allgemeinen Fragen zum gegenwärtigen Forschungsstand (Csanád Bálint), den Ergebnissen aus goldschmiedetechnischen Untersuchungen und Materialanalysen (Viktor Freiberger und Birgit Bühler), den möglichen Zusammenhängen zwischen dem Schatz und der sasanidischen Kultur (Ádám Bollók und Bruno Overlaet) und den Inschriften des Goldschatzes im byzantinischen Kontext (Stefan Albrecht).
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second third of the 10th century. It begins with some particularly valuable specimens
that are probably related to Patriarch Theophylact. At the same time as Theophylact
issued a dogmatic reply to Tsar Peter I, in which the orthodox teaching about the Eucharist was sharpened and the cross was defended as a symbol of salvation, a paten
made from nearly pure gold and decorated merely by a cross and the words of institution was sent to the Bulgarian capital Preslav. This leads to the following hypotheses: 1) A confrontation with the dualist heresies believed to have been exterminated gave
an impetus to introduce a new inscription form for chalices and patens. 2) It was the
persistence of the heresy that gave rise to a new tradition.
The geographical location of the so-called Great Moravian Empire and the reasons for the mission of St Cyril and Methodius are repeatedly discussed. This essay attempts to make a new contribution to the discussion. Firstly, it attempts to identify the sources of De administrando imperio (the work that gave the name to ‘Great Moravia’, the ‘Megale Moravia’ / μεγάλη Μοραβία) and the parable of Svatopluk (Sphendoplokos / Σφενδοπλόκος) and his sons told there. Secondly, attention is drawn to the fact that St Constantine-Cyril not only - as is well known - carried the relics of St Clement of Rome with him, but was also a recognised expert on the writings of (Ps.) Dionysius Areopagita, who in the mid-9th century was believed by Franks and Byzantines alike to be identical with St Denis of Paris. This observation gives rise to reflections on the political purpose of the journey of the two brothers from Thessalonica to Moravia and on the role of ‘hard power’ and ‘soft power’ in Byzantine-Great Moravian relations.
Khan Selim II Giray. He wrote in the so-called political verses a dialogical report on his sojourn, which he enfolded in his huge Καθρέπτης γυναικών, i.e. “Women’s Mirror”. Dapontes was the first (early) modern Greek author, who made the Crimea accessible to the Greeks of his
time. He also raised awareness that this place was — though Tartarian — a truly Greek place, but without referring to the Greek antiquity and the Byzantine times. Since the work was very common, his portrayal of
the Crimea should not be without effect.
Dapontes wrote nothing remarkably new about the political situation in Crimea, but he made some information available for his compatriots. What is important are Dapontes' remarks about the monastery
landscape of rough beauty, which contrasts with the Arcadian riverside meadows, and about the Greek population living near Bakhchisarai.
– Hypotheses on the Role of the Synaxarion in the
Veneration of Sacred Places in Byzantium
The Synaxarion was, like the other hagiographic collections,
a means of cult propaganda. Unlike the menologia, with
their far fewer, but much more extensive vitae, it emphasised
the abundance of the Byzantine Empire’s saints. At the
same time, it served as a hagiographic reference work at a
time when – activated by the emperors but also motivated
by personal piety – more and more people were becoming
interested in hitherto lesser-known saints. With the Synaxarion,
the prerequisites were created first for virtually bringing
the empire into the city of Constantinople and making it
performatively tangible, but then also for travelling through
it beyond Constantinople on a spiritual pilgrimage, thereby
entering into a relationship with the empire by becoming
acquainted with its history and spatial extent.
By means of the Synaxarion he commissioned, the emperor
positioned himself at the vanguard of the cult of the
saints; at the same time, he placed himself under their protection,
who as a whole symbolised his empire and appealed
to the recipients to worship them as well, which included a
pilgrimage.
Le synaxaire de Constantinople: un guide du pèlerin?
Hypothèses sur le rôle du synaxaire dans la vénération
de lieux saints à Byzance
A l’instar d’autres collections hagiographiques, le synaxaire
était un outil de propagande cultuelle. Et contrairement aux
ménologes qui regroupent des vitae bien moins nombreuses,
mais plus détaillées, il met en évidence la profusion de saints
dans l’Empire byzantin. Il servait également d’ouvrage de référence
hagiographique à une époque où de plus en plus de
gens – certes poussés par les empereurs, mais aussi motivés
par leur piété personnelle – s’intéressaient à des saints encore
peu connus. Le synaxaire donnait la possibilité de transférer
l’Empire en ville de Constantinople et de le découvrir de façon
performative, puis d’entamer un pèlerinage spirituel à travers
l’Empire et, ce faisant, se familiariser avec son histoire et son
étendue, et d’établir une relation avec lui.
En commandant ce synaxaire, l’empereur plaçait sous sa
protection le culte des saints auquel il adhérait et dont l’ensemble
symbolisait son empire, enjoignant en même temps
les destinataires à les vénérer de leur côté, ce qui impliquait
un pèlerinage.
There is no doubt that Kherson was a Byzantine outpost and central site in Crimea. This function, which is reflected in religious, economic and military aspects, requires a critical evaluation and clarification. Although, in economic terms, Kherson was an important trading partner for the surrounding area, the main occupation of the city – the production of fish preserves – played no signifi cant role in its relationship with the surrounding countryside. Fish products have been produced for export since time immemorial and thus Kherson was an important centre of the fishing and salt industry, supplying markets in the southern Black Sea. The region surrounding the town was considered as an exploitable resource rather than an economic partner. Until the seventh century Kherson was the military and administrative centre of Byzantine Crimea.
Thereafter the city abruptly lost its importance, which it was unable to fully recover until the ninth century, when it became once again the seat of a strategos.
Kherson experienced a similar loss of importance as an ecclesiastical centre. A bishopric existed there since the end of the fourth century, and the city had a certain local and supra-regional significance
as a pilgrimage centre. At the beginning of the eighth century at the latest the bishopric lost a large portion of its diocese in south-western Crimea and it has never been able to recoup this loss.
Kherson’s role as a mediator and representative of the Byzantine Empire in Crimea and of the people of the North was of particular importance. This is why the city had an important structuring role to play in its political relations with the region of the Crimean Mountains until the beginning of the eighth century and again, but to a far lesser degree, in the tenth century. Th erefore, more than any other aspect, its contrived share in the centrality of Constantinople probably led to an exaggeration
of its imagined signifi cance, which was accepted by Constantinople, by its immediate neighbours and by the people of the North.
The story of the bloody, punitive campaign of Emperor Justinian II against the city of Cherson in 711 written by Theophanes and Nicephorus is a well-known part of Byzantine historiography and still repeated without further questioning as »historical truth« by modern authors. Yet the Byzantine compilers of universal chronicles who took up this account already understood it more as a way to characterise its protagonists Justinian II and Philippicus; those authors rewrote it to sharpen their image of the emperors. But that is not all that makes us doubt the reliability of this tale. Furthermore, there exists a largely ignored alternative narrative of the occurrences in Cherson, whose traces can be found, for example, in the chronicle of George the Monk. Here, Justinian II still had enough influential adherents in Constantinople who preferred his reign to that of Tiberius III. The Chersonitians, however, remained loyal to the ruling emperor. Mindful of their adherence to the »usurper«, Justinian sent a fleet against Cherson to nip in the bud a new coup by Philippicus. But the fleet defected to Philippicus, thus enabling him to seize power. This narrative is supported by the coeval Bede the Venerable and the Vita of Callinicus. It makes Justinian II look more like a statesman (though failed) than a ruler overcome by insanity.
does not differ substantially from that in classical Greek
antiquity or the Bible or in Latin Europe. There as here it is a
place of refuge, a supplier of firewood, timber, and of game.
Sometimes it is also perceived as a kind of locus amoenus.
A forest is a place of encounter between God and man,
either in a more monastic-spiritual manner in the wooded wilderness
of the anachorites or in direct confrontation as might
be the case with a saintly huntsman. But the forest is at the
same time a symbol for the absence of God and may appear
threatening. Yet here the forest image is more reduced than
in Latin Europe, i.e. the narrative range is significantly more
limited: Above all, there is no danger inherent in it, nor does
danger arise from it, even if sources mention a latent discomfort.
There may be robbers in Byzantine forests. Witches and
wizards, however, do not occur nor do other evil magical or
semi-magical beings.
More emphasis is however laid on the aspect of the forest
as a place of refuge. The relationship of Byzantine authors,
often from the capital, to the forest remains clearly more
distant than it is the case in Latin Europe. On the one hand
that can be explained by the specifically urban view of many
authors, but on the other hand it is also due to the character
and quality of the real forest in the Byzantine Empire.
Kievan Rus'. Rather it reveals that the compilers of the Povest 'vremennych and Ilarion thought positive of the figura of the Babylonian King Nebukadnezar that had although he was a pagan the gift of the knowledge of God. This reduces at the same time the importance of the mission from Byzantium in the eyes of Ilarion and the compiler of the PVL.
meaning of terms denoting positions. For example, until now it believed that protopolit Zoilus from Сherson was a high-ranking
member of the city government. But we do not think so. We conducted a study to prove that this term is used almost exclusively in the eastern Mediterranean, where, in fact, it happens. Based on this, we conclude that Zoilus was not a senior member of the municipal government. Most likely, he was the leader of the local Jewish community or Syrian. We are carrying out our findings to the scientific discussion.
second third of the 10th century. It begins with some particularly valuable specimens
that are probably related to Patriarch Theophylact. At the same time as Theophylact
issued a dogmatic reply to Tsar Peter I, in which the orthodox teaching about the Eucharist was sharpened and the cross was defended as a symbol of salvation, a paten
made from nearly pure gold and decorated merely by a cross and the words of institution was sent to the Bulgarian capital Preslav. This leads to the following hypotheses: 1) A confrontation with the dualist heresies believed to have been exterminated gave
an impetus to introduce a new inscription form for chalices and patens. 2) It was the
persistence of the heresy that gave rise to a new tradition.
The geographical location of the so-called Great Moravian Empire and the reasons for the mission of St Cyril and Methodius are repeatedly discussed. This essay attempts to make a new contribution to the discussion. Firstly, it attempts to identify the sources of De administrando imperio (the work that gave the name to ‘Great Moravia’, the ‘Megale Moravia’ / μεγάλη Μοραβία) and the parable of Svatopluk (Sphendoplokos / Σφενδοπλόκος) and his sons told there. Secondly, attention is drawn to the fact that St Constantine-Cyril not only - as is well known - carried the relics of St Clement of Rome with him, but was also a recognised expert on the writings of (Ps.) Dionysius Areopagita, who in the mid-9th century was believed by Franks and Byzantines alike to be identical with St Denis of Paris. This observation gives rise to reflections on the political purpose of the journey of the two brothers from Thessalonica to Moravia and on the role of ‘hard power’ and ‘soft power’ in Byzantine-Great Moravian relations.
Khan Selim II Giray. He wrote in the so-called political verses a dialogical report on his sojourn, which he enfolded in his huge Καθρέπτης γυναικών, i.e. “Women’s Mirror”. Dapontes was the first (early) modern Greek author, who made the Crimea accessible to the Greeks of his
time. He also raised awareness that this place was — though Tartarian — a truly Greek place, but without referring to the Greek antiquity and the Byzantine times. Since the work was very common, his portrayal of
the Crimea should not be without effect.
Dapontes wrote nothing remarkably new about the political situation in Crimea, but he made some information available for his compatriots. What is important are Dapontes' remarks about the monastery
landscape of rough beauty, which contrasts with the Arcadian riverside meadows, and about the Greek population living near Bakhchisarai.
– Hypotheses on the Role of the Synaxarion in the
Veneration of Sacred Places in Byzantium
The Synaxarion was, like the other hagiographic collections,
a means of cult propaganda. Unlike the menologia, with
their far fewer, but much more extensive vitae, it emphasised
the abundance of the Byzantine Empire’s saints. At the
same time, it served as a hagiographic reference work at a
time when – activated by the emperors but also motivated
by personal piety – more and more people were becoming
interested in hitherto lesser-known saints. With the Synaxarion,
the prerequisites were created first for virtually bringing
the empire into the city of Constantinople and making it
performatively tangible, but then also for travelling through
it beyond Constantinople on a spiritual pilgrimage, thereby
entering into a relationship with the empire by becoming
acquainted with its history and spatial extent.
By means of the Synaxarion he commissioned, the emperor
positioned himself at the vanguard of the cult of the
saints; at the same time, he placed himself under their protection,
who as a whole symbolised his empire and appealed
to the recipients to worship them as well, which included a
pilgrimage.
Le synaxaire de Constantinople: un guide du pèlerin?
Hypothèses sur le rôle du synaxaire dans la vénération
de lieux saints à Byzance
A l’instar d’autres collections hagiographiques, le synaxaire
était un outil de propagande cultuelle. Et contrairement aux
ménologes qui regroupent des vitae bien moins nombreuses,
mais plus détaillées, il met en évidence la profusion de saints
dans l’Empire byzantin. Il servait également d’ouvrage de référence
hagiographique à une époque où de plus en plus de
gens – certes poussés par les empereurs, mais aussi motivés
par leur piété personnelle – s’intéressaient à des saints encore
peu connus. Le synaxaire donnait la possibilité de transférer
l’Empire en ville de Constantinople et de le découvrir de façon
performative, puis d’entamer un pèlerinage spirituel à travers
l’Empire et, ce faisant, se familiariser avec son histoire et son
étendue, et d’établir une relation avec lui.
En commandant ce synaxaire, l’empereur plaçait sous sa
protection le culte des saints auquel il adhérait et dont l’ensemble
symbolisait son empire, enjoignant en même temps
les destinataires à les vénérer de leur côté, ce qui impliquait
un pèlerinage.
There is no doubt that Kherson was a Byzantine outpost and central site in Crimea. This function, which is reflected in religious, economic and military aspects, requires a critical evaluation and clarification. Although, in economic terms, Kherson was an important trading partner for the surrounding area, the main occupation of the city – the production of fish preserves – played no signifi cant role in its relationship with the surrounding countryside. Fish products have been produced for export since time immemorial and thus Kherson was an important centre of the fishing and salt industry, supplying markets in the southern Black Sea. The region surrounding the town was considered as an exploitable resource rather than an economic partner. Until the seventh century Kherson was the military and administrative centre of Byzantine Crimea.
Thereafter the city abruptly lost its importance, which it was unable to fully recover until the ninth century, when it became once again the seat of a strategos.
Kherson experienced a similar loss of importance as an ecclesiastical centre. A bishopric existed there since the end of the fourth century, and the city had a certain local and supra-regional significance
as a pilgrimage centre. At the beginning of the eighth century at the latest the bishopric lost a large portion of its diocese in south-western Crimea and it has never been able to recoup this loss.
Kherson’s role as a mediator and representative of the Byzantine Empire in Crimea and of the people of the North was of particular importance. This is why the city had an important structuring role to play in its political relations with the region of the Crimean Mountains until the beginning of the eighth century and again, but to a far lesser degree, in the tenth century. Th erefore, more than any other aspect, its contrived share in the centrality of Constantinople probably led to an exaggeration
of its imagined signifi cance, which was accepted by Constantinople, by its immediate neighbours and by the people of the North.
The story of the bloody, punitive campaign of Emperor Justinian II against the city of Cherson in 711 written by Theophanes and Nicephorus is a well-known part of Byzantine historiography and still repeated without further questioning as »historical truth« by modern authors. Yet the Byzantine compilers of universal chronicles who took up this account already understood it more as a way to characterise its protagonists Justinian II and Philippicus; those authors rewrote it to sharpen their image of the emperors. But that is not all that makes us doubt the reliability of this tale. Furthermore, there exists a largely ignored alternative narrative of the occurrences in Cherson, whose traces can be found, for example, in the chronicle of George the Monk. Here, Justinian II still had enough influential adherents in Constantinople who preferred his reign to that of Tiberius III. The Chersonitians, however, remained loyal to the ruling emperor. Mindful of their adherence to the »usurper«, Justinian sent a fleet against Cherson to nip in the bud a new coup by Philippicus. But the fleet defected to Philippicus, thus enabling him to seize power. This narrative is supported by the coeval Bede the Venerable and the Vita of Callinicus. It makes Justinian II look more like a statesman (though failed) than a ruler overcome by insanity.
does not differ substantially from that in classical Greek
antiquity or the Bible or in Latin Europe. There as here it is a
place of refuge, a supplier of firewood, timber, and of game.
Sometimes it is also perceived as a kind of locus amoenus.
A forest is a place of encounter between God and man,
either in a more monastic-spiritual manner in the wooded wilderness
of the anachorites or in direct confrontation as might
be the case with a saintly huntsman. But the forest is at the
same time a symbol for the absence of God and may appear
threatening. Yet here the forest image is more reduced than
in Latin Europe, i.e. the narrative range is significantly more
limited: Above all, there is no danger inherent in it, nor does
danger arise from it, even if sources mention a latent discomfort.
There may be robbers in Byzantine forests. Witches and
wizards, however, do not occur nor do other evil magical or
semi-magical beings.
More emphasis is however laid on the aspect of the forest
as a place of refuge. The relationship of Byzantine authors,
often from the capital, to the forest remains clearly more
distant than it is the case in Latin Europe. On the one hand
that can be explained by the specifically urban view of many
authors, but on the other hand it is also due to the character
and quality of the real forest in the Byzantine Empire.
Kievan Rus'. Rather it reveals that the compilers of the Povest 'vremennych and Ilarion thought positive of the figura of the Babylonian King Nebukadnezar that had although he was a pagan the gift of the knowledge of God. This reduces at the same time the importance of the mission from Byzantium in the eyes of Ilarion and the compiler of the PVL.
meaning of terms denoting positions. For example, until now it believed that protopolit Zoilus from Сherson was a high-ranking
member of the city government. But we do not think so. We conducted a study to prove that this term is used almost exclusively in the eastern Mediterranean, where, in fact, it happens. Based on this, we conclude that Zoilus was not a senior member of the municipal government. Most likely, he was the leader of the local Jewish community or Syrian. We are carrying out our findings to the scientific discussion.
Was den Schatz so wertvoll macht, ist jedoch nicht das Material, sondern die hohe Qualität der Verarbeitung, die exotische Schönheit einiger der Gefäße, vor allem aber die Tatsache, dass er eine einzigartige Quelle für die Erforschung von kulturellen Verbindungen zwischen der mediterranen Welt und den nomadischen Gesellschaften Eurasiens darstellt. Dazu hat das RGZM in Zusammenarbeit mit der Antikensammlung des Kunsthistorischen Museums 2010 in Wien eine Tagung veranstaltet, deren Ergebnisse in teils stark erweiterter Form hier vorgestellt werden. Die Artikel befassen sich mit allgemeinen Fragen zum gegenwärtigen Forschungsstand (Csanád Bálint), den Ergebnissen aus goldschmiedetechnischen Untersuchungen und Materialanalysen (Viktor Freiberger und Birgit Bühler), den möglichen Zusammenhängen zwischen dem Schatz und der sasanidischen Kultur (Ádám Bollók und Bruno Overlaet) und den Inschriften des Goldschatzes im byzantinischen Kontext (Stefan Albrecht).