Revue belge de Numismatique et de Sigillographie, CLIX, p. 151-186., Nov 29, 2013
Abstract – Belgian archaeologists have been excavating the Greco-Roman site of Apamea... more Abstract – Belgian archaeologists have been excavating the Greco-Roman site of Apamea on the Orontes since 1928. This article aims to publish 401 coins found during excavations between 2005 and 2010 and identified on the spot during the
summer 2010, that is to say the second largest sample of coins found in Apamea after the sample published by Jean-Pierre Callu in 1979. These coins are presented here in their archaeological context, a public building, the Tycheion, and the North-
East District, including a thermal establishment and a palaestra. Publishing those coins in their context should help precise the dating of some archaeological layers and, consequently, to specify periods of occupation of the buildings studied. The
issues raised by the presence of many backfills, halved and imitation coins are also discussed.
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Les monnaies de fouilles ne sont pas oubliées : elles viennent d’Apamée de Syrie (Chr. Lauwers et R. Margos) ou de Sagalassos (F. Stroobants).
C. Morrisson et F. de Callataÿ insistent finalement sur le caractère novateur des travaux d’Henri Pottier et leur enseignement pour les recherches à venir.
Unpublished masters' thesis in Art History and Archeology presented in June 2011 at the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB): "The importance of Syracuse in the sixth and fifth centuries BC gauged on the production and circulation of his coinage".
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summer 2010, that is to say the second largest sample of coins found in Apamea after the sample published by Jean-Pierre Callu in 1979. These coins are presented here in their archaeological context, a public building, the Tycheion, and the North-
East District, including a thermal establishment and a palaestra. Publishing those coins in their context should help precise the dating of some archaeological layers and, consequently, to specify periods of occupation of the buildings studied. The
issues raised by the presence of many backfills, halved and imitation coins are also discussed.
(2nd century BC - 5th century AD)
What is known about the monetary circulation and trade in Northern Gaul, from the period of Gallic Independence until the disappearance of the Roman Empire of the West? It appears that the use of coinage during trade, in commercial transactions, was a secondary function. Whether they were Gallic nobles or Roman emperors, usurpers or officials, the issuing
powers, that is to say the authorities who decided to strike and distribute currencies, were not
interested in trade and markets. They minted coinage only to pay their expenses. And these expenses
were always military first and foremost.The Gallic aristocrats sought to extend their power, and for this purpose they surrounded themselves with a numerous clientele of warriors and maintained alliances. It was for this purpose that they struck their heavy gold coins. The Roman emperors first struck money to pay for the legionaries, to build and maintain roads, harbours and fleets, enabling the legions to move rapidly from one border of the Empire to the other. But it was necessary that the recipients of the currencies could exchange it for the goods necessary for life: food, drinks, clothes, housing, heating... The circulation of coins could only lead to the monetisation of trade and, in the medium term, the establishment of structures allowing
such monetised exchanges, such as markets, and a division of labour between farmers, artisans and
merchants.
Les monnaies de fouilles ne sont pas oubliées : elles viennent d’Apamée de Syrie (Chr. Lauwers et R. Margos) ou de Sagalassos (F. Stroobants).
C. Morrisson et F. de Callataÿ insistent finalement sur le caractère novateur des travaux d’Henri Pottier et leur enseignement pour les recherches à venir.
Unpublished masters' thesis in Art History and Archeology presented in June 2011 at the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB): "The importance of Syracuse in the sixth and fifth centuries BC gauged on the production and circulation of his coinage".
summer 2010, that is to say the second largest sample of coins found in Apamea after the sample published by Jean-Pierre Callu in 1979. These coins are presented here in their archaeological context, a public building, the Tycheion, and the North-
East District, including a thermal establishment and a palaestra. Publishing those coins in their context should help precise the dating of some archaeological layers and, consequently, to specify periods of occupation of the buildings studied. The
issues raised by the presence of many backfills, halved and imitation coins are also discussed.
(2nd century BC - 5th century AD)
What is known about the monetary circulation and trade in Northern Gaul, from the period of Gallic Independence until the disappearance of the Roman Empire of the West? It appears that the use of coinage during trade, in commercial transactions, was a secondary function. Whether they were Gallic nobles or Roman emperors, usurpers or officials, the issuing
powers, that is to say the authorities who decided to strike and distribute currencies, were not
interested in trade and markets. They minted coinage only to pay their expenses. And these expenses
were always military first and foremost.The Gallic aristocrats sought to extend their power, and for this purpose they surrounded themselves with a numerous clientele of warriors and maintained alliances. It was for this purpose that they struck their heavy gold coins. The Roman emperors first struck money to pay for the legionaries, to build and maintain roads, harbours and fleets, enabling the legions to move rapidly from one border of the Empire to the other. But it was necessary that the recipients of the currencies could exchange it for the goods necessary for life: food, drinks, clothes, housing, heating... The circulation of coins could only lead to the monetisation of trade and, in the medium term, the establishment of structures allowing
such monetised exchanges, such as markets, and a division of labour between farmers, artisans and
merchants.
Je remercie François de Callataÿ qui une fois de plus, par ses judicieuses remarques, m'a évité de m'égarer dans ma quête de rigueur scientifique.
une monnaie en contexte peut être des tas de
choses : une offrande, une obole à Charon, une
indication chronologique, le témoin d’échanges
commerciaux ou du passage d’une armée, la
preuve de l’existence d’un dynaste inconnu par
ailleurs... Sans contexte, il ne faut que trente secondes
pour regarder le droit et le revers d’une
monnaie. Mais lorsque l’on prend conscience de
tout ce qu’une monnaie peut livrer d’Histoire,
lorsque l’on apprend à en détailler les représentations,
à en saisir le contexte tant archéologique
qu’historique, une monnaie ancienne n’est plus
un simple morceau de métal que l’on tient au
creux de la main, mais un fragment du passé, un
pont qui nous relie, à travers les âges, aux générations
disparues.
Toutes les illustrations se trouvent dans la version publiée par Koregos