Dogus Simsek

This article entails an overview and analysis of the location of forcibly displaced people (FDP)’s labour in the specific case of Gaziantep which is an export-based growth neoliberal city in Turkey. This, of course, necessitates a scrutinization of the location of the displaced and particularly FDP’s labour in interaction with class dynamics as well as the variegated legal regimes (carried out with actors of various scales) that shape this interaction. The fragmented legal geography of rights and the local and international institutional actors are crucial for understanding this interplay. Drawing on in-depth interviews with FDP in Gaziantep, the article aims to answer the questions of how different forms of displaced people are located in the labour market?; in what terms and conditions do FDP become part of the labour?; how are different discursive and institutional sources, including the presence of European institutions, pulled in? I focus on the experiences of FDP’s access to the labour market in Gaziantep and argue that a neoliberal approach of Gaziantep to their access to the labour market reshapes class and power dynamics between FDP.

In this chapter, I explore the conception of home and a sense of belonging in the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey. Recognizing the importance of the agency of refugees, I focus on the everyday lives of Syrian refugees in Turkey: how a sense of home emerges and how the role of migration policies shapes refugees’ sense of belonging and feelings of home. Drawing on a narrative methodology, I share the stories of four Syrian refugees who reside in urban areas; each comes from a different class, ethnic, gender, and religious background in Istanbul and were asked about their conception of “home” and sense of belonging in the context of forced migration. I argue that the meaning of home among Syrian refugees and their sense of belonging to the receiving society are articulated by the hierarchies of belonging that are intimately connected to class and which have not received much attention in the literature on forced migrants and belonging.

ABSTRACT This article focuses on the intersection of class and race in exploring Syrian refugees’ experiences of racism and the perceptions of the receiving society in Turkey. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Syrian refugees and the receiving society members who represent both low- and high-income profiles in Istanbul, Ankara, Gaziantep and Şanlıurfa, the article answers the question of whether racism is linked with class in Turkey. I argue that racism against Syrians in Turkey is driven not only by linguistic differences and supposed distinctions between cultural identities, but rather by the wealth and status of the refugees and those with whom they interact with in the receiving society. I further argue that these attitudes to class and race are, in Turkey, shaped by the neoliberal policies that deliberately favour the most prosperous and educated Syrian refugees.

This article focuses on the intersection of class and race in exploring Syrian refugees’ experiences of racism and the perceptions of the receiving society in Turkey. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Syrian refugees and the receiving society members who represent both low- and high-income profiles in Istanbul, Ankara, Gaziantep and Şanlıurfa, the article answers the question of whether racism is linked with class in Turkey. I argue that racism against Syrians in Turkey is driven not only by linguistic differences and supposed distinctions between cultural identities, but rather by the wealth and status of the refugees and those with whom they interact with in the receiving society. I further argue that these attitudes to class and race are, in Turkey, shaped by the neoliberal policies that deliberately favour the most prosperous and educated Syrian refugees.

JEL Kodları: H83, N45, N95 Özet Bu makale, Türkiye'deki mülteci entegrasyon süreçlerini incelemekte ve Türkiye'deki bütüncül bir mülteci entegrasyon projesine yönelik zorlukların ve olanakların kapsamlı bir değerlendirmesini yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Ayrıca, Suriyeli mültecilerin entegrasyonu için politika önerileri ortaya koymaya çalışmaktadır. Bu makalede, Suriyeli mültecilerin entegrasyon süreçlerinin başarılı olması için hak temelli politikalara ihtiyaç olduğu savunulmaktadır. Literatür taraması ve İstanbul'da bulunan 50 Suriyeli mülteci (25 kadın, 25 erkek) ile yüz yüze yapılan derinlemesine görüşmelere dayanan bu çalışma kapsamında İstanbul'da görüşülen Suriyeli mültecilere entegrasyonun onlar için ne ifade ettiği çalışma ve eğitim başta olmak üzere haklara erişim sürecindeki deneyimleri gibi konularda sorular sorulmuştur. Bu çalışma, Türkiye'de mülteci entegrasyonu alanına katkı sağlamayı, bu alandaki boşluğunu doldurmayı hedeflemiştir. Bu makalede, Türkiye'nin göç politikalarının Suriyeli mültecilerin entegrasyon süreçlerine etkisi, saha çalışması sonucunda elde edilen bulgular kapsamında incelemekte ve Türkiye'nin bütüncül bir mülteci entegrasyon politikasına sahip olması için öneriler sunmaktadır. Araştırma bulguları, Türkiye'deki Suriyeli mültecilerin temel haklara erişimde önemli zorluklar yaşadıklarını göstermiştir Abstract This article examines the processes of refugee integration in Turkey and aims to provide a comprehensive assessment of the challenges and opportunities to a holistic refugee integration scheme in Turkey. It also tries to put forward policy recommendations for better harmonization of Syrians in Turkish communities. The data presented in this article consists of 50 (25 female, 25 male) semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with Syrian refugees in Istanbul. The questions were asked to Syrian refugees include what integration means to them, their experience in the process of access to rights, particularly in work and education. In line with a comprehensive literature review and a qualitative research, this article aims to fill the gaps in the literature on refugee integration in Turkey and offers policy recommendations. In this article, the effects of Turkey's immigration policy on the integration processes of Syrian refugees are examined in line with the research findings and policy recommendations are presented in order for Turkey to have a holistic integration policy. It is argued that rights-based approach is needed for a successful integration processes Syrian refugees. Findings suggest that Syrian refugees experience difficulties in accessing the fundamental rights.

2000’li yılların başından itibaren literatürde entegrasyon ve ulusötesi göç arasındaki kesişmelere artan bir ilgi vardır (Erdal, 2013; Faist, 2013; Kivisto, 2003; Levitt, DeWind & Vertovec, 2003). Faist (2013) entegrasyon ve ulusötesi göçün birbiriyle ilişkili kavramlar olarak görülmesi gerektiğini öne
sürmekte ve ulusötesi aktiviteleri de entegrasyona alternatif bir model olarak tanımlamaktadır. Bu makalede, İstanbul’daki Afrikalı göçmenlerin entegrasyon süreçlerine ve stratejilerine odaklanılarak, ulusötesi sosyal alanların entegrasyon süreçlerine etkisi incelenmektedir.1990’lı yılların sonlarından bu yana Türkiye, Sahra-altı Afrika’nın çeşitli ülkelerinden gelen göçmenler için hem bir geçiş ülkesi hem de yerleşim yeri haline gelmiştir. Avrupa’ya göç etme amacıyla Türkiye’ye gelen Afrikalı göçmenlerin çoğu amaçlarını gerçekleştiremeyip uzun yıllar boyunca Türkiye’de yaşamaktadır. Afrika’nın farklı ülkelerinden gelen Afrikalı göçmenlerin göçmen statüleri de farklılık göstermektedir. Türkiye’de ikamet eden Afrikalı göçmenler sığınmacı, kısa süreli vizesi olanlar, çalışma veya öğrenci vizesine sahip olanlar ve yasal olarak ülkeye giriş yapmış ancak vizelerini yenilememiş olan belgesiz göçmenler gibi farklı göçmen statülerine sahiptirler. Bazı Afrikalı göçmenler altı aydır Türkiye’de bulunurken diğerleri on yıl ya da daha uzun süre Türkiye’de yaşamaktadır. Türkiye’de bulundukları süre içinde oluşturdukları sosyo-kültürel ve ekonomik alanlar ülkeleri ile bağlarının devamını sağlamaktadır.Bu çalışmada, İstanbul’da yaşayan Afrikalı göçmenlerin oluşturdukları ulusötesi sosyal alanların entegrasyon süreçlerine etkisi 40 Afrikalı göçmen ile derinlemesine yüz yüze görüşmeler yapılarak elde edilen bulgular çerçevesinde açıklanmıştır ve ulusötesi sosyal alanların entegrasyon süreçlerini hızlandırdığı savunulmuştur.

Bu makale, İstanbul'daki Afrikalı göçmenlerin deneyimleri üzerinden
'gündelik ırkçılık' kavramına odaklanarak ırkçılığın gündelik pratikler
bağlamında nasıl oluşturulduğunu, güçlendirildiğini ve gündelik ırkçılığın
İstanbul’da Afrikalı göçmenlerin yaşamlarına etkilerini incelemeyi
amaçlamaktadır. Etnografik saha çalışması kapsamında İstanbul’da
yaşayan 50 Afrikalı göçmen ile derinlemesine yüz yüze görüşmeler
yapılarak Afrikalı göçmenlerin “gündelik ırkçılık” deneyimleri ve
yaşamlarına olası etkileri araştırılmıştır. Bu çalışmada, “gündelik ırkçılığın”,
gruplar arasındaki güç ilişkilerinde kendisini gösterdiği ve yapısal
eşitsizliklerin, gündelik deneyimler ve etkileşimler yoluyla pekiştirildiği
savunulmaktadır.

Bu makale, mülteci entegrasyonunu göç politikaları ve sosyal sınıf bağlamında Türkiye' deki Suriyeli mülteciler örneği üzerinden, İstanbul, İzmir, Gaziantep ve Hatay' da 2016 Ocak ve Aralık ayları arasında 80 Suriyeli mülteci ile gerçekleştirilen yarı yapılandırılmış yüz yüze derinlemesine görüşmeler sonucunda elde edilen veriler çerçevesinde, açıklamaktadır. Suriye' den komşu ülkelere ve sonra Avrupa'ya gerçekleşen kitle göçü, İkinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan bu yana yaşanan en büyük göç hareketidir. 3,5 milyondan fazla Suriyeli mülteci barındıran Türkiye, dünyada en fazla Suriyeli mülteci kabul eden ülke olmuştur. Türkiye' deki Suriyelilerin yüzde 94'ü kamp dışında ikamet etmektedir. Suriye' den Türkiye'ye göçün devam ettiği ilk yıllarda Suriyeliler için 'misafir' tanımlanması yapılmıştır, Nisan 2014' de çıkan Yabancılar ve Uluslararası Koruma Kanunu ile Suriyelilerin statüsü 'Geçici Koruma' altındaki kişiler olarak tanımlanarak Suriyelilere ülkelerindeki çatışma ortamı bitene kadar Türkiye' de kalma hakkı, geri gönderilmeme, sağlık, eğitim, çalışma, sosyal yardım hakları sağlanmıştır. 2016 yılı Temmuz ayı itibariyle Suriyelilere sağlanan vatandaş olma hakkı entegrasyon süreçleri için olumlu bir gelişme olmuştur. Bu makalede, işgücü piyasasına, eğitim ve sağlık haklarına erişim ve vatandaşlık konusunda entegrasyon politikalarının kademeli olarak gelişmesine rağmen, tüm Suriyelilerin bu haklara eşit şekilde erişemediği ve bu eşitsizliğin sosyal sınıf odaklı olduğu araştırma verileri ile desteklenmiştir.

This article explores the intersections between economic resources of refugees and integration. It measures processes of adaptation of Syrians by focusing on the legal-political and socioeconomic dimensions of integration. The focus of my analysis of the situations of Syrian refugees in Turkey is on class and related to financial resources that help Syrians to reach a kind of stability and security to those who lack rights. The key theoretical undertaking of this article is an attempt to develop the concept of 'class-based integration'. The data consists of 120 semi-structured interviews conducted with Syrian refugees in Istanbul, Ankara and Gaziantep. I argue that Syrian refugees in Turkey go through 'class-based integration', which is in favour of refugees who do investments and who are skilled and leaves out refugees who are unskilled and do not have economic resources to invest in the receiving country from the integration processes. The article also shows that having economic resources could also support the construction of social bridges with members of the receiving society and overcoming the legal barriers to integration.

This article focuses on transnational activities of Syrian refugees in Turkey examining the relationship between such activities and integration. The main research question addressed in this article is whether involvement in transnational activities hinders or supports the integration processes of Syrian refugees in Turkey, by drawing upon fieldwork in Istanbul, Ankara, Hatay and Gaziantep. I argue that Syrian refugees perceive integration as a survival mechanism and use transnational activities as a strategy for adapting to a new society, especially when they are faced with insecure legal status and a lack of access to rights in the receiving country. This study contributes to the literature on refugee transnationalism and integration by focusing on the refugees' perceptions of on integration processes and addressing the question of survival.

Turkey has taken a number of steps including regulations granting
approximately three million Syrian refugees with the guarantee of nonrefoulement, access to basic humanitarian services, and the right to access education, health services and the labour market. The Turkish government’s policy position on the Syrian refugees has gradually begun
evolving from ‘hospitality’ to ‘integration’. The Statement between the EU and Turkey has raised concerns about the assumption of Turkey as a “safe third country” to return refugees to, however, one aspect of the agreement, which focuses on the EU’s financial support to improve the situation
of Syrian refugees in Turkey, is considered as an important positive step towards the integration of Syrians. This paper aims to address the question of whether Turkey can be considered as a “safe third country” for Syrian refugees. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in İstanbul, İzmir and Gaziantep, this paper focuses on the experiences of Syrian refugees in Turkey to explore whether Turkey can be recognized as a “safe third country” for refugees.

Turkey began to receive refugees from Syria in 2011 and has since become the country hosting the highest number of refugees, with more than 3.5 million Syrians and half a million people of other nationalities, mainly from Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran. An important turning point regarding the legal status of Syrian refugees has come with recent amendments to the Turkish citizenship law. Based on ongoing academic debates on integration and citizenship, this article will explore these two concepts in the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey. We will argue that the shift in the Turkish citizenship law is a direct outcome of recent migration flows. We further argue that the citizenship option is used both as a reward for skilled migrants with economic and cultural capital and as a tool to integrate the rest of the Syrians. It also reflects other social, political and demographic concerns of the Turkish government. Using our recent ethnographic study with Syrians and local populations in two main refugee hosting cities in Turkey, Istanbul and Gaziantep, we will locate the successes and weaknesses of this strategy by exemplifying the views of Syrian refugees on gaining Turkish citizenship and the reactions of Turkish nationals.

The Syrian migration is the second-largest mass movement of people in the world's history that causes almost half of the Syrian population to be displaced since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in March 2011; half of the population affected by the Syrian conflict are children. Syrian children still face many barriers to attending schools in Turkey. Among 3,5 million Syrian refugees in Turkey, 835.000 of them are of school age, and 463.000 attend public schools and TECs. This paper focuses on the state of Syrian refugee children in accessing education in Turkey, one that - I argue - both determines and is determined by the level of integration of the Syrian refugee community. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Istanbul and the border cities including Gaziantep, Sanliurfa, Hatay, Kilis and Mardin, this paper aims to contribute to the literature on integration of refugees by exploring the effects of Turkey's integration policy on the lives of Syrian refugees and Syrian refugee children and discussing what needs to be done and how the integration of refugees and their children should be achieved in Turkey.

This study is the first comprehensive study intending to provide to the interested Turkish readers
a general introduction about the idea of integration of migrants and refugees, which has been
so far an untouched issue in Turkish public debate. It also aims to provide to the non-Turkish
readers that although the concept of integration is still not an unliked, popular term, there are
several legislative instruments, administrative mechanisms and social initiatives that helps the
survival of millions refugees in Turkey.

n the past, refugee status was considered a short-term consequence of conflict. However, as observed in the cases of refugees from Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, protracted refugee situations have become the norm rather than the exception.[1] This shift has forced related actors to develop new strategies to cope with the challenges of protracted refugee situations. It is within this context that the presence of refugees, particularly the Syrians in Turkey, is likely to be a medium to long-term situation requiring plans relevant to this time frame as well as recognition of the long-term economic, social, and political responsibility of supporting these refugees.[2] Therefore, dealing with refugees in Turkey at the present time is not a question of halting the influx of refugees and reversing their movement, but requires practical measures aimed at providing them with better settlement and integration opportunities.[3] The integration of refugees is a multifaceted process, so any assessment must be complex. This article focuses on the question of how the Turkish asylum regime has tended to respond to the issues of Syrian refugee integration by creating some new legal and administrative tools over the last few years.

Ülkelerindeki savaş, zulüm, etnik çatışma ya da başka nedenlerde milyonlarca insan başka ülkelere göç etmek zorunda kalıyor. Uluslararası göçlerle birlikte, mültecilerin korunması, sığınma politikaları ve göç etmek zorunda kalan insanların yaşam koşulları, dünyanın en karmaşık sorunlarından biri haline geliyor.

Many children of migrants grow up in the context of transnationalism which builds connections across the country of origin and country of settlement. In the case of Turkish and Kurdish youth living in London, transnational relations – more specifically their relations to the country of origin, the city of settlement and local neighbouring- are constructed through their everyday life experiences. In this article, I discuss the ways in which the engagement of Turkish and Kurdish youth with these three locales influences the definition of their sense of self and belongingness to the country of origin and the country of settlement.