Memory for events is not always veridical. Sometimes a characteristic of an episode is recalled e... more Memory for events is not always veridical. Sometimes a characteristic of an episode is recalled even though it was experienced in a different context, or sometimes even when the information was never experienced at all. Age-related increases in memory distortions and illusions have been reported across a wide set of experimental paradigms (e.g.,
Younger and older adults (mean years 5 20.5 and 75) studied lists of associated words for a final... more Younger and older adults (mean years 5 20.5 and 75) studied lists of associated words for a final recognition test. The length (5, 10, or 15 associates) and modality (auditory or visual) of study lists were manipulated within subjects. For both groups, increasing the number of associates increased illusory recollections of a related lure's presentation (measured by source judgments and the Memory Characteristics Questionnaire). This pattern suggests that associative activation of the lure influenced illusory recollection, and aging spared this process. In contrast, age impaired the recollection of source for studied words (auditory or visual) and had identical effects on source attributions for related lures. This pattern suggests that the true recollection of source influenced illusory recollection of source, and age impaired this process. To account for these and other results, we propose that associative activation drives an attribution process that binds subjectively detailed features to a false memory.
Expanding retrieval practice refers to the idea that gradually increasing the spacing interval be... more Expanding retrieval practice refers to the idea that gradually increasing the spacing interval between repeated tests ought to promote optimal long-term retention. Belief in the superiority of this technique is widespread, but empirical support is scarce. In addition, virtually all research on expanding retrieval has examined the learning of word pairs in paired-associate tasks. We report two experiments in which we examined the learning of text materials with expanding and equally spaced retrieval practice schedules. Subjects studied brief texts and recalled them in an initial learning phase. We manipulated the spacing of the repeated recall tests and examined final recall 1 week later. Overall we found that (1) repeated testing enhanced retention more than did taking a single test, (2) testing with feedback (restudying the passages) produced better retention than testing without feedback, but most importantly (3) there were no differences between expanding and equally spaced schedules of retrieval practice. Repeated retrieval enhanced long-term retention, but how the repeated tests were spaced did not matter.
Presentation of only some category names as retrieval cues following presentation of a categorize... more Presentation of only some category names as retrieval cues following presentation of a categorized list enhanced recall of the cued categories relative to free recall, but reduced recall of the noncued categories (Experiment 1). This recall interference from recall of cued categories increased with the number of category names presented (Experiment 2), and was not due merely to delaying the subject with an interfering interpolated task (Experiment 3). The results argue against theories assuming that categories are recalled via associations from previously recalled categories. Rather, the results suggest that recall of categories acts in a manner to limit recall of additional categories, in agreement with the characterization of recall as a sampling-withreplacement process as described by Rundus.
Recent research in the eyewitness identification literature has investigated whether simultaneous... more Recent research in the eyewitness identification literature has investigated whether simultaneous or sequential lineups yield better discriminability. In standard eyewitness identification experiments, subjects view a mock-crime video and then are tested only once, requiring large samples for adequate power. However, there is no reason why theories of simultaneous versus sequential lineup performance cannot be tested using more traditional recognition memory tasks. In two experiments, subjects studied DRM (Deese-Roediger-McDermott) word lists (e.g., bed, rest, tired, ...) and were tested using "lineups" in which six words were presented either simultaneously or sequentially. A studied word (e.g., tired) served as the guilty suspect in target-present lineups, unstudied related words (e.g., nap) served as fillers in target-present and target-absent lineups, and critical lures (e.g., sleep) were included in some target-present and target-absent lineups as well, to serve as attractive alternatives to the target word (or suspect). ROC analyses showed that the simultaneous test format generally yielded superior discriminability performance compared to the sequential test format, whether or not the critical lure was present in the lineup.
Cognitive Research: Principles and Implications, Nov 7, 2018
Police departments often use verbal confidence measures (highly confident, somewhat confident) wi... more Police departments often use verbal confidence measures (highly confident, somewhat confident) with a small number of values, whereas psychologists measuring the confidence-accuracy relationship typically use numeric scales with a large range of values (20-point or 100-point scales). We compared verbal and verbal + numeric confidence scales for two different lineups, using either two or four levels of confidence. We found strong confidence-accuracy relationships that were unaffected by the nature of the scale at the highest level of confidence. High confidence corresponded to high accuracy with both two-and four-level scales, and the scale type (verbal only or verbal + numeric) did not matter. Police using a simple scale of "highly confident" and "somewhat confident" can, according to our results, rest assured that high confidence indicates high accuracy on a first identification from a lineup. In addition, our two lineups differed greatly in difficulty, yet the confidenceaccuracy relationship was quite strong for both lineups, although somewhat lower for the more difficult lineup.
We investigated source misattributions in the DRM false memory paradigm (Deese, 1959, Roediger & ... more We investigated source misattributions in the DRM false memory paradigm (Deese, 1959, Roediger & McDermott, 1995). Subjects studied words in one of two voices, manipulated between-lists (pure-voice lists) or within-list (mixed-voice lists), and were subsequently given a recognition test with voice-attribution judgements. Experiments 1 and 2 used visual tests. With pure-voice lists (Experiment 1), subjects frequently attributed related lures to the corresponding study voice, despite having the option to not respond. Further, these erroneous attributions remained high with mixed-voice lists (Experiment 2). Thus, even when their related lists were not associated with a particular voice, subjects misattributed the lures to one of the voices. Attributions for studied items were fairly accurate in both cases. Experiments 3 and 4 used auditory tests. With pure-voice lists (Experiment 3), subjects frequently attributed related lures and studied items to the corresponding study voice, regardless of the test voice. In contrast, with mixed-voice lists (Experiment 4), subjects frequently attributed related lures and studied items to the corresponding test voice, regardless of the study voice. These findings indicate that source attributions can be sensitive to voice information provided either at study or at test, even though this information is irrelevant for related lures. In the present study, we investigated subjects' phenomenological experience during both true and false recognition in the DRM paradigm (Deese, 1959; Roediger & McDermott, 1995). In this paradigm, subjects encode lists of related words (e.g., hill, valley, climb), and interest lies in the high tendency to falsely recall and recognise a word (e.g., mountain) that was not studied but that is related to the studied words. Unlike other types of laboratoryinduced false memories, these false memories are subjectively compelling, as indexed by "remember/know" judgements and other methodologies (see Roediger, McDermott, & Robinson, 1998, and Lampinen, Neuschatz, & Payne, 1998, for early reviews). To investigate this illusory phenomenology, we examined subjects' source attributions to nonpresented but related lures (e.g., mountain) when the lists were presented using two voices. Previous research on recognition memory has demonstrated that listeners are good at remembering not only the specific words that are presented to them during study but also the physical attributes of the voice of presentation (Fisher & Cuervo, 1983; Palmeri, Goldinger & Pisoni, 1993). This outcome suggests that memory representations for spoken words
Society for Research on Educational Effectiveness, 2010
Limit 5 pages single spaced. Background/context: Description of prior research, its intellectual ... more Limit 5 pages single spaced. Background/context: Description of prior research, its intellectual context and its policy context.
People tend to overclaim historical influence for their own ingroup, in a phenomenon called ingro... more People tend to overclaim historical influence for their own ingroup, in a phenomenon called ingroup inflation. Although this overclaiming has been empirically demonstrated in the USA and other nations, the cognitive mechanisms underlying it have been largely conjectural. We test one such proposed mechanism: the application of the availability heuristic to a biased collective memory. Collective memories in the psychological sense are shared memories held individually by members of a group that pertain to their group identity. Using measures of retrieval fluency, we show that asymmetrical accessibility for collective memories favoring ingroupversus outgrouprelevant historical events is correlated with overclaiming, and that reducing this asymmetry through targeted retrieval of outgroup-relevant events reduces overclaiming (Experiments 1 and 2). We also suggest that ingroup inflation arises because of retrieval fluency per se, rather than more stable asymmetries in knowledge or eventspecific judgments of importance (Experiment 3). Together, these studies suggest some cognitive bases of collective overclaiming and cognitive interventions that might attenuate these biased judgments.
In 1957 Irvin Rock published an article in the American Journal of Psychology igniting a controve... more In 1957 Irvin Rock published an article in the American Journal of Psychology igniting a controversy that dominated the field of verbal learning for the next 8 years before mostly burning out. Rock published 2 paired-associate learning experiments in which he compared performance of a control group that learned a constant list of pairs to the criterion of one perfect trial with an experimental group in which forgotten pairs on each trial were dropped and replaced on the next trial with new pairs. That is, on each trial for experimental subjects, pairs that were correctly recalled were maintained in the next trial, whereas pairs that were not recalled were dropped and replaced randomly with new pairs from a large pool. Surprisingly, Rock found that the 2 groups took the same number of trials to reach criterion. He concluded that learning occurred not with a gradual, incremental increase in strength of memory traces but rather in an all-or-none fashion. Rock's conclusions rocked the world of verbal learning, because all theories followed a gradualist assumption. However, Estes (1960) published research that led him to the same conclusion shortly thereafter. We recount these developments and discuss how the verbal learning establishment rose up to smite down these new ideas, with particular ferocity directed at Rock. Echoing G. A. Miller (1963), we conclude with a note of sympathy for Rock's and Estes's positions and muse about why their work was so summarily dismissed. The important question they raised-the nature of how associations are learned-remains unanswered. In 1957, Ghana obtained its independence, the Soviet Union launched Sputnik 2, the Wham-0 Company produced the first Frisbee, and the Ford Motor Company produced the Edsel (on what the company proclaimed was E-Day a takeoff on D-Day 13 years earlier). The Edsel was going to make a splash, the Ford marketing people thought, and it did-just not the kind desired. Meanwhile, in the world of experimental psychology, the American Journal of Psychology launched a rocket of its own, an article by Irvin Rock titled "The Role of Repetition in Associative Learning" in that same year. Rock declared independence from old ways of thinking about learning as a function of repetition, and his article received a warm reaction. Depending on one's point of view, it soared like Sputnik, fluttered like a Frisbee, or flopped like the Edsel (a car whose production became synonymous with failure for the next 30
The act of retrieving information modifies memory in critical ways. In particular, testing-effect... more The act of retrieving information modifies memory in critical ways. In particular, testing-effect studies have demonstrated that retrieval practice (compared to restudy or to no testing) benefits long-term retention and protects from retroactive interference. Although such testing effects have previously been demonstrated in both between-and within-subjects manipulations of retrieval practice, it is less clear whether one or the other testing format is most beneficial on a final test. In two paired-associate learning experiments conducted under typical testing-effect conditions, we manipulated restudy and test trials using either blocked or mixed practice conditions while equating other factors. Retrieval-practice and restudy trials were presented either separately in different blocks (blocked practice) or randomly intermixed (mixed practice). In Experiment 1, recall was assessed after short and long delay intervals; in Experiment 2, the final memory test occurred after a short delay, but with or without an interfering activity before the final test. In both experiments, typical testing effects emerged, and critically, they were found to be unaffected by practice format. These results support the conclusion that testing effects are robust and emerge to equal extents in both blocked and mixed designs. The generality of testing effects further encourages the application of retrieval practice as a memory enhancer in a variety of contexts, including education.
Experiments 2 and 3 were conducted at the University of Toronto. where the first author was a Vis... more Experiments 2 and 3 were conducted at the University of Toronto. where the first author was a Visiting Associate Professor and the second author was an undergraduate student. We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of M. Ellen McIntosh in conducting Experiment 1. Requests for reprints may be sent to
In 1985 Tulving introduced the remember-know procedure, whereby subjects are asked to distinguish... more In 1985 Tulving introduced the remember-know procedure, whereby subjects are asked to distinguish between memories that involve retrieval of contextual details (remembering) and memories that do not (knowing). Several studies have been reported showing age-related declines in remember hits, which has typically been interpreted as supporting dual-process theories of cognitive aging that align remembering with a recollection process and knowing with a familiarity process. Less attention has been paid to remember false alarms, or their relation to age. We reviewed the literature examining aging and remember/know judgments and show that age-related increases in remember false alarms, i.e., false remembering, are as reliable as age-related decreases in remember hits, i.e., veridical remembering. Moreover, a meta-analysis showed that the age effect size for remember hits and false alarms are similar, and larger than age effects on know hits and false alarms. We also show that the neuropsychological correlates of remember hits and false alarms differ. Neuropsychological tests of medial-temporal lobe functioning were related to remember hits, but tests of frontal-lobe functioning and age were not. By contrast, age and frontal-lobe functioning predicted unique variance in remember false alarms, but MTL functioning did not. We discuss various explanations for these findings and conclude that any comprehensive explanation of recollective experience will need to account for the processes underlying both remember hits and false alarms.
Testing is ubiquitous in education. Tests are used to hold schools accountable for their students... more Testing is ubiquitous in education. Tests are used to hold schools accountable for their students' progress and to monitor the advancement (or lack thereof) of individual students. Recent policy shifts such as No Child Left Behind have added to a zeitgeist of testing, albeit one that is controversial. In policy and in educational research, tests are viewed as tools for measuring students' mastery of skills and knowledge. Research questions and practical concerns revolve around the fairness of the tests and whether the tests are measuring the qualities they are supposed to assess. Although issues of test content, scoring, and bias are important, the emphasis on testing as assessment can lead to the presumption that tests measure a student's knowledge without affecting that knowledge. In fact, however, research conducted in both experimental and educational settings demonstrates that tests not only measure what is learned, but also alter the nature and accessibility of students' knowledge (e.g., Roediger & Karpicke, 2006b; Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2001). Our focus in the present review is on multiple-choice tests, the most common format of objective tests. Multiplechoice tests are popular with educators because of the ease and perceived objectivity of grading them. The question here is how taking a multiple-choice test may change students' knowledge.
APPENDIX A Materials for Experiments 1 and 2 96 Critical Items Object items: sharpen the pencil, ... more APPENDIX A Materials for Experiments 1 and 2 96 Critical Items Object items: sharpen the pencil, stretch the rubber band, flip the coin, put the match in the box, fold the piece of paper, unzip the zipper, bounce the ball, draw a circle on the paper, color the star, put on the ring, break the toothpick, play the drums with the pencils, open the book, shake the bottle, put the card in the envelope, put on the hat, crumple the plastic, turn the paper 90 degrees, stack the checkers, tie a knot in the string, sign your name on the paper, lift the stamp with the tweezers, pick up the chalk, put the top on the jar, flatten the clay, smell the flower, remove a tissue, stir the water in the cup, roll the pen on the table, slap the jack, look in the mirror, make the twist tie into a "Y," ring the bell, read the time on the watch, put the marble in the cup, light the lighter, roll the dice, look through the magnifying glass, measure your middle finger with the ruler, push the toy car, put your hand in the bag, cut the cloth with the scissors, cut the cards, take the lid off the box, knock on the table, fasten the safety pin, lift the stapler, stick the pins in the cushion. Nonobject items: cross your fingers, flex your arm, roll your eyes, point to your ankle, yawn, fake a sneeze, cross and uncross your legs, repeat 5914, rest your head in your hands, snap your fingers, shrug your shoulders, state your name, scratch your nose, clear your throat, turn around in a circle, add 2 + 3, blink three times, cough twice, cup your hand over your ear, stand up and then sit down, rub your eyes, nod in agreement, look up toward the ceiling, bite your lip, tug your earlobe, salute, tap your wrist, point to your mouth, stretch your legs, count to twenty, fold your arms, count the fingers on one hand, take a very deep breath, slap your thigh, wave goodbye , touch your knees, clasp your hands together, smooth your hair in the back, touch your ear to your shoulder, raise your arms, make a tight fist, clap your IMAGINATION INFLATION 33 hands, spell COLD, make binoculars with your hands, touch your elbow with your thumb, draw a stick man in the air, shake your head back and forth, lift your left foot. 40 Filler Items close the purse, file your nails, open the knife, point to the picture, knock the walnuts together, polish the silver cup, press the button, put on the thimble, read the flash card, name the objects in the picture, button the shirt button, pat the toy dog, spin the top, open the can, shake the rattle, fold the napkin, smell the candle, tear the paper, pick up the paper clips, laugh, play the piano on the desk, tilt back in the chair, name the street you live on, name four colors, blow a kiss, blow in the air, stick out your tongue, make a sad face, lean over forward, point your toes in front, look under the table, rub your stomach, furrow your eyebrows, crack your knuckles, pinch your forearm, lick your lips, stretch up toward the ceiling, touch your cheek, touch your toes, smile.
clicking here. colleagues, clients, or customers by , you can order high-quality copies for your ... more clicking here. colleagues, clients, or customers by , you can order high-quality copies for your If you wish to distribute this article to others here. following the guidelines can be obtained by Permission to republish or repurpose articles or portions of articles
Memory for events is not always veridical. Sometimes a characteristic of an episode is recalled e... more Memory for events is not always veridical. Sometimes a characteristic of an episode is recalled even though it was experienced in a different context, or sometimes even when the information was never experienced at all. Age-related increases in memory distortions and illusions have been reported across a wide set of experimental paradigms (e.g.,
Younger and older adults (mean years 5 20.5 and 75) studied lists of associated words for a final... more Younger and older adults (mean years 5 20.5 and 75) studied lists of associated words for a final recognition test. The length (5, 10, or 15 associates) and modality (auditory or visual) of study lists were manipulated within subjects. For both groups, increasing the number of associates increased illusory recollections of a related lure's presentation (measured by source judgments and the Memory Characteristics Questionnaire). This pattern suggests that associative activation of the lure influenced illusory recollection, and aging spared this process. In contrast, age impaired the recollection of source for studied words (auditory or visual) and had identical effects on source attributions for related lures. This pattern suggests that the true recollection of source influenced illusory recollection of source, and age impaired this process. To account for these and other results, we propose that associative activation drives an attribution process that binds subjectively detailed features to a false memory.
Expanding retrieval practice refers to the idea that gradually increasing the spacing interval be... more Expanding retrieval practice refers to the idea that gradually increasing the spacing interval between repeated tests ought to promote optimal long-term retention. Belief in the superiority of this technique is widespread, but empirical support is scarce. In addition, virtually all research on expanding retrieval has examined the learning of word pairs in paired-associate tasks. We report two experiments in which we examined the learning of text materials with expanding and equally spaced retrieval practice schedules. Subjects studied brief texts and recalled them in an initial learning phase. We manipulated the spacing of the repeated recall tests and examined final recall 1 week later. Overall we found that (1) repeated testing enhanced retention more than did taking a single test, (2) testing with feedback (restudying the passages) produced better retention than testing without feedback, but most importantly (3) there were no differences between expanding and equally spaced schedules of retrieval practice. Repeated retrieval enhanced long-term retention, but how the repeated tests were spaced did not matter.
Presentation of only some category names as retrieval cues following presentation of a categorize... more Presentation of only some category names as retrieval cues following presentation of a categorized list enhanced recall of the cued categories relative to free recall, but reduced recall of the noncued categories (Experiment 1). This recall interference from recall of cued categories increased with the number of category names presented (Experiment 2), and was not due merely to delaying the subject with an interfering interpolated task (Experiment 3). The results argue against theories assuming that categories are recalled via associations from previously recalled categories. Rather, the results suggest that recall of categories acts in a manner to limit recall of additional categories, in agreement with the characterization of recall as a sampling-withreplacement process as described by Rundus.
Recent research in the eyewitness identification literature has investigated whether simultaneous... more Recent research in the eyewitness identification literature has investigated whether simultaneous or sequential lineups yield better discriminability. In standard eyewitness identification experiments, subjects view a mock-crime video and then are tested only once, requiring large samples for adequate power. However, there is no reason why theories of simultaneous versus sequential lineup performance cannot be tested using more traditional recognition memory tasks. In two experiments, subjects studied DRM (Deese-Roediger-McDermott) word lists (e.g., bed, rest, tired, ...) and were tested using "lineups" in which six words were presented either simultaneously or sequentially. A studied word (e.g., tired) served as the guilty suspect in target-present lineups, unstudied related words (e.g., nap) served as fillers in target-present and target-absent lineups, and critical lures (e.g., sleep) were included in some target-present and target-absent lineups as well, to serve as attractive alternatives to the target word (or suspect). ROC analyses showed that the simultaneous test format generally yielded superior discriminability performance compared to the sequential test format, whether or not the critical lure was present in the lineup.
Cognitive Research: Principles and Implications, Nov 7, 2018
Police departments often use verbal confidence measures (highly confident, somewhat confident) wi... more Police departments often use verbal confidence measures (highly confident, somewhat confident) with a small number of values, whereas psychologists measuring the confidence-accuracy relationship typically use numeric scales with a large range of values (20-point or 100-point scales). We compared verbal and verbal + numeric confidence scales for two different lineups, using either two or four levels of confidence. We found strong confidence-accuracy relationships that were unaffected by the nature of the scale at the highest level of confidence. High confidence corresponded to high accuracy with both two-and four-level scales, and the scale type (verbal only or verbal + numeric) did not matter. Police using a simple scale of "highly confident" and "somewhat confident" can, according to our results, rest assured that high confidence indicates high accuracy on a first identification from a lineup. In addition, our two lineups differed greatly in difficulty, yet the confidenceaccuracy relationship was quite strong for both lineups, although somewhat lower for the more difficult lineup.
We investigated source misattributions in the DRM false memory paradigm (Deese, 1959, Roediger & ... more We investigated source misattributions in the DRM false memory paradigm (Deese, 1959, Roediger & McDermott, 1995). Subjects studied words in one of two voices, manipulated between-lists (pure-voice lists) or within-list (mixed-voice lists), and were subsequently given a recognition test with voice-attribution judgements. Experiments 1 and 2 used visual tests. With pure-voice lists (Experiment 1), subjects frequently attributed related lures to the corresponding study voice, despite having the option to not respond. Further, these erroneous attributions remained high with mixed-voice lists (Experiment 2). Thus, even when their related lists were not associated with a particular voice, subjects misattributed the lures to one of the voices. Attributions for studied items were fairly accurate in both cases. Experiments 3 and 4 used auditory tests. With pure-voice lists (Experiment 3), subjects frequently attributed related lures and studied items to the corresponding study voice, regardless of the test voice. In contrast, with mixed-voice lists (Experiment 4), subjects frequently attributed related lures and studied items to the corresponding test voice, regardless of the study voice. These findings indicate that source attributions can be sensitive to voice information provided either at study or at test, even though this information is irrelevant for related lures. In the present study, we investigated subjects' phenomenological experience during both true and false recognition in the DRM paradigm (Deese, 1959; Roediger & McDermott, 1995). In this paradigm, subjects encode lists of related words (e.g., hill, valley, climb), and interest lies in the high tendency to falsely recall and recognise a word (e.g., mountain) that was not studied but that is related to the studied words. Unlike other types of laboratoryinduced false memories, these false memories are subjectively compelling, as indexed by "remember/know" judgements and other methodologies (see Roediger, McDermott, & Robinson, 1998, and Lampinen, Neuschatz, & Payne, 1998, for early reviews). To investigate this illusory phenomenology, we examined subjects' source attributions to nonpresented but related lures (e.g., mountain) when the lists were presented using two voices. Previous research on recognition memory has demonstrated that listeners are good at remembering not only the specific words that are presented to them during study but also the physical attributes of the voice of presentation (Fisher & Cuervo, 1983; Palmeri, Goldinger & Pisoni, 1993). This outcome suggests that memory representations for spoken words
Society for Research on Educational Effectiveness, 2010
Limit 5 pages single spaced. Background/context: Description of prior research, its intellectual ... more Limit 5 pages single spaced. Background/context: Description of prior research, its intellectual context and its policy context.
People tend to overclaim historical influence for their own ingroup, in a phenomenon called ingro... more People tend to overclaim historical influence for their own ingroup, in a phenomenon called ingroup inflation. Although this overclaiming has been empirically demonstrated in the USA and other nations, the cognitive mechanisms underlying it have been largely conjectural. We test one such proposed mechanism: the application of the availability heuristic to a biased collective memory. Collective memories in the psychological sense are shared memories held individually by members of a group that pertain to their group identity. Using measures of retrieval fluency, we show that asymmetrical accessibility for collective memories favoring ingroupversus outgrouprelevant historical events is correlated with overclaiming, and that reducing this asymmetry through targeted retrieval of outgroup-relevant events reduces overclaiming (Experiments 1 and 2). We also suggest that ingroup inflation arises because of retrieval fluency per se, rather than more stable asymmetries in knowledge or eventspecific judgments of importance (Experiment 3). Together, these studies suggest some cognitive bases of collective overclaiming and cognitive interventions that might attenuate these biased judgments.
In 1957 Irvin Rock published an article in the American Journal of Psychology igniting a controve... more In 1957 Irvin Rock published an article in the American Journal of Psychology igniting a controversy that dominated the field of verbal learning for the next 8 years before mostly burning out. Rock published 2 paired-associate learning experiments in which he compared performance of a control group that learned a constant list of pairs to the criterion of one perfect trial with an experimental group in which forgotten pairs on each trial were dropped and replaced on the next trial with new pairs. That is, on each trial for experimental subjects, pairs that were correctly recalled were maintained in the next trial, whereas pairs that were not recalled were dropped and replaced randomly with new pairs from a large pool. Surprisingly, Rock found that the 2 groups took the same number of trials to reach criterion. He concluded that learning occurred not with a gradual, incremental increase in strength of memory traces but rather in an all-or-none fashion. Rock's conclusions rocked the world of verbal learning, because all theories followed a gradualist assumption. However, Estes (1960) published research that led him to the same conclusion shortly thereafter. We recount these developments and discuss how the verbal learning establishment rose up to smite down these new ideas, with particular ferocity directed at Rock. Echoing G. A. Miller (1963), we conclude with a note of sympathy for Rock's and Estes's positions and muse about why their work was so summarily dismissed. The important question they raised-the nature of how associations are learned-remains unanswered. In 1957, Ghana obtained its independence, the Soviet Union launched Sputnik 2, the Wham-0 Company produced the first Frisbee, and the Ford Motor Company produced the Edsel (on what the company proclaimed was E-Day a takeoff on D-Day 13 years earlier). The Edsel was going to make a splash, the Ford marketing people thought, and it did-just not the kind desired. Meanwhile, in the world of experimental psychology, the American Journal of Psychology launched a rocket of its own, an article by Irvin Rock titled "The Role of Repetition in Associative Learning" in that same year. Rock declared independence from old ways of thinking about learning as a function of repetition, and his article received a warm reaction. Depending on one's point of view, it soared like Sputnik, fluttered like a Frisbee, or flopped like the Edsel (a car whose production became synonymous with failure for the next 30
The act of retrieving information modifies memory in critical ways. In particular, testing-effect... more The act of retrieving information modifies memory in critical ways. In particular, testing-effect studies have demonstrated that retrieval practice (compared to restudy or to no testing) benefits long-term retention and protects from retroactive interference. Although such testing effects have previously been demonstrated in both between-and within-subjects manipulations of retrieval practice, it is less clear whether one or the other testing format is most beneficial on a final test. In two paired-associate learning experiments conducted under typical testing-effect conditions, we manipulated restudy and test trials using either blocked or mixed practice conditions while equating other factors. Retrieval-practice and restudy trials were presented either separately in different blocks (blocked practice) or randomly intermixed (mixed practice). In Experiment 1, recall was assessed after short and long delay intervals; in Experiment 2, the final memory test occurred after a short delay, but with or without an interfering activity before the final test. In both experiments, typical testing effects emerged, and critically, they were found to be unaffected by practice format. These results support the conclusion that testing effects are robust and emerge to equal extents in both blocked and mixed designs. The generality of testing effects further encourages the application of retrieval practice as a memory enhancer in a variety of contexts, including education.
Experiments 2 and 3 were conducted at the University of Toronto. where the first author was a Vis... more Experiments 2 and 3 were conducted at the University of Toronto. where the first author was a Visiting Associate Professor and the second author was an undergraduate student. We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of M. Ellen McIntosh in conducting Experiment 1. Requests for reprints may be sent to
In 1985 Tulving introduced the remember-know procedure, whereby subjects are asked to distinguish... more In 1985 Tulving introduced the remember-know procedure, whereby subjects are asked to distinguish between memories that involve retrieval of contextual details (remembering) and memories that do not (knowing). Several studies have been reported showing age-related declines in remember hits, which has typically been interpreted as supporting dual-process theories of cognitive aging that align remembering with a recollection process and knowing with a familiarity process. Less attention has been paid to remember false alarms, or their relation to age. We reviewed the literature examining aging and remember/know judgments and show that age-related increases in remember false alarms, i.e., false remembering, are as reliable as age-related decreases in remember hits, i.e., veridical remembering. Moreover, a meta-analysis showed that the age effect size for remember hits and false alarms are similar, and larger than age effects on know hits and false alarms. We also show that the neuropsychological correlates of remember hits and false alarms differ. Neuropsychological tests of medial-temporal lobe functioning were related to remember hits, but tests of frontal-lobe functioning and age were not. By contrast, age and frontal-lobe functioning predicted unique variance in remember false alarms, but MTL functioning did not. We discuss various explanations for these findings and conclude that any comprehensive explanation of recollective experience will need to account for the processes underlying both remember hits and false alarms.
Testing is ubiquitous in education. Tests are used to hold schools accountable for their students... more Testing is ubiquitous in education. Tests are used to hold schools accountable for their students' progress and to monitor the advancement (or lack thereof) of individual students. Recent policy shifts such as No Child Left Behind have added to a zeitgeist of testing, albeit one that is controversial. In policy and in educational research, tests are viewed as tools for measuring students' mastery of skills and knowledge. Research questions and practical concerns revolve around the fairness of the tests and whether the tests are measuring the qualities they are supposed to assess. Although issues of test content, scoring, and bias are important, the emphasis on testing as assessment can lead to the presumption that tests measure a student's knowledge without affecting that knowledge. In fact, however, research conducted in both experimental and educational settings demonstrates that tests not only measure what is learned, but also alter the nature and accessibility of students' knowledge (e.g., Roediger & Karpicke, 2006b; Sternberg & Grigorenko, 2001). Our focus in the present review is on multiple-choice tests, the most common format of objective tests. Multiplechoice tests are popular with educators because of the ease and perceived objectivity of grading them. The question here is how taking a multiple-choice test may change students' knowledge.
APPENDIX A Materials for Experiments 1 and 2 96 Critical Items Object items: sharpen the pencil, ... more APPENDIX A Materials for Experiments 1 and 2 96 Critical Items Object items: sharpen the pencil, stretch the rubber band, flip the coin, put the match in the box, fold the piece of paper, unzip the zipper, bounce the ball, draw a circle on the paper, color the star, put on the ring, break the toothpick, play the drums with the pencils, open the book, shake the bottle, put the card in the envelope, put on the hat, crumple the plastic, turn the paper 90 degrees, stack the checkers, tie a knot in the string, sign your name on the paper, lift the stamp with the tweezers, pick up the chalk, put the top on the jar, flatten the clay, smell the flower, remove a tissue, stir the water in the cup, roll the pen on the table, slap the jack, look in the mirror, make the twist tie into a "Y," ring the bell, read the time on the watch, put the marble in the cup, light the lighter, roll the dice, look through the magnifying glass, measure your middle finger with the ruler, push the toy car, put your hand in the bag, cut the cloth with the scissors, cut the cards, take the lid off the box, knock on the table, fasten the safety pin, lift the stapler, stick the pins in the cushion. Nonobject items: cross your fingers, flex your arm, roll your eyes, point to your ankle, yawn, fake a sneeze, cross and uncross your legs, repeat 5914, rest your head in your hands, snap your fingers, shrug your shoulders, state your name, scratch your nose, clear your throat, turn around in a circle, add 2 + 3, blink three times, cough twice, cup your hand over your ear, stand up and then sit down, rub your eyes, nod in agreement, look up toward the ceiling, bite your lip, tug your earlobe, salute, tap your wrist, point to your mouth, stretch your legs, count to twenty, fold your arms, count the fingers on one hand, take a very deep breath, slap your thigh, wave goodbye , touch your knees, clasp your hands together, smooth your hair in the back, touch your ear to your shoulder, raise your arms, make a tight fist, clap your IMAGINATION INFLATION 33 hands, spell COLD, make binoculars with your hands, touch your elbow with your thumb, draw a stick man in the air, shake your head back and forth, lift your left foot. 40 Filler Items close the purse, file your nails, open the knife, point to the picture, knock the walnuts together, polish the silver cup, press the button, put on the thimble, read the flash card, name the objects in the picture, button the shirt button, pat the toy dog, spin the top, open the can, shake the rattle, fold the napkin, smell the candle, tear the paper, pick up the paper clips, laugh, play the piano on the desk, tilt back in the chair, name the street you live on, name four colors, blow a kiss, blow in the air, stick out your tongue, make a sad face, lean over forward, point your toes in front, look under the table, rub your stomach, furrow your eyebrows, crack your knuckles, pinch your forearm, lick your lips, stretch up toward the ceiling, touch your cheek, touch your toes, smile.
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