Gregory Squires

IntroductionTesting has long been a powertul instrument tor documenting housing discrimination. It is a valuable research method ior understanding housing market practices and the varied experiences oi particular groups oi homeseekers. In the iair housing eniorcement context, testing has proved to be the single most eiiective investigative tool ior collecting evidence oi illegal housing discrimination.Testing laces limitations in both research and eniorcement. It conversely has the potential to be more widely used in segments oi the housing market where it has not been employed and in ways that are not always considered by researchers and eniorcement practitioners. This article otters some lessons trom previous testing that apply to conventional rental and sales testing and also to the new (rentiers where testing might be applied more widely and ettectively.In the research context, paired testing has been used extensively to study race and national origin discrimination in the nation's housing markets (Turner et al., 2012). Testing has been used to study other iorms oi housing discrimination; ior example, disability and sexual orientation (Friedman et al., 2013). Paired testing has also been used to identity discriminatory practices in other markets; ior example, mortgage lending, homeowners insurance, employment, restaurants, hotels, and taxicab services (Fix and Struyk, 1992; Pager, 2007; Smith and Cloud, 1997; Turner et al., 2013).Since the passage oi the iederal Fair Housing Act 47 years ago, paired testing has been used to gather evidence oi illegal housing discrimination. More than lour decades oi legal challenges to discriminatory housing practices based on testing evidence have led to many changes in housing-provider policies and practices. One outcome oi these changes, ior certain, has been greater compliance.Mounting evidence, however, irom recent testing investigations and lair housing litigation indicates that some housing providers, those intent on violating lair housing laws, have become adept at disguising or altering their practices in a way that ellectively reduces their chances oi being detected by researchers, government eniorcement agencies, and, most importantly, ordinary consumers. New and more subtle iorms oi discrimination have been identified, leading Douglas Massey (2005) to conclude that racial discrimination in housing has become a "moving target."In view oi these changes, along with changes in the housing market in general and particularly in the way housing and housing-related services are provided, this article explores how testing might be more ellectively used in both research and eniorcement contexts to identity housing discrimination. We oiler some guidance about preliminary steps that might be taken to develop credible testing approaches to investigate or study housing market practices in segments oi the housing market that have received less attention since the passage oi lair housing laws and to more ellectively use testing in rental and sales markets, where this tool has long been employed. Finally, we point to some recommendations ior structural changes and new directions ior both research and eniorcement organizations that suggest how testing might be used to simultaneously advance our knowledge about discriminatory housing practices while seeking to eradicate these practices irom our nation's housing markets. Perhaps the most important lesson is the need to better understand the context in which housing is provided and discrimination occurs when developing testing programs ior either research or eniorcement.1Contemporary Housing Discrimination: Lessons From New York CityThe Fair Flousing Justice Center (FFTJC) is a regional civil rights organization that conducts testing throughout New York City and seven surrounding New York counties. Since 2010, systemic testing investigations conducted by FHJC have resulted in the filing of numerous tair housing lawsuits. …

because the inner-city buildings were cheap compared to other European cities, making investment in real estate attractive and safe, for Germans as well as for other Europeans. “Many of this investorowned apartments were used for STRs” (p. 114). As investments increased, the rents rose too, “from 2008 to 2018, rising 104%” (p. 114). And because wages did not keep up with rent increases (44% of residents paid more than 30% of their income in rent), the net effect was (and is) Berlin’s current housing crisis. With the growth of tourism in the city, and the housing crisis, Airbnb became a hotspot for discussion, debate, and protest. Residents and activists have rallied against the touristification of their neighborhoods, along with the rising rents and displacement. These negative impacts and the increased concentration and commercialization of the short-term rental sector led to the establishment of the STR Senate’s regulation (the ZwVbG law, i.e., misappropriation law). It was revised in 2018 to ensure that the housing stock in Berlin is used for permanent living only. Because of the increased protests against Airbnb in 2019, Berlin authorities have bought back buildings owned by private companies and passed a new and controversial law Mietendeckel (rental price cap) effective as of January 1, 2020. It freezes rents for 5 years, but newly constructed flats (since 2014) are excluded from this regulation. The social housing stock with its rent-controlled flats is not affected either. Thus, because Germany is a society of renters, Airbnbs have been viewed as extremely threatening, and as a result, strong laws have been passed to protect the most vulnerable residents. Written in a clear and direct style, this book is suitable for students and scholars in geography, sociology, urban studies, urban planning, housing, and tourism studies. This book has helped me to reflect on the impact of Airbnb on the Porto housing market, a city significantly impacted by Airbnb and STRs. At the time this review is being written, the future of Airbnbs is uncertain, as the Covid-19 pandemic has substantially reduced tourism and has led to the closure of many STRs. However, whatever their future, Airbnb and STRs have become an important part of the housing market and a source of income and business for many.

... Page 17. Preface xv tributed to our work include Brenda Hicks-Sorensen, David Somerscales, and Leah Sweetman. ... Thomas Longoria, a political scientist at the University of Texas-El Paso, assisted us in parts of the statistical analysis. ...

Despite local folklore, Chicago is not always a city that works. No longer the "Hog Butcher for the World," the Windy City has, in recent decades, pursued economic growth at all costs - to the detriment of many of its citizens. This book describes the social, economic, and political costs of the growth ideology and examines the populist response that promises an alternative Chicago. Tracing the city's uneven economic development since World War II, the authors demonstrate how unchecked growth in favor of private enterprise has resulted in severe poverty, unemployment, crime, reduced tax revenues and property values, a decline in municipal services, and racial, ethnic, and class divisiveness. And yet proponents of Daley-style machine politics and the notion of the city as a growth machine still assert that the future of the city depends exclusively on its ability to grow. The victory of Harold Washington is the most visible symbol of the movement toward an alternative Chicago. Naming different priorities and using more participatory tactics, this challenge to the politics of growth promotes development that is responsive to social need, not just market signals. Author note: Gregory D. Squires is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee. Larry Bennett is Associate Professor and Chair of the Political Science Department at DePaul University. Kathleen McCourt is Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Loyola University of Chicago. Philip Nyden is Associate Professor of Sociology at Loyola University of Chicago.

... Helena Flam, Nicos Trimikliniotis, Carlo Ruzza, Brigitte Beauzamy, and Paul R. Jones con-tributed many important comments to specific theoretical and method-ological approaches and to the concrete analyses. Last but not least, we are grateful to Steven Fligelstone for his ...

about, but for book-lovers. It has the potential to serve as a sort of manifesto. Readers can find themselves in Griswold’s words, find a name for themselves as a class, find a sense of purpose and a code of ethics – better a cowbird than a cosmopolitan – or at least, find a good read. The accessibility of Griswold’s writing sometimes comes at the expense of her evidence. Her discussion of her Survey2000 regression results are a bit cursory, and her case studies especially would benefit from less summary and more tables. I am willing to believe that anthologies, journals, bookstores, libraries and university courses are good indicators of literary regionalism, but I wanted to see the numbers Griswold used to make her comparisons. A second fault is that many of the arguments and examples in Griswold’s book will be familiar to followers of her recent scholarly research. Her argument linking the behavior of the reading class to the fate of literary regionalism is a unique contribution, however, and benefits from being placed directly in the context of her previous research.

... Legislation That Works: Legal Remedies for Predatory Lending 153 John P. Relman, Fred Rivera, Meera Trehan, and Shilpa S. Satoskar Page 14. vi Contents 8. Predatory Lending Goes Global: Consumer Protection in a Deregulation Network Economy 185 Matthew Lee 9 ...

... Gregory Squires and Charis Kubrin tackle these issues head-on, exploring how inequities resulting from the intersection of race and place, coupled with the effects of public policy, permeate and shape structures of opportunity in the United States. ABOUT THE AUTHOR. ...

Racially unequal home mortgage loan patterns are alive and well today with many financial institutions. Efforts to change these trends are difficult when few question the ‘reinvestment thesis’—an environment in which financial institutions are assumed to meet community needs, even when data suggest the opposite. In this article, we analyze thirteen years of financial institution lending data from 2007 to 2019 in Pittsburgh that show how the city’s African American neighborhoods are starved for private capital as vastly more loans and loan dollars were approved in white neighborhoods. Conversely, an analysis of public expenditures for affordable housing between 2010 and 2020 demonstrate the majority of government dollars went to minority neighborhoods. These data provide a partial explanation as to why Pittsburgh lost > 10,000 Black residents over the past decade. These wide disparities are a significant barrier to building African American wealth and present challenges to community development efforts.

ABSTRACT The calls for greater racial equity also means cleaning up the air, water, and soil. Poor people needlessly suffer more in Louisville than the same low-income people in West Coast cites. If we adopted the same tough, environmental regulations as our West Coast Counterparts West Louisville would surely bloom instead of slowly die. The unfairness between black and white neighbourhoods is stark and vivid. As the great urbanist, Jane Jacobs, once said: “everyone hungers for a first class neighbourhood for both pride and dignity … nobody wants a second class neighborhood.” First class neighbourhoods are safe, healthy, sustainable, and prosperous. It is a human right; a Worldwide right.

organization and industrial change can also explain the divergence between the Netherlands and Germany. In particular, the Netherlands, along with Denmark, stand out in terms of the share of manufacturing in total export value. In fact, both countries are clear outliers, with the Netherlands under 60 percent and Denmark at around 65 percent, the lowest two among all countries for which she supplies data. All other countries have a manufacturing share of between 70 and 90 percent of total export value, even including the United States (Figure 6.1, p. 197). Therefore, what seems to set Germany and Sweden more clearly apart from Denmark and the Netherlands is a larger manufacturing core of employers and unions and lines of fragmentation within the union movement that prevent egalitarian liberalization because of the risks it would pose for these protected actors. Questions about the role of state capacity are also underscored by what we know more generally about labor law in Denmark and Sweden. Thelen is correct to assert that the Danish government has had a much more active role in brokering agreements between unions and employers. However, in a broader context, what is striking about Denmark and Sweden is not only how similar their regimes of labor law are, but that both adhere to a highly voluntarist industrial relations philosophy. In this view, state interventions in Denmark can be seen as more exceptional, even ad hoc, than is the impression given by Thelen’s account. The broader labor law context is not discussed in much depth in Thelen’s book, but this is more likely because labor law remains such an understudied area in the comparative political economy literature. This is certainly a topic of study that future research should address. In the end, however, these are minor disagreements. Thelen succeeds in her task of reframing the debate and providing new insight about institutional change in contemporary capitalism. By bolstering the case that equality can be compatible with forms of liberalization and that solidarity may decline even in the face of continuing coordination, she challenges VofC scholars and their critics alike to confront some discomforting realities about advanced capitalism in the twentyfirst century. Dualization is already a wellstudied phenomenon, but Thelen places it in a context, alongside Danish and Dutch flexicurity, that will make the subject a central one that all scholars of comparative capitalism must address.

We argue that by conducting systematic research with communities rather than on communities, community-based research (CBR) methods can both advance the study of human interaction and strengthen public understanding and appreciation of social sciences. CBR, among other methods, can also address social scientists’ ethical and social commitments. We recap the history of calls by leading sociologists for rigorous, empirical, community-engaged research. We introduce CBR methods as empirically grounded methods for conducting social research with social actors. We define terms and describe the range of methods that we include in the umbrella term, “community-based research.” After providing exemplars of community-based research, we review CBR’s advantages and challenges. We, next, summarize an intervention that we undertook as members of the Publication Committee of the URBAN Research Network’s Sociology section in which the committee developed and disseminated guidelines for peer review of community-based research. We also share initial responses from journal editors. In the conclusion, we revisit the potential of community-based research and note the consequences of neglecting community-based research traditions.

The water- and wind-driven devastation that wracked New Orleans and the entire Gulf Coast region during and after the 2005 hurricane season is virtually without parallel in recent U.S. history. A staggering two million people were displaced (Hsu 2006). In the wake of Katrina and Rita came a series of striking events, most of which were also without parallel. Illustrations include: